Translated from Jules Quicherat (ed.), Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc, dite La Pucelle, tomes II–III (Paris: Jules Renouard, Société de l’Histoire de France, 1844–1845). Quicherat’s footnotes are retained; their numbering restarts within each section, as in the printed edition, where they restart on each page.

Preliminaries of the Rehabilitation Not Inserted into the Trial #

I. Preliminary Inquiry into the Iniquity of the Former Proceedings #

Here follows the tenor of the letters of commission of Master Guillaume Bouillé (1).

Charles, by the grace of God King of France, to our beloved and trusty counsellor, Master Guillaume Bouillé, doctor of theology, greeting and love. Whereas some time ago Joan the Maid was taken and apprehended by our ancient enemies and adversaries, the English, and brought to the city of Rouen, against whom they caused such trial as it was to be made by certain persons commissioned and deputed by them for that purpose; in the making of which trial they committed and perpetrated several faults and abuses, to such a degree that, by means of the said trial and of the great hatred which our said enemies bore towards her, they caused her to die iniquitously and against reason, most cruelly; and because we wish to know the truth of the said trial and the manner in which it was conducted and proceeded with: we command and enjoin you, and expressly charge you, to inquire and inform yourself well and diligently of and upon what is aforesaid, and the information made by you upon this you shall bring or send safely, closed and sealed, to us and to the people of our Great Council; and likewise, all those whom you shall learn to have any writings, proceedings, or other things touching the matter, you shall constrain by all due means which you shall see fit to employ, to deliver them to you so that they may be brought or sent to us, in order to provide thereupon as we shall see fit and as shall pertain by reason; for of so doing we give you power, commission and special mandate by these presents. And we command and charge all our officers, justiciars and subjects, that to you and to your commissioners and deputies in so doing they diligently obey and hearken. Given at Rouen, the fifteenth day of February, in the year of grace one thousand four hundred and forty-nine (2), and the twenty-eighth of our reign. Signed thus: By the King, on the report of the Great Council, Daniel (3).

(1) Guillaume Bouillé was first provisor of the Collège de Beauvais at Paris, procurator of the French nation (1434 and 1437), then rector of the University (1439). Having then devoted himself to theology, he distinguished himself in that faculty and obtained its deanship. Dean of the cathedral of Noyon, dean of Saint-Florent de Roye, and chaplain of Saint-Cuthbert aux Mathurins in Paris, he was made a member of the Grand Council by Charles VII, who charged him in that capacity with an embassy to Rome. The first memoir written against the validity of Pierre Cauchon’s judgement is his. An extract of that work will be found in chapter VIII of the proceedings, and it will be seen from the preamble that it must have been composed before the delivery of the powers set out in the present commission. Guillaume Bouillé will appear more than once as a witness in the rehabilitation trial, which he followed with as much assiduity as his numerous occupations permitted, and the discord between the University and the Mendicants, during which he had to plead several times before the parliament of Paris. In 1466 he resigned his benefices. In 1473 he is found mentioned in the ordinance of Louis XI against the Nominalists. Finally, he died in 1476, having directed his executors to bury him at Noyon without pomp and without monument. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., vol. V, p. 441, cols. 875, 921. — Gallia Christiana, vol. IX, col. 1035. — Ordonnances des rois de France, vol. XVII, p. 609.)

(2) Old style; 15 February 1450.

(3) Edmond Richer adds to the copy he gives of this instrument: With paraph and sealed with yellow wax on a single tail; and upon the said seal, covered with parchment, is written: Mandatum regis ad Guillelmum Bouillé, decanum Noviomensem super informacione facienda de processu alias facto contra Johannam dictam la Pucelle. (Fontanieu manuscript, shelf-mark P. 785, book III, fol. 2, in the Bibliothèque du Roi.)

Brother Jean Toutmouillé #

The venerable and religious person Brother Jean Toutmouillé, of the Order of Friars Preachers at the convent of the Jacobins of Rouen, doctor of theology, aged forty-two years, sworn and examined on the fifth day of March;

And firstly, concerning the affection of the judges and of those who conducted and managed the trial of the said Joan, he deposes that, inasmuch as he did not attend or appear at the trial, he can say nothing of his own sight; but he relates that the common report made known that, out of a perverse appetite for vengeance, they had persecuted her, and had given sign and appearance of it. For before her death, the English proposed to lay siege to Louviers, but soon changed their purpose, saying that they would in no wise besiege the said town until the said Maid had been examined: of which what follows makes evident proof; for immediately after her burning, they went to plant the siege before Louviers, deeming that during her life they would never have glory or prosperity in the business of war.

Item, the said Toutmouillé says and deposes that, on the day when the said Joan was relinquished to the secular judgement and delivered to burning, he found himself in the morning in the prison with Brother Martin Ladvenu, whom the Bishop of Beauvais had sent to her to announce her approaching death, and to induce her to true contrition and penitence, and also to hear her in confession; which the said Ladvenu did most carefully and charitably. And when he announced to the poor woman the death of which she was to die that day, as her judges had thus ordained and determined, and she heard of the hard and cruel death that was near to her, she began to cry out sorrowfully and pitifully, tearing herself and pulling out her hair: Alas! am I to be treated thus horribly and cruelly, that my body, clean and whole, which was never corrupted, must today be consumed and rendered into ashes! Ah! ah! I would rather be beheaded seven times than be thus burned. Alas! if I had been in the ecclesiastical prison to which I had submitted myself, and if I had been guarded by the people of the Church, and not by my enemies and adversaries, it would not have befallen me so miserably as it has. Oh! I appeal before God, the great judge, of the great wrongs and grievances that are done to me. And she complained marvellously in that place, as the deponent says, of the oppressions and violences that had been done to her in the prison by the jailers and by the others who had been made to enter upon her.

After her complaints, the aforenamed bishop arrived, to whom she said at once: Bishop, I die by you. And he began to remonstrate with her, saying: Ah! Joan, take it in patience. You die because you have not kept what you promised us, and because you have returned to your first evil-doing. And the poor Maid answered him: Alas! if you had put me in the prisons of the Church’s court, and delivered me into the hands of competent and suitable ecclesiastical warders, this would not have happened: wherefore I appeal from you before God.

This done, the said deponent went out and heard nothing more of it.

Brother Isambert de la Pierre #

The venerable and religious person Brother Isambert de la Pierre, of the Order of Saint Augustine of the convent of Rouen, priest, sworn and examined as witness on the fifth day of March, in the year of grace one thousand four hundred and forty-nine, says and deposes that once, he and several others being present, the said Joan was admonished and urged to submit herself to the Church. Whereupon she answered that she would willingly submit to the Holy Father, asking to be taken to him, and that she would in no wise submit to the judgement of her enemies. And at that hour, Brother Isambert counselled her to submit herself to the [general] council of Basel, and the said Joan asked him what a general council was. He who speaks answered that it was a congregation of the whole universal Church and of Christendom, and that in that council there were as many of her party as of the party of the English. Having heard and understood this, she began to cry: Oh! since in that place there are some of our party, I am well willing to yield and submit myself to the council of Basel. And straightway, in great despite and indignation, the Bishop of Beauvais began to cry: Hold your peace, in the devil’s name! and told the notary to take good care not to write down the submission she had made to the general council of Basel. On account of these things and several others, the English and their officers horribly threatened the said Brother Isambert, so much so that if he did not keep silent they would throw him into the Seine.

Item, he says and deposes that, after she had renounced and abjured and had resumed man’s dress, he and several others were present when the said Joan excused herself for having again put on man’s dress, saying and publicly affirming that the English had done or caused to be done to her in the prison much wrong and violence while she was clothed in women’s garments; and in fact he saw her weeping, her face full of tears, disfigured and outraged in such sort that he who speaks had pity and compassion on her.

Item, he says and relates that before all the assembly, when she was reputed an obstinate and relapsed heretic, she answered publicly: If you, my lords of the Church, had taken me and kept me in your prisons, perchance it would not have gone thus with me.

Item, he says and deposes that, after the issue and end of that session and instance, the said lord Bishop of Beauvais said to the English who were waiting outside: Farewell (1), make good cheer, it is done.

Item, this witness deposes that the poor Joan was asked and set interrogatories too difficult, subtle and crafty, such that the great clerks and well-lettered men who were there present would with great difficulty have known how to give answer; wherefore several of the assembly murmured at it.

Item, this witness deposes that he himself in person went to the Bishop of Avranches (2), a very aged and good clerk, who, like the others, had been asked and prayed to give his opinion on this case. For this purpose, the said bishop questioned the witness sent to him as to what my lord Saint Thomas said and determined touching the submission that should be made to the Church. And he who speaks gave in writing to the said bishop the determination of Saint Thomas, which says: In doubtful things which touch the faith, one should always have recourse to the Pope, or to the general council. The good bishop was of this opinion, and seemed altogether ill content with the deliberation that had been made here in this matter. This determination was not put in writing; which was left out through malice.

Item, he who speaks deposes that, after her confession and reception of the sacrament of the altar, sentence was given against her, and she was declared a heretic and excommunicated.

Item, he says and deposes that he saw well and clearly perceived, because he was always present and assisting at the whole conduct and conclusion of the trial, that the secular judge did not condemn her to death, nor to consumption by fire; and although the said lay and secular judge appeared and was present at the very place where she was last preached to and relinquished to secular justice, nevertheless, without judgement or conclusion of the said judge, she was delivered into the hands of the executioner and burned, saying to the executioner only, without other sentence: Do your duty.

Item, he who speaks deposes that the said Joan showed at the end so great contrition and so beautiful a repentance that it was a thing to be wondered at, uttering words so devout, pitiful and Catholic that all who beheld her, a great multitude, wept with hot tears, so much so that the Cardinal of England and several other English were constrained to weep and to have compassion on her.

He says moreover that the pitiful woman asked, requested and humbly begged him, as he was near her at her end, that he should go into the neighbouring church and bring him the cross, to hold it raised upright before her eyes until the passage of death, so that the cross on which God hung might be continually before her sight in her life. He says moreover that, being in the flames, she never ceased until the end to proclaim and confess in a loud voice the holy name of Jesus, imploring and invoking without cease the aid of the Saints of paradise; and what is more, in yielding up her spirit and bowing her head, she uttered the name of Jesus, as a sign that she was fervent in the faith of God, even as we read of Saint Ignatius and several other martyrs.

Item, he says and deposes that, immediately after the execution, the executioner came to him and to his companion, Brother Martin Ladvenu, stricken and moved with a marvellous repentance and terrible contrition, like one all in despair, fearing that he could never obtain pardon and indulgence from God for what he had done to that holy woman. And the said executioner said and affirmed that, notwithstanding the oil, the sulphur and the coal that he had applied to the entrails and the heart of the said Joan, nevertheless he had not been able in any wise to consume or render into ashes the entrails or the heart; at which he was as astonished as at a most evident miracle.

Brother Martin Ladvenu #

The venerable and religious person Brother Martin Ladvenu, of the Order of Friars Preachers, at the convent of Saint-Jacques of Rouen, especial confessor and conductor of the said Joan in her last days, sworn and questioned in the year and on the day aforesaid upon certain articles;

And firstly, touching the disordered affection of those who conducted and managed the trial and the cause, he deposes that several appeared at the judgement more for love of the English and of the favour they bore towards them than for good zeal of justice and of the Catholic faith. Chiefly he who speaks tells of the disposition and excessive affection of my lord Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, alleging against him two signs of malice: the first, when the said bishop bore himself as judge, he commanded the said Joan to be guarded in secular prisons, and in the hands of her mortal enemies; and although he might well have caused her to be detained and guarded in the ecclesiastical prisons, nevertheless he permitted, from the beginning of the trial until its consummation, that she should be tormented and treated most cruelly in the secular prisons. This witness says further that in the first session or instance, the aforesaid bishop requested and asked the counsel of the whole assembly, namely which was the more fitting, to keep and detain her in the secular prisons or in the prisons of the Church; whereupon it was deliberated that it was more decent to keep her in the ecclesiastical prisons than in the others; but, answered this bishop, he would not do it, for fear of displeasing the English. The second sign that he alleges is that on the day when the said bishop, with many others, declared her a heretic, relapsed and returned to her misdeed because she had resumed man’s dress within the prison, the said bishop, coming forth from the prison, espied the Earl of Warwick (1) and a great multitude of English about him, to whom, laughing, he said in a loud intelligible voice: Farewell, farewell, it is done with her, make good cheer, or words to like effect.

(1) Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick and governor of the young king Henry VI. This man, of a hard soul and an inflexible policy, seems to have been the principal agent in the death of Joan of Arc. It will be seen from the depositions recorded in the trial that he contributed his own money towards the costs of the judgement.

Item, he says and relates that, on conscience, they proposed to her and asked her questions too difficult, to catch her in her words and in her judgement; for she was a poor woman simple enough, who with great pain knew her Pater noster and Ave Maria.

Item, he deposes that the simple Maid revealed to him that, after her abjuration and renunciation, she had been violently tormented in the prison, molested, beaten and despoiled; and that an English milord had forced her; and she said publicly that this was the cause why she had resumed man’s dress; and near the end she said to the Bishop of Beauvais: Alas! I die by you, for if you had given me to be kept in the prisons of the Church, I should not be here.

Item, he says and deposes that when she was last preached to at the Old Market and abandoned to secular justice, although the secular judges were seated upon a scaffold, nevertheless she was in no wise condemned by any of those judges, but without condemnation was compelled by two serjeants to come down from the scaffold, and was led by the said serjeants to the place where she was to be burned, and by them delivered into the hands of the executioner. And in sign of this, a little time afterwards, one called Georges Folenfant was apprehended by reason of the faith and on a charge of heresy, who was likewise relinquished to secular justice. For this cause, the judges of the law, that is to say my lord Louis of Luxembourg, Archbishop of Rouen, and Brother Guillaume Duval, vicar of the Inquisitor of the faith, sent the said Brother Martin to the bailiff of Rouen, to warn him that the said Georges should not be dealt with as the Maid had been, who, without final sentence and definitive judgement, was consumed by the fire.

Item, he says and deposes that the executioner, after the burning, at about four hours after nones, said that he had never so much feared to make the execution of any criminal as he had the burning of the Maid, for several causes: firstly, because of the great fame and renown of her; secondly, because of the cruel manner of binding and fastening her; for the English had caused a high scaffold of plaster to be made, and, as the said executor related, he could not well or easily despatch her nor reach her; at which he was sorely grieved, and had great compassion for the fashion and cruel manner in which she was put to death.

Item, he deposes concerning her great and admirable contrition, repentance and continual confession, ever calling upon the name of Jesus and devoutly invoking the aid of the Saints of paradise, as Brother Isambert, who ever accompanied her to her passing and directed her in the way of salvation, has deposed above.

Brother Guillaume Duval #

The reverend father in God and religious person Brother Guillaume Duval, of the order and convent of the Friars Preachers of Saint-Jacques of Rouen, venerable doctor of theology, aged forty-five years or thereabouts, sworn and examined in the year and on the day aforesaid,

Deposes that, while the trial of the said Joan was actually proceeding, he was present at one session with Isambert de la Pierre; and when they found no proper place to sit in the consistory, they went to sit in the middle of the table, near the Maid; and when she was interrogated and examined, the said Brother Isambert prompted her as to what she should say, by nudging her or making some other sign. That session being ended, he who speaks and Brother Isambert, together with Master Jean de la Fontaine, were deputed as judges to visit and counsel her that same day after dinner; who came together into the castle of Rouen to visit and admonish her; and there they found the Earl of Warwick, who in great despite and indignation assailed the said Brother Isambert with biting injuries and contumelious reproaches, saying to him: Why didst thou prompt that wretch this morning, making so many signs to her? By God’s death, villain, if I perceive that thou takest pains again to deliver her and prompt her for her advantage, I will have thee thrown into the Seine. Wherefore the two companions of the said Isambert fled for fear to their convent.

All these things he who speaks saw and heard, and nothing more, for he was not present at the trial.

Master Guillaume Manchon #

The venerable and discreet person Master Guillaume Manchon, priest, aged fifty years or thereabouts, canon of the collegiate church of Notre-Dame of Les Andelys, curate of the parish church of Saint-Nicolas-le-Peinteur of Rouen, notary in the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, sworn and examined in the year of grace one thousand four hundred and forty-nine, on the fourth day of March, says and deposes that he was notary in the trial of the said Joan, from the beginning to the end, and with him Master Guillaume Colles, called Boisguillaume.

Item, he says that in his judgement, both on the part of those who had the charge of conducting and managing the trial, that is to say my lord of Beauvais and the masters who were sent for to Paris for that cause, and also of the English at whose instance the trial was made, they proceeded more from hatred and contempt for the quarrel of the King of France than as though she had not borne his party, for the reasons which follow:

And firstly, he says that one named Master Nicolas Loyseleur, who was a familiar of my lord of Beauvais and held the party of the English to the utmost (for formerly, when the King was before Chartres, he went to fetch the King of England to raise the siege), feigned that he was of the country of the said Maid, and by that means found a way to have access, speech and familiarity with her, telling her news of the country such as pleased her; and he asked to be her confessor; and what she told him in secret, he found means to bring to the hearing of the notaries.

And in fact, at the beginning of the trial, the said notary and the said Boisguillaume, with witnesses, were secretly placed in a neighbouring chamber where there was a hole through which one could listen, so that they might report what she said or confessed to the said Loyseleur. And it seems to him that what the said Maid said or related familiarly to the said Loyseleur, he reported to the said notaries; and of this a memorandum was made in order to frame interrogatories in the trial, so as to find means of catching her craftily.

Item, he says that when the trial was begun, Master Jean Lohier, a solemn Norman clerk, came to this city of Rouen, and what had been written of it was communicated to him by the said Bishop of Beauvais; which Lohier asked for a delay of two or three days to see it. To whom answer was made that at the afternoon sitting he should give his opinion, and to this he was constrained. And this Master Jean Lohier, when he had seen the trial, said that it was worth nothing for several causes. Firstly, because it had not the form of an ordinary trial. Item, it was conducted in a closed and shut place, where those assisting were not in full and pure liberty to speak their pure and full will. Item, that they treated in that matter the honour of the King of France, whose party she held, without calling him, or any who was on his behalf. Item, that neither libel nor articles had been delivered; and so the woman had no counsel, she who was a simple girl, to answer so many masters and doctors, and in great matters, especially those which touch her revelations, as she said. And for this it seemed to him that the trial was not valid. At which things my lord of Beauvais was greatly indignant against the said Lohier; and although the said my lord of Beauvais told him to remain to see the trial conducted, the said Lohier answered that he would not remain. And straightway this my lord of Beauvais, then lodged in the house where Master Jean Bidault now dwells, near Saint-Nicolas-le-Peinteur, came to the masters, that is to say Master Jean Beaupère, Master Jacques de Touraine, Nicolas Midy, Pierre Morice, Thomas de Courcelles and Loyseleur, to whom he said: Here is Lohier who would give us fine interlocutories in our trial! He would call everything in question, and says it is worth nothing. If he were to be believed, everything would have to be begun again, and all that we have done would be worth nothing; reciting the causes for which the said Lohier would have it called in question; the said my lord of Beauvais saying further: One sees well on which foot he limps. By Saint John! we shall do nothing of it, but shall continue our trial as it was begun. And it was then the Saturday afternoon sitting, in Lent; and the next morning, he who speaks talked with the said Lohier in the church of Notre-Dame of Rouen, and asked him what he thought of the said trial and of the said Joan; who answered him: You see the manner in which they proceed. They will take her if they can by her words, that is, in the assertions where she says I know for certain touching the apparitions; but if she said it seems to me, for those words I know for certain, it is my opinion that there is no man who could condemn her. It seems that they proceed more from hatred than otherwise; and for this cause I will keep myself here no longer, for I will be here no more. And in fact he remained ever afterwards in the court of Rome, and died there as Dean of the Rota (1).

Item, he says that at the beginning of the trial, for five or six sittings, because he who speaks set down in writing the answers and excuses of the said Maid, both together and at times the judges wished to constrain him, speaking in Latin, to put them in other terms, altering the meaning of her words, and in other manners than he who speaks understood them: two men were placed by order of my lord of Beauvais at a window near the place where the judges were; and there was a serge-cloth passing before the said window so that they should not be seen. Which two men wrote and reported what he did in the charge against the said Joan, suppressing her excuses, and it seemed to him that it was the said Loyseleur; and after the sitting, when collation was made in the afternoon of what they had written, the two others reported in another manner and set down no excuses; whereat the said my lord of Beauvais was greatly angered against him who speaks. And in the places where it is written in the trial (2) Nota, that was where there had been controversy, and new interrogatories had to be begun upon it; and it was found that what was written by him who speaks was true.

Item, he says that in writing the said trial, this deponent was several times rebuked by my lord of Beauvais and by the said masters, who wished to constrain him to write according to their fancy and against her meaning. And when there was something that did not please them, they forbade him to write it, saying that it did not serve the trial; but the said deponent never wrote save according to his understanding and conscience.

Item, he says that Master Jean de la Fontaine, from the beginning of the trial until the week after Easter 1431, was lieutenant of my lord of Beauvais in interrogating her in the absence of the said bishop, who nevertheless was always present with the said bishop in the conduct of the trial. And when it came to the point that the said Maid was strongly urged to submit herself to the Church by this de la Fontaine and by Brothers Isambert de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu, by whom she was warned that she ought to believe and hold that they were our holy father the Pope and those who preside in the Church militant, and that she ought to make no doubt of submitting herself to our holy father the Pope and to the holy council, for there were as many of her party as of the other, several notable clerks, and that if she did not so do she would put herself in great danger; and the next day, having been thus warned, she said that she would willingly submit to our holy father the Pope and to the sacred council. And when my lord of Beauvais heard these words, he asked who had been to speak with her the day before, and sent for the English guard of the said Maid, of whom he asked who had spoken with her; which guard answered that it had been the said de la Fontaine, his lieutenant, and the two friars; and for this, in the absence of the said de la Fontaine and the friars, the said bishop was most grievously angered against Master Jean Magistri, vicar of the Inquisitor, threatening them most grievously that he would do them harm. And when the said de la Fontaine had knowledge of this, and that he was threatened for this cause, he departed from this city of Rouen and returned thither no more; and as for the two friars, had it not been for the said Magistri, who excused them and pleaded for them, saying that if harm were done them he would never come to the trial again, they would have been in peril of death. And from thenceforth it was forbidden by my lord of Warwick that any should go in to the said Maid, save my lord of Beauvais or by his leave, and whenever it should please the said bishop to go to her; but the said vicar had no entry to her without him.

Item, he says that at the departure of the preaching at Saint-Ouen, after the abjuration of the said Maid, because Loyseleur said to her: Joan, you have done a good day’s work, if it please God, and have saved your soul, she asked: Now then, among you people of the Church, take me to your prisons, and let me no longer be in the hand of these English. Whereupon my lord of Beauvais answered: Take her back where you found her. Wherefore she was taken back to the castle whence she had come. And on the following Sunday, which was Trinity day, the masters, notaries and others who were engaged in the trial were sent for, and it was told them that she had resumed her man’s dress and had relapsed; and when they came to the castle, in the absence of the said my lord of Beauvais, there fell upon them eighty or a hundred English or thereabouts, who addressed them in the court of the said castle, telling them that among them churchmen were all false, arrant traitors and false counsellors; wherefore with great pain could they escape and get out of the castle, and did nothing that day. And the next day he who speaks was sent for, who answered that he would not go unless he had surety, for the fear he had had the day before; and he would not have returned thither had it not been for one of the men of my lord of Warwick, who was sent to him for surety. Thus he returned and was at the continuation of the trial until the end, except that he was not present at a certain examination of people who spoke with her apart, as private persons; nevertheless my lord of Beauvais wished to constrain him to sign it; which thing he would not do.

Item, he says that he saw the said Joan brought to the scaffold, and there were about her some seven or eight hundred men of war bearing swords and staves, so that there was no man hardy enough to speak to her, except Brother Martin Ladvenu and Master Jean Massieu. And he says that patiently she heard the sermon throughout, afterwards made her thanksgiving, her prayers and lamentations most notably and devoutly, so that the judges, prelates, and all the others present were provoked to great weeping and tears, to see her make her pitiable regrets and sorrowful complaints. And the said deponent says that he never wept so much for anything that befell him, and that for a month after he could not well be appeased. Wherefore with a part of the money he had had from the trial he bought a little missal, which he has still, so that he might have cause to pray for her. And as regards her final penitence, he never saw a greater sign in a Christian.

Item, he says that he remembers that at the preaching made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Erard, among other words the following was said and uttered by the said Erard: Ah, noble house of France, which hast always been the protectress of the faith, hast thou been so abused as to cleave to a heretic and schismatic! It is great pity. To which the said Maid made answer, which the said deponent does not recall, save that she gave great praise to her King, saying that he was the best and wisest Christian in the world. Wherefore it was commanded to the said Massieu, by the said Erard and by my lord of Beauvais: Make her hold her peace.

(1) The Rota, the tribunal where appeals brought to Rome were judged.

(2) That is to say, upon Guillaume Manchon’s minute.

Master Jean Massieu #

Master Jean Massieu, priest, curate of one of the portions of the parish church of Saint-Candre of Rouen, formerly Dean of the Christianity of Rouen, aged fifty years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the fifth day of March;

Says that he was at the trial of the said Joan every time she was presented at the judgement before the judges and clerks; and by reason of his office he was deputed clerk of Master Jean Bénédicité (1), promoter in the cause, to cite the said Joan and all others who were to be summoned in that cause. And it seems to the said deponent, by reason of what he saw, that they proceeded out of hatred, out of favour, and in abasement of the honour of the King of France whom she served, out of vengeance and in order to make her die, and not according to reason and the honour of God and of the Catholic faith. Moved to say this, for when my lord of Beauvais, who was judge in the cause, accompanied by six clerks, that is to say Beaupère, Midy, Morisse, Touraine, Courcelles and Feuillet, or some other in his place, first interrogated her, before she had given her answer to one, another of those present interposed another question; whereby she was often hurried and troubled in her answers. And also, as the said deponent several times brought the said Joan from the place of the prison to the place of the court, passing before the chapel of the castle, and this deponent suffered, at the request of the said Joan, that in passing she might make her prayer: wherefore this deponent was several times rebuked for it by the said Bénédicité, promoter of the said cause, saying to him: Truant, who makes thee so hardy as to let that excommunicated whore approach the Church without licence? I will have thee put in such a tower that thou shalt see neither moon nor sun for a month, if thou dost it again. And when the said promoter perceived that the said deponent did not obey him in this, this Bénédicité placed himself several times in front of the chapel door, between the said deponent and Joan, to prevent her making her prayer before the said chapel; and the said Joan expressly asked: Is the body of Jesus Christ here? Moved also to this, for when he brought her back to the prison from before the judges, on the fourth or fifth day, a priest called Master Eustache Turquetil questioned the said deponent, saying to him: What thinkest thou of her answers? will she be burned? what will it be? To whom the said deponent answered: Until now I have seen in her only good and honour; but I know not what she will be at the end; God knoweth it. Which answer was reported by the said priest to the people of the King, and it was related that the said deponent was not good for the King; and on that occasion he was sent for in the afternoon by the said my lord of Beauvais, judge, who spoke to him of the said things, telling him to beware of offending, or he would make him drink once more than was reasonable. And it seems to him that, had it not been for the notary Manchon who excused him, he would never have escaped from it.

Item, he says that when she was taken to Saint-Ouen to be preached to by Master Guillaume Erard, during the preaching, about the middle of the sermon, after the said Joan had been much blamed by the words of the said preacher, he began to cry out in a loud voice, saying: Ah! France, thou art well abused, thou who hast always been the most Christian chamber; and Charles, who calls himself king and governor thereof, has adhered like a heretic and schismatic (such is he) to the words and deeds of a worthless woman, defamed and full of all dishonour; and not he only, but all the clergy of his obedience and lordship, by whom she has been examined and not reproved, as she has said. And of the said king he repeated those words two or three times; and then, addressing himself to the said Joan, he said in effect, raising his finger: It is to thee, Joan, that I speak, and I tell thee that thy king is a heretic and a schismatic. To which she answered: By my faith, sir, saving your reverence, for I dare well tell you and swear, upon pain of my life, that he is the noblest Christian of all Christians, and the one who best loves the faith and the Church, and is not such as you say. And then the said preacher said to him who speaks: Make her hold her peace.

Item, he says that the said Joan never had any counsel; and he remembers well that the said Loyseleur was once appointed to counsel her, who was contrary to her, rather to deceive her than to guide her.

Item, he says that the said Erard, at the end of the preaching, read a schedule containing the articles of which he caused her to abjure and revoke. To which the said Joan answered him that she did not understand at all what it was to abjure, and that upon this she asked for counsel. And then it was said by the said Erard to him who speaks that he should counsel her thereon. And then, after excuse for so doing, he told her that it was to say that if she went against any of the said articles she would be burned; but he counselled her to refer herself to the universal Church as to whether she ought to abjure the said articles or not. Which thing she did, saying in a loud voice to the said Erard: I refer myself to the universal Church, whether I ought to abjure them or not. To which answer was made by the said Erard: Thou shalt abjure them presently, or thou shalt be burned. And in fact, before she left the place, she abjured them, and made a cross with a pen that the said deponent gave her.

Item, he who speaks says that, at the departure of the said sermon, the said Joan remarked that she required to be taken to the prisons of the Church, and that it was right that she should be put in the prisons of the Church, since the Church condemned her. Which thing was requested of the Bishop of Beauvais by some of those present, whose names he knows not. To which the said bishop answered: Take her to the castle whence she came. And so it was done. And that day after dinner, in the presence of the council of the Church, she put off the man’s dress and took woman’s dress, as had been ordered her. And it was then the Thursday or Friday after Pentecost, and the man’s dress was put in a sack in the same room where she was kept prisoner, and she remained under guard in that place in the hands of five Englishmen, of whom three remained by night in the room and two outside, at the door of the said room. And he who speaks knows for certain that by night she lay fettered by the legs with two pairs of iron chains, and fastened most straitly with a chain passing through the foot of her bed, attached to a great piece of wood five or six feet in length and closing with a key; whereby she could not move from the place. And when the following Sunday morning came, which was Trinity day, and she was to rise, as she related and told to him who speaks, she asked those English her guards: Unfetter me, and I will rise. And then one of those English took from her her woman’s garments that she had upon her, and they emptied the sack in which was the man’s dress, and cast the said dress upon her, saying to her: Arise; and they hid the woman’s dress in the said sack. And as she said, she dressed herself in the man’s dress they had given her, saying: Sirs, you know that it is forbidden me; without fail, I will not take it. And nevertheless they would give her no other, so that in this strife she remained until the hour of midday; and finally, for bodily necessity, she was constrained to go out and take the said dress; and after she had returned, they would not give her any other, notwithstanding whatever supplication or request she made of them.

Asked on what day she told them what he deposes concerning her account: he says it was the following Tuesday before dinner, on which day the promoter departed to go with my lord of Warwick, and he who speaks remained alone with her. And straightway he asked the said Joan why she had resumed the said man’s dress; and she told and answered him what is said above.

Asked if he was on the said Sunday, Trinity day, at the castle after dinner with the counsellors and churchmen who had been sent for to see how she had resumed man’s dress: he says no, but he met them near the castle, much bewildered and frightened, and they said that most furiously they had been driven back by the English with axes and swords, and called traitors, and many other injuries.

Item, he says that on the following Wednesday, the day she was condemned, and before she left the castle, the body of Jesus Christ was brought to her irreverently, without stole and light, whereat Brother Martin, who had confessed her, was ill content; and for this one was sent back to fetch a stole and a light, and thus Brother Martin administered it to her. And this done, she was led to the Old Market, and beside her were the said Brother Martin and he who speaks, accompanied by more than eight hundred (1) men of war having axes and swords. And she being at the Old Market, after the sermon, in which she had great constancy and heard it most peaceably, showing great signs and evidences and clear appearances of her contrition, penitence and fervour of faith, both by the piteous and devout lamentations and invocations of the blessed Trinity, and of the blessed glorious Virgin Mary, and of all the blessed Saints of paradise, expressly naming several of those Saints; in which devotions, lamentations and true confession of the faith, asking also of all manner of people of whatsoever condition or estate they might be, both of her party and of the other, mercy most humbly, and asking that they would deign to pray for her, forgiving them the evil they had done her, she persevered and continued for a very long space of time, about half an hour, and until the end. Whereat the judges present, and even several English, were provoked to great tears and weeping, and in fact wept most bitterly; and some and several of those same English acknowledged and confessed the name of God, seeing so notable an end, and were joyful to have been at the end, saying that she had been a good woman. And when she was relinquished by the Church, he who speaks was still with her; and with great devotion she asked to have the cross; and hearing this an Englishman who was there present made her a little one of wood from the end of a staff and gave it her; and devoutly she received it and kissed it, making piteous lamentations and acknowledgements to God our redeemer who had suffered on the cross for our redemption; of which cross she had the sign and representation, and she put that cross in her bosom, between her flesh and her garments. And moreover she humbly asked him who speaks that he would procure her the cross of the church, so that she might continually see it until death. And he who speaks brought it about that the clerk of the parish of Saint-Sauveur brought it to her; which being brought, she embraced it most straitly and long, and held it until she was bound to the stake. While she made the said devotions and piteous lamentations, she was much hurried by the English, and especially by some of their captains, to be given up into their hands so that she might sooner be put to death, saying to him who speaks, who to his understanding was comforting her on the scaffold: What, priest, wilt thou make us dine here? And straightway, without any form or sign of judgement, they sent her to the fire, saying to the master of the work: Do thine office. And thus she was led and bound, and continuing her devout praises and lamentations towards God and his Saints, at the last word, in passing, she cried with a loud voice: Jesus!

(1) There is in an interlineation thousand in a fairly similar hand but in another ink. This must be an error; there cannot have been eight thousand men, and another witness seems to indicate one hundred and twenty instead of eight hundred, which is still more likely. (Note of M. de l’Averdy.)

Master Jean Beaupère #

The venerable and circumspect person Master Jean Beaupère, master in theology, canon of Rouen, aged seventy years or thereabouts.

Says that as regards the apparitions of which he makes mention in the trial of the said Joan, he has had and has a greater conjecture that the said apparitions were rather of natural cause and human intention than of supernatural cause; nevertheless on this he refers himself principally to the trial.

Item, he says that before she was taken to Saint-Ouen to be preached to, in the morning, he who speaks entered alone into the prison of the said Joan by leave, and warned her that she would soon be taken to the scaffold to be preached to, telling her that if she were a good Christian, she would say at the said scaffold that all her deeds and words she placed in the ordinance of our mother Holy Church, and especially of the ecclesiastical judges. Who answered that so she would do. And so she said it at the said scaffold, being thereto required by Master Nicolas Midy; and this being seen and considered for that time, she was sent back after her abjuration, although by some English it was cast as a reproach upon the Bishop of Beauvais and upon those of Paris that they favoured the errors of the said Joan.

Item, he says that after this abjuration, and when she had taken her woman’s dress which she received in the said prison, on the Friday or Saturday following it was reported to the said judges that the said Joan somewhat repented of having left the man’s dress and taken the woman’s dress. And for this my lord of Beauvais, judge, sent him who speaks and Master Nicolas Midy, in hope of speaking to the said Joan, to induce and admonish her to persevere in and continue the good purpose she had had on the scaffold, and to take heed that she did not relapse; but they could not find him who had the key of the prison; and while they were waiting for the warder of the said prison, threatening words were spoken to them by some English who were in the court of the said castle, as the said Midy related to him who speaks, namely that whoever would throw them both into the river would be well employed. Wherefore, those words heard, they returned, and on the bridge of the said castle the said Midy heard, as he related to him who speaks, like words or near to them uttered by other English; whereby the aforesaid were terrified, and came away without speaking to the said Joan.

Item, he says that, as to the innocence of the said Joan, she was very subtle with the subtlety belonging to a woman, as it seemed to him; and he never knew by any words of hers that she was corrupted in body.

Item, as regards her final penitence, he can say nothing of it; for on the Monday after the abjuration he departed from Rouen to go to Basel on behalf of the University of Paris; and she was condemned on the following Wednesday; wherefore he had no news of her condemnation until he heard it spoken of at Lille in Flanders.

II. Consultation of Lord Théodoric, Auditor of the Rota in the Roman Curia (1) #

Discussion on the twelve articles extracted from the confessions of Joan #

Concerning the articles elicited from the confessions of Joan, commonly called the Maid, and sent by the judges to be consulted upon, it is clear enough to one who runs through the proceedings and the confessions of the said Joan that they are perhaps composed with too little rectitude and sincerity. For everything has been collected which seemed to weigh against the said Joan; which, when compared with her other confessions, do not appear so unreasonable, and can be saved by a comparison of all her sayings. And if this be shown, it will sufficiently appear that the consultants, following the example of the deed, were deceived in giving their counsel.

First it is said that the said Joan, at about the age of thirteen, saw with bodily eyes and in bodily effigy Saint Michael and a multitude of angels, and the holy virgins Catherine and Margaret. As to this, I think it is doubtful to no one that angels have often appeared to men in bodily forms, and can so appear. For whether in those bodily apparitions some creature is created, or is formed for that work only — that is, whether the angels who are sent assume a bodily form from corporeal creation for the use of ministry, or turn and change their own body, which is not subject to them [sic: which they do not control], into whatever forms they will, suited and apt for their actions (of which there is a question in Augustine, book III de Trinitate) — I do not care: it is enough that angels, even good ones, appear to men in bodily shapes. Nevertheless, that these were good spirits we may conjecture from other things said by the said Joan. Firstly from this, that at that age of thirteen years — an age tender, next to purity and simplicity — it may sufficiently be presumed that to a virgin, incorrupt and not yet stained by sins, good angels appeared; since evil spirits glide into the minds of those and lead them into error whom they find subject to sins.

Another presumption, from this that she says at her first vision Saint Michael struck terror into her, as she, examined, testifies (2). She testifies the same again, saying that at the first and second she was terrified, nor did she believe, until the angel came and comforted her. Which is proved by the example of the angel announcing to Mary the incarnation of the Saviour, who at his first coming terrified and troubled the fearful Virgin; afterwards he comforts the fearful one, confirms the doubting, and calling her familiarly by name benignly persuades her: Fear not. This striking-in of dread is shown also from the vision of Ezekiel saying: And I saw, and I fell upon my face (Ezekiel, chapter 2). And John in the Apocalypse, first chapter: And when I had seen, I fell at his feet as one dead, etc.

Another presumption arises from the desire left in her and the ardour of soul to follow him. For she says that the angel departing struck into her no terror nor trembling, but a sorrow at his going mingled with a certain joy. She says also that she wept because, beset by the prison of the body, she could not follow him. We read the like in the Lives of the Fathers, and that it befell holy men in apparitions. These things are had there.

Another presumption arises from the excellent and salutary warnings of the angel himself and of the virgins which she says appeared to her: first from this, that she says the blessed Catherine and Margaret exhorted her to confess — which an evil spirit would by no means do, who delights in the stubbornness of sin and would ever wish his snares to lie hid; that she was exhorted to frequent the Church, which the devil abhors; that she should govern herself well; item, that she should keep her virginity, which she says she promised to them as to messengers from God — than which exhortation none can be holier or better; item, that the angel announced to her the misery and calamity of France, exhorting her to come into France and succour the oppressed and snatch the kingdom from tyranny, God willing to choose the weak things of the world to confound the strong. For she asserts that it was revealed to her by the voices that she should have painted upon her banner the King of heaven, and then freely used it.

Another presumption arises from this, that she says those images appeared to her girt about with light and brightness; which is not to be presumed of the angels of darkness.

Another presumption arises from this, that the said Joan detested the sorceries of those women who are said to flit through the air, of whose number she says she never was: whence it appears that she knew what difference there is between revelations and diabolical illusions. Item, from this that she says of a certain illusion of a certain Catherine, who said that there appeared to her a certain woman clad in white garments, which the said Joan mocks and detests — it sufficiently appears that she knew how to discern and judge between revelations and feigned illusions.

Item, there is another presumption from this, that she says she did not believe, but that they appeared to her three times before she believed: whence it appears that she did not act rashly and without deliberation.

Item, there is a great presumption, because she says, being questioned, that very often in those apparitions she signed herself with the sign of the cross, albeit sometimes she did not do so, as appears from her answer to the archdeacon’s admonition. But if they had been demons, they would not have suffered the sign of the Cross; for thus we read in the holy Fathers that demons, recognised and rebuked in their illusions, were put to flight. Item, from this that she testifies many times in the proceedings that diligent inquisition was made upon those apparitions at Poitiers by clerks and lettered men, and that by them she was rebuked before the matter was known; but afterwards they approved her deeds. Nor is it to be presumed that they erred wholly from the way.

Item, there is a presumption from the end and intention of the said Joan, and the assiduous petition she made to those Saints appearing to her, from whom she asserts she never asked anything else than the salvation of her soul; as appears in several places. Which enchanters and sorcerous women and invokers of demons do not do, who are impelled either by greed, or are stirred by vengeance and lust, and ask other things of demons, as is clear from the everyday proceedings held against such.

Item, there is a great presumption from this, that being led to execution, at the very point of death, although she had confessed and received the Eucharist, nevertheless she stood fast, and persevered unto the end, saying that it was true that she had really had those voices and apparitions; as appears from the attestations placed at the end of the proceedings. Nor is it to be thought that she, with execution hanging over her, after confession and reception of the Lord’s body — which, as the witnesses assert, she received with many tears and great devotion — was unmindful of her salvation, or wished to lie at the cost of the destruction of body and soul.

This same is helped by the good and religious opinion of the said Joan in this, that she says she does not believe, if she were in mortal sin, that she was visited by that voice and the said holy virgins; which she professed at the third examination, where she also says that in the time of fasting, and when the said Joan had fasted, she more frequently heard the voices and had the apparitions; as on that day on which she says she had not eaten from midday of the day before until that hour, on which day she had thrice heard the voices. Whence it is clear that the said Joan understood that angels and saints do not appear to men who are sinners and to a man placed in mortal sin, and that in time of fasting and prayer these apparitions are more frequent. Nor indeed, if anyone says that holy virgins appear to him and even mingle familiar speech with him, or that he is visited by angels, ought he straightway to be judged insane or to fall under suspicion of heresy. Otherwise anyone will condemn also the most blessed Martin, who is known to have said at times: Agnes, Thecla and Mary have been with me. And he related the countenance and garb of each; nor only on one day, but frequently he confessed that he was visited by them. He did not deny either that the apostles Peter and Paul were seen by him often. And yet none will be so sacrilegious as to suppose that Martin lied. The same also often saw angels familiarly, so that they conversed with him in joint discourse. Yet he knew the snares of demons: for when they came he not only recognised them but straightway rebuked them; Mercury and Jupiter he said were brutish and dull. That these things are most true testifies the most eloquent and blessed Sulpitius Severus, in the second book of his Life. Yet he relates that these things were incredible even to many established in his own monastery, so that in such matters human frailty can scarce afford belief to credulity.

The good and sincere credulity of the said Joan also excuses her, supposing the spirits had been deceitful; since she says she venerated those Saints as beings who were in heaven, and for that reason caused masses to be celebrated in their honour; and because she gave and adorned images of those Saints existing in churches with garlands and candles; she also offered gifts to priests in their honour. Wherefore she does not seem blameworthy if she venerated them whom she believed truly to be those who are worshipped by the faithful with due veneration: whence also the said Joan says she never diligently asked anything else of those Saints than the salvation of her soul; which is a holy petition.

To that part of the first article in which it is said that the said Saints spoke with her beneath the tree called the Beech, and near the Fountain — of which tree and fountain rumour bears it that fairy Ladies resort there — as to what is said of the divulged rumour, it is to be observed that this rumour is not established in the proceedings by any authentic documents, since the informations, even those which were made in the presence of the said Joan by decree and counsel of those assisting the Bishop of Beauvais, are not inserted in the proceedings. And of this tree and fountain the said Joan, questioned in the proceedings, seems to relate the superstitions of certain persons saying that the fever-stricken, having drunk the water of that fountain, are set free; but she says she knows it not, and that she did not see there Fates or fatal Ladies, although sometimes with the flock and other girls she passed by those trees in play and in wandering. She says also that she did not believe in a certain Oak Wood near her father’s house, and scorned, but did not believe, those who said there was a prophecy of a fated maiden in that wood. All this at the third session. It is true that once only, in a certain place, wearied by many importunate questionings, she seems to say she had heard the voice of the Saints, but then did not understand what they said: whence it appears that the articles about the tree ought not to have been so heavily weighed. And it is false what is subjoined in the article, namely that in that place she venerated the said Saints or there invoked them; for this does not appear from the proceedings, and it was falsely added.

The following part of the article seems false and calumnious in several points, in that it says that the said Joan was commanded by the voices to go to a certain secular prince, and that, by the work and labours of that woman, the said prince would recover great temporal dominion and worldly honour: whence the deceit and fraud of those framing the article is marked. For they keep silence that the said Joan often professed that the miseries and calamities of the realm of France had been expounded to her by God’s command, saying that He had at times permitted them to be afflicted for their sins. She was sent indeed to the king, not for the acquiring of temporal dominion, but for the recovery of a realm oppressed by tyranny; and not for worldly honour, which savours of pride, but for the claiming back of his own, for which a just war is waged by the sentence of divine law. In which matter the words of Joan are to be noted, full of humility, trusting nothing in her works and labours, but referring all to God. For she asserts in several places that, admonished by the voices to come into France, she said: I am a poor girl who knows not war. And elsewhere, questioned why God would rather do this through her than through another, she answered that it had so pleased the divine goodness to do it through a simple maiden for the repelling of the king’s adversaries. Elsewhere she says of the banner, on which was depicted the image of the King of heaven containing the world, that she had no hope in the banner, nor thought her banner more fortunate than others, but that all hope of victory and help was in God and from God. Whence is perceived the humility of the said Joan, not rashly arrogating to herself, but in the manner also of the prophets who were sent, professing her weakness and frailty. The ineffable divine Providence is also proven, which, to show that it had permitted the French at times to be afflicted for their sins, and, pitying at last the calamity of the realm, willed marvellously by a maiden to snatch the kingdom from servitude — not by the strength of an army, lest according to the prophet the French should say: Our own high hand, and not the Lord, hath done all these things — chose, as the Apostle says, the weak things of the world to confound the strong.

It is subjoined in that article that the said Saints, whom she says appeared to her, commanded her to assume man’s dress, and that she would rather die than abandon it. As to this which is said, that it was commanded her by those Saints, it is nowhere established. Nay rather, the said Joan being often asked whether the voices had commanded her this, said that she would not lay a burden upon a living man in that, and never confessed that the voices had expressly commanded it. This appears in the examination made in the prison on the twelfth day of March, where, questioned about the dress, she asserts that she assumed it of her own accord, not at the request of anyone. And, asked whether by command of the voices, she says that whatever good she had done, she had done by their command; but of the dress she would answer at another time. It is true that, questioned on another occasion, she said this she had not done

(1) The author of this Memoir was one of the greatest canonists of the fifteenth century. He is called in the manuscripts Theodoricus, but his real name was Theodorus de Leliis. Born of a noble family of Teramo, he held the bench of the Rota at twenty-five years of age. Pius II, who called him his harp on account of his eloquence, made him Bishop of Feltre in 1462; in 1465 he was transferred to the see of Treviso. After having written numerous treatises against the Pragmatic Sanction, after having been under three popes the light of the Roman tribunal, after having caused George Podiebrad to abjure, and having filled the most important missions in France, Burgundy and Germany, he died at the age of thirty-eight, of grief, it is said, at having promised Paul II that he would not ask him for the cardinal’s hat for a long while. (Ughelli, Italia sacra, vol. V, cols. 375 and 505.)

(2) In the manuscripts, folio xxij. The Roman jurist refers to the folios of the engrossment of the trial which he had in his hands. To facilitate research, we shall replace his references by references to the corresponding pages of our first volume. [The page numbers cited throughout this consultation refer to that volume.]

by human counsel, and that she had taken the garment or done anything else save by divine command. And when she was asked whether she thought that command was lawful, she answered prudently that whatever is done by the command of God, she thinks is lawfully done. In the fourth examination, and elsewhere, she says of the wearing of the dress that, since she did it by the command of God and in his service, she did not believe she did ill; but when it should please God to command it, she would lay it aside at once. Elsewhere she seems to have said that the time had not yet come for putting off the dress, as appears in the answer to the fifteenth article. From which and from other places it appears that the said Joan assumed the dress for some certain reason and divinely-given oracle. On the seventeenth of March she says that, as for the man’s dress, she would not take it off yet until it pleased our Lord. And more expressly she says: When I shall have done that for which I am sent on the part of God, I will take woman’s dress. In the admonition made by the archdeacon, she asserted that it was not for any superstition or unlawful adornment, but by reason of convenience and the fitness of the time; and the cause was the preservation of her modesty among men; for she did not think she could otherwise abide in the press among armed men safely or decently. But if the cause of modesty made her do it, lest men should burn with desire for her, it does not seem damnable, as we read of the blessed virgin Marina, who lived perpetually in man’s dress in a monastery. For she could not otherwise be among men and armed soldiers, nor fight with her own hand. The same reason existed for retaining the dress in prison, since she was committed to men, and indeed to wanton ones, to be guarded: for she was committed to be guarded by a young squire of the king’s, a lone virgin and maid. Nay, what is more, it is proved by the informations had at Rouen (1) that the said Joan sometimes complained that certain impious and wicked men had attempted to do her violence; and that this was the cause of stubbornly retaining man’s dress in prison, the said Joan declared at the end; since, the man’s dress once put off after the abjuration and afterwards resumed, she said she had taken it because that dress was more decent among men than a woman’s, since she was in the guard of men, bound with iron fetters; and that if an honest and gracious prison were given her, she would obey the Church, as appears near the end of the proceedings. And that this was her cause and her intent, many of her sayings in various places show. For once she said: Give me a woman’s garment, and let me go. For she knew that in prison she could not remain without peril to her modesty. And lest anyone think she had been forgetful of womanly honour, let him see her pious prayers, in which among other things she asked that, if she must be brought to judgement and stripped, she requested of grace of the churchmen that she might have a long woman’s chemise and a head-covering. And whatever be said that she chose not to hear Mass and not to receive the Eucharist rather than cast off the dress, it always seems to have been her intent that she was content to hear the divine offices in woman’s dress. And so at another time she most insistently asked, saying: Deliver to me a long garment down to the ground without a train, and give it me to go to Mass, and then I will resume the dress I have, seeing, as I have said, that she could not abide in the prison in the other dress. At another time she asked for a gown after the fashion of a burgher’s daughter and a woman’s hood, and I will take it for the hearing of Mass. At another time she said: Certify to me the hearing of Mass, if I must take woman’s dress. And at another time, after all the confessions, when she was admonished by a certain archdeacon, she declared what her intent had been, saying that as for the dress she had indeed been willing to assume a long tunic and a woman’s hood for going to church and receiving the sacrament of the Eucharist, as she answered elsewhere, provided that straightway after she would lay aside that dress and resume the other: whence it is clear that it is false that she chose not to receive communion on the appointed day; for also in another place, when, wasted by long imprisonment and cruelly tortured by fetters, she was grievously ill, seeing death to be imminent for her, she piously besought the judges, saying: It seems to me that I am in great danger of death, by reason of the infirmity I suffer; and if it be that God wills to do his pleasure of me, I require you that I may have confession and the sacrament of the Eucharist, and that I be buried in a holy place. And elsewhere, in the first session, she asked of grace that she might hear Mass before being brought to judgement; which seems to have been impiously denied her. From which answers she seems to imply that the wearing of man’s dress, for the better preservation of her modesty, she engaging herself in wars, and in prison moreover because of the lustful and wanton youths to whom she was committed, was lawful; and that her will therein was not perpetual or superstitious. Moreover, the wearing of man’s dress then seems condemned by the canons when it is done for superstition, for indecorous adornment, without certain counsel, without necessity.

Another part of the article, accusing her that a girl of seventeen years departed without consulting her parents and mingled with bands of armed men day and night, keeping no woman with her, in part fraudulently suppresses the truth and in part maliciously expresses what is false. For it is silent as to what the said Joan said in excuse of this: that she did not therefore disclose it to her parents lest she afflict them with grief; that she had been constrained by the divine command, which must be obeyed rather than parents, and that she straightway wrote to her parents and obtained their pardon; item, the obedience which in all other things she had ever rendered to her parents. The remaining clause is false, since, although she moved among armed men, as was necessary since she was sent for that purpose and led an army, she says nevertheless that in her chamber she was wont to have one or two women with her, and if she could not have them, she lay armed and did not disrobe.

As for what is subjoined, that she asserts she was sent by God of heaven — because it is thereupon inquired by what sign and testimony this ought to have been taught to her — it will be spoken of below, where it falls better.

What follows, that she would not submit herself concerning the aforesaid to the determination of anyone save God alone — since on this a special article is made, which is the last in order — will be spoken of with that; in which many things will be shown to be false, and many fraudulently suppressed from the sayings of the said Joan.

And as to her speaking of the certitude of her salvation, since she did not utter it so harshly nor unreasonably, but it seems rightly interpreted, it will be spoken of in its own special article below.

The second article concerns the sign given to the King of the French, namely the angel who brought the crown to the King of France and showed him reverence. Concerning which article several things are to be noted. First, that the said Joan often protested that of the things which touch the king she would say nothing, or would not speak the truth; and although she was urged with many words and threats by the Bishop of Beauvais simply to swear to tell the truth, she sometimes said: You might well ask me such a thing that I would answer you the truth, and of others I would not answer; and with this protestation she swore in the first session. And elsewhere she answered: You might ask me such things as I would not tell you; and again: It may be that of many things which you will ask me I would not tell you the truth, as appears in the third session held on 24 February. It appears also from the proceedings that she often repelled many interrogatories as not pertaining to the process, and that they entangled her with various questions, as, of the angelic nature, who was the true pope, and many suchlike. The bishop often threatened that she should swear simply, else she would be held convicted of the crime; yet she would never swear simply. Sometimes also she expressly protested that, concerning the things touching her king, she would not tell the truth. Sometimes she said: I have sworn not to tell certain things, and you ought not to urge me to perjury. From which denunciations and protestations it seems that if ever the said Joan, wearied by manifold interrogation and almost compelled (of which she also sometimes complained), said anything which may seem to abhor from the truth, she did it to satisfy the importunity of those asking, and is to be excused from perjury. Item, it is to be observed that if we are willing to weigh all the sayings of the said Joan and to discuss the sense of her words by subtle inquiry, we shall perhaps find that the said Joan said nothing absurd in this, but spoke mystically and in figure: which at the end she openly declared. For in a certain place, questioned about the crown, she seems to have said that that crown was not wrought and made by hand, because she says that crown was sent on the part of God, and that there is no goldsmith in the world who could have made one so beautiful and so rich, and that it was of good odour if it be well kept. From which words she seems to have understood the crown sent on the part of God, that is, the recovery of the realm and the coronation to be made at Reims, which was of good odour if it were preserved with the fruit of good work and justice. And whereas she said that it was brought to the king, she at the end, with execution imminent, not revoking her sayings, as some falsely calumniate, but interpreting them, said that she herself was the angel who brought it: which well agrees; for since she professes herself sent on the part of God, she may therefore be called by the name of angel; since angel is said as it were sent, and is the name of an office, not of the angelic nature or dignity, according to the doctors; and this appears by that word of the prophet Malachi, second chapter: The lips of the priest keep knowledge and they seek the law from his mouth, because he is the angel of the Lord of hosts — angel, that is, messenger. And she means this in a certain other place, where she says that many churchmen and others saw her who did not see the angel, at the time when the crown was brought. This she says on the thirteenth of March. And then that agrees well which she said of the crown which was given to the Archbishop of Reims in the presence of some, since it was decreed by God that the Archbishop of Reims should crown the king, as the event of the matter declared. To the king therefore by God through an angel, that is through the message of the said Joan, was the crown sent, that is the promise of the realm was made; which crown was committed to the Archbishop of Reims, that is, it was committed to him by God that he should crown the king. And what she says of the multitude of attendant angels in certain places of the proceedings she seems to interpret, saying they were ministering spirits, perchance meaning those who are deputed to the guard of men: which she seems to have implied in sometimes saying that those angels cannot be seen by men; and that angels often move among men who nevertheless are not seen. Whence it is to be presumed that Joan then said something in a figure, according to which that show of reverence made to the king by herself well agrees: which a certain confession of the said Joan declares to us, saying that she had seen in the hand of a certain Scot an image of an armed maid, kneeling upon one knee and presenting a letter to her king; saying that she never saw or caused to be made any other image or picture in her likeness.

To the third article, in which it is asserted that Joan said she was certain of the goodness of the apparitions from their comfort and good doctrine alone, and that she believed as firmly as she believes that the Lord suffered for us: this article is false and surreptitious, because not from that alone, but from very many and great arguments and, as it were, certain tokens, she knew the truth of the revelations; by which she was so instructed that she asserted, when asked, that if the devil should transfigure himself into the form of a good angel, how she would know whether it were a good angel or a bad, answering that she would well know whether it were Saint Michael or some feigned thing. So she says, where she also says she did not believe rashly or suddenly, and that terror was struck into her; and very many other things concurred, which I have copiously pursued concerning the first part of the first article. For although the discernment and discretion of a true revelation from an illusion is difficult; nevertheless, as the most blessed Gregory says in book IV of the Dialogues, holy men, amid illusions and revelations themselves, discern the voices or images of visions by a certain inward savour, so that they know either what they receive from a good spirit or what they suffer from the deceiver. From which authority of Gregory it is clear that, from the dissimilarity of voices or images, holy and just men can not only believe but know what difference there is between a revelation and an illusion. Which the example of the blessed Martin confirms, of whom the most eloquent Sulpitius Severus writes that he had the devil so visible and subject to his eyes that, whether he contained himself in his own substance or had transformed himself into divers figures and spiritual wickednesses, and in whatsoever image he was seen by him, he recognised him; as when he recognised him appearing to him girt about with purple and crowned with a diadem. And many more examples of this kind can be brought forward from the lives of the holy Fathers. From which it is clear that her assertion is excusable and to be tolerated; and in this, that she compares the credence of those things to the credence of faith, she can be reproved rather for too vehement affirmation than for error of faith.

The fourth article has it that the said Joan says she is certain of certain future contingencies. In this it is to be observed that the said Joan does not seem to have spoken rashly in the prediction of future things; and the prediction itself of her prophecy seems in many things to afford us an efficacious sign of her mission. That she did not speak boastfully appears in the answer to the thirty-third article, in which this is imputed to her. She says that it is in the Lord and from the Lord to reveal future things to whom it pleases Him; and that what she says of the sword and other things future and to come, this is by revelation. So she says in the answer to the said article in the proceedings. Humbly therefore she referred it to the divine power, as if she had learned it from the Gospel: I give thee thanks, O Lord, because thou hast hidden these things from the prudent and wise, and hast revealed them unto little ones. But what things can be foretold more true than those which the said Joan foretold? First, that which she foretold for a sign to the King of the French, and which she asserts was revealed to her by the voices: that she would free the city of Orléans from the siege, and that he would be crowned at Reims, a city then still held by the English. Item, in this that she foretold to the English themselves many times, but most notably in the fifth session, where she said and denounced to the English that before seven years were passed they would lose a greater pledge than Orléans, and would have a greater loss than they had hitherto had in France: which indeed we all know was fulfilled in the recovery of the city of Paris. But what is greater and surer, and which we see fulfilled these days by divine gift and grant, she openly foretold that her king would gain or recover the realm of France; and this she knew as well as

(1) These informations are those made in 1452 by Cardinal d’Estouteville, which will be found reported at length in chapter V of the proceedings.

that she was present in the judgement. This she says in the same session: which, before so many courses of time, no malign spirit could have divined, which from certain conjectures, subtlety of nature and experience, can foretell some future things, as the blessed Augustine treats in the book De natura daemonum. By this spirit therefore she revealed the sword hidden in the church of Saint Catherine, marked with three crosses; of which sword nevertheless she says, in the fourth session held 27 February, that she never caused any benediction to be made over that sword, nor made prayer that that sword should be more fortunate, nor had she more hope in that sword than in another; nay, when it was cast aside, she took a certain sword snatched from a Burgundian, which seemed to her fitter for waging war. Concerning the prediction of deliverance from prison, which seems to have failed her, it is to be noted that on this account the other prophecies ought not to be held suspect, since we read that this very thing befell the holy Prophets; since, as the blessed Gregory says in book II of the Dialogues, the spirits of the prophets are not always present to their minds; for the Scripture says of it that when it wills, it breathes. Hence it is that Nathan, in the Books of Kings, asked whether David could build the temple, at first consented and afterwards forbade it. Hence it is that Elisha, when the Shunammite bore a dead thing and hid the cause, said to the forbidding lad: Let her alone, for her soul is in bitterness, and the Lord hath hid it from me and hath not told me. For the Lord so disposes, by the dispensation of his too great loving-kindness, that sometimes he gives the prophetic spirit and sometimes withdraws it; and sometimes the prophets foresee the future, sometimes not; as the blessed Gregory pursues this subject in the first homily upon Ezekiel. Although concerning her deliverance the said Joan always answered doubtingly, testifying that she knew neither the day nor the hour. And in a certain place she says she had from her deliberation a doubtful answer, but that she would have succour from God: which she said could be understood either of deliverance from prison or of the overthrow of the judgement. And finally she says it was said to her: Care not for thy martyrdom, for thou shalt come to the kingdom of Paradise. Whence she seems sufficiently to have foretold her own execution. And elsewhere she says that she consulted and asked the voices whether she would be burned; and they answered that she should refer herself to God, and He would help her. Nor is it to be marvelled that by the spirit she could know men whom she had never seen, she who foretold things much more uncertain and incredible concerning the future, since even the secret thoughts of men and the temptations of the mind can be known through the spirit by holy men; as the blessed Gregory relates in the second book of the Dialogues of a boy’s proud thought known through the spirit.

As to the fifth article, in so far as it is said that she asserted she had assumed man’s dress by the command of God and in that dress had received the sacrament of the Eucharist, those things are to be considered which I said in the first article, where this same is touched and that conclusion was given: that, since it may probably be believed that she was sent by God to exercise deeds of war among companies of armed men, to restrain their concupiscence, to perform feats of war more freely, and not from any superstition or unseemly adornment, she assumed it by the will of God. And that she always said she would remain in that dress, namely so long as she was in that service committed to her by God, and so long as it pleased God, as appears from the many sayings of hers set out above: she ought not to be judged a heretic if in that dress she received the sacraments, since by the necessity of the office and ministry undertaken, and for a good cause, she was clad. Just as no one will impute it as a fault to the blessed Marina if, in a monastery of monks, she lived unknown perpetually in man’s dress, sharing the sacraments with the monks; nor did she appear a woman before her body, stripped after death, revealed her sex, albeit the calumny of adultery had been fastened upon her. The like of the blessed Eugenia, who in man’s dress lived most long and most chastely. Item, the said Joan, about the very reception of the Eucharist in that dress, says (which these men suppress) that, although she received the Lord’s body in that dress at the time when she followed the camp, yet not in armour: whence her religion and reverence towards the sacrament is evident. This she says in the sixth session held 3 March.

As to the sixth article, in so far as it is objected to the said Joan that she inscribed in her letters Jhesus Maria and a cross to signify that they should not be obeyed: to this Joan confesses that in her letters she put Jhesus Maria first; the same also in the engraving of the ring and on the banner. This ought not to be judged reprehensible: nay, this is a religious thing in every Christian; wherefore also many prudent and religious men observe it in writing letters. It is true nevertheless that in the fifth session, held 1 March, she confesses that sometimes she made a certain sign of a cross to signify among her own people that they should not do what she wrote: which is to be understood of some sign in the manner of a cross, which is observed by very many Catholic princes, who do this in arduous and secret matters to signify their secret mind by some sign. Nay, they even compose whole letters in characters, so that this may be understood by no one. But that she by edict threatened destruction to those who did not obey her letters — which follows in the article — is false, and nowhere appears in the whole proceedings.

And it is to be noted how craftily it is subjoined in the last words of the article, saying that she caused it to be written that she would have those who did not obey slain, and in recalling the blows: whence they try to suggest that there was cruelty and ferocity in the said Joan, suppressing this which the said Joan excellently uttered in the fourth session, held 27 February, where she says that she never killed anyone; nay, when she attacked her adversaries she bore her banner in her own hands, to avoid, as she says, killing anyone. Item, they suppress this, that Joan by letters and ambassadors requested the Duke of Burgundy that no slaughter should follow, as appears from the answer to the eighteenth article. They suppress moreover that, in the siege of Orléans, she sent letters persuading peace, admonishing the enemies to depart thence, lest slaughter should follow. A copy of which letters exists in the proceedings among the articles. All these things in Joan dispel the suspicion of cruelty.

About the seventh article, in so far as it is said that she at seventeen years of age went to a certain squire whom she had never known — whereby they seem to imply that she alone, forgetful of womanly shame, went to a man — they falsely calumniate in this; for the said Joan asserts in the proceedings that, often admonished by the voices to come into France, she first went to her uncle and opened her purpose to him; and that she had to go to the town of Vaucouleurs; and that her uncle brought her thither, where she found the said squire, namely Robert de Baudricourt. This is established in the examination made 22 February.

As to the other part of the article, in which it says that she departed without the knowledge and counsel of her parents: on this I have said something in the first article. They did not then attend or note how elegantly Joan excuses herself about this, saying that she did not disclose it to her parents lest either they should forbid it, or, by the denunciation of her departure, she should afflict them with grief; saying that, since God had so commanded and enjoined, even if she had had a hundred fathers, she must obey God. A worthy and constant utterance in a maid, consonant with the apostolic sentence, that one must obey God rather than men. For she knew that first the will of God must be fulfilled, then that of parents, after the example of Christ, who being found in the temple when His mother had said: I and thy father sought thee sorrowing — What is it that ye sought me? Know ye not that the will of the Father who sent me must be fulfilled? Wherefore the said Joan also, in the aforesaid place and in many others, said that in all other things she had always been most obedient to her parents.

But what follows in the article, that she received man’s dress from that man-at-arms, is false. Nay rather, questioned in very many places whether she did it at the instance of that Robert or by his counsel, she answered that in this she did not blame any living man, as appears in the second session; and she seems always to have said that she assumed it by the will and command of God, for His service and for a certain time.

And what is put at the end of the chapter, that she said to the prince that she would wage war and place him in great temporal dominion, is fraudulently feigned, as I said in the first article, because she said and in very many places testified that she came by the command of God to announce to the King of the French that by God’s help he should recover his realm, not for victory against adversaries but by a most just war, to snatch the realm from the enemy; not for an adventitious temporal dominion, as the words sound, but for the redeeming of his own realm, lawfully begotten and unjustly taken by the enemy.

The eighth article speaks of the leap and jump from the tower, to induce and cause in her the crime of despair; but it is to be noted that, if the sayings of the said Joan are diligently weighed, she purges herself of all crime of infamy in that matter. For in a certain place, questioned about the said leap, she says that, angered because she heard the English were coming, lest she fall into their hands, she leapt and commended herself to God and to the Blessed Virgin. And asked then whether she would rather die than fall into the hands of the English, she answered, to repel from herself the crime of despair, that she would rather render her soul to God than be in the hand of the English. So she testified in the sixth session, held 3 March. Elsewhere she more openly declared the pious cause inducing the leap, saying that while she was in the tower she had heard that the English had made a certain cruel edict, namely that all those of Compiègne who had passed their seventh year should be burned alive. Most grievously she lamented, beseeching God and saying: And how will God suffer those good people to die who were so faithful to their lord? Moved with compassion, desiring to succour them in so great a calamity, she leapt from the tower. And asked whether, when she leapt, she believed she would be killed, she answered no; but in leaping she commended herself to God, and believed that by means of that leap she would escape being delivered to the English. So she answered in the thirteenth examination, held in the presence of the Inquisitor on 14 March. And in another place she excused herself more expressly, saying: I did this not in despair, but in the hope of saving my body and of going to succour many good people existing in necessity; and after the leap I confessed, and asked pardon of the Lord; which she knew by the revelations she had obtained. All which assertions of the said Joan being gathered into one, we find in the leap these three things excusing her: the good and pious end of succouring the afflicted and of preventing so impious and nefarious a deed against those of Compiègne; the hope of escape; and after the fact, the acknowledgement of error and the petition for pardon. These standing, she cannot be said to have despaired, since despair, as the theologians define it, is that by which one utterly distrusts the goodness of God, esteeming his own malice to exceed the magnitude of the divine goodness; as Cain who said: My iniquity is greater than that I should merit pardon.

As to the ninth article, concerning the promise and certitude of her salvation, she does not seem to have spoken rashly or unreasonably, if her sayings be fitly related. For she at another time of her own accord interpreted what she had said about the certitude of her salvation: that she understood that saying provided she keep the oath and promise she made to God, namely that she should well preserve her virginity both of body and of soul: in which she seems wholly holily and religiously to have been minded, since it is written in the canons that virginity alone fills paradise, that chastity alone is that which can with confidence present souls to God; since it is more laudable than every other resolve, transcending and surpassing heavenly things, as the blessed Augustine says; since virginity also renders man equal to the angels, nay makes him excel the angels, as the blessed Jerome pursues in his letter to Eustochium. And it is to be noted that Joan speaks of the virginity of mind and body, understanding that to be the true and perfect virginity which is kept with an incorrupt mind. And concerning sin, if all her sayings be brought together, she seems to have spoken fitly enough, although, as a girl and ignorant, she may have been ignorant of the discretion and difference between mortal and venial sin. And I remember to have heard simple men who think no sin mortal save some greatest and detestable crime, such as to kill a man, to commit robbery, and the like. For she herself in a certain place says, being asked whether she was in the grace of God, answering prudently and religiously: If I am not, may God place me in it; if I am, may God keep me in it. So she answered in the third session, 24 February. And elsewhere, asked, since she has revelations, whether she thought it expedient for her to confess, she answered that she knows not that she has sinned mortally; but if she were in mortal sin, she judges that Saint Catherine and Margaret would straightway forsake her. Yet she wisely subjoined that no one can cleanse his conscience too much. A cautious answer: for she does not rashly assert that she has not sinned or cannot sin, but piously believes that the Saints and elect of God do not appear to those stained with mortal sin. And that she clearly felt this is plainly declared; for asked in another place whether she believed she sinned after the revelations, she answered: I know nothing; but I refer myself wholly to God. And when it was said to her that this answer is of great weight, she answered that she holds it also for a great treasure.

As to that which is said in the tenth article, that she rashly asserts that God loves certain wayfarers, in this she does not seem to err; nay rather she humbly professes that there are others in this world who deserve to be loved by God more than she. And what she said was of the Duke of Orléans, of whom she said she had had more revelations than of any other after her king, since for the succour of his suffering people she said she was sent; yet she did not rashly assert anything certain of their salvation. In those things moreover which seem to be against the charity of one’s neighbour, as concerning the English, she at another time rightly saved herself, where she said that she loves those whom God loves and hates those whom God hates. And asked whether she knows that Saints Catherine and Margaret hate the English, she answered that of the hatred and love which God has towards the English, or what He will do with their souls, she knows not; but she well knows that they will be expelled from France. So she said on the seventeenth of March. For how does she seem to have held in hatred those whom by letters she charitably admonished and exhorted to peace? as appears from the copy of the letters placed among the articles. Concerning the Burgundians moreover she never said she hated them, but that she did not love them because of the voices she had. For being asked whether the voice admonished her to hate the Burgundians, she cautiously answered

that nothing is said of the voices; but that she, after she heard the voices and revelations favouring the King of France, did not love the Burgundians; adding that they would have war unless they did what they ought. So she answered in the third session, 24 February. Although therefore she did not distinguish, saying she did not hate them but their errors, nevertheless she seems to have felt rightly. And she shows an evident enough sign of charity towards the Burgundians, since she testifies that by letters and ambassadors she requested the lord Duke of Burgundy for peace between the king and him, as appears from the answer of the said Joan to the eighteenth article.

The eleventh article is perplexed, containing many falsehoods. First it objects that the said Joan showed reverence to the images appearing: whence it seems to mark her with idolatry; but he who framed the article seems fraudulently to have suppressed that she showed that veneration as to those whom she truly and really thought to be the Saints who are in heaven, not intending to venerate them as images, but as those who ought to be worshipped and venerated by the faithful; which is clear, because the said Joan said she rendered honour to them as to Saint Catherine and Margaret who are in heaven; and for this she offered gifts to the priest in their honour; and that she firmly believed they were they, because for their honour she adorned their images existing in churches with garlands or candles. Which are established by her confession. They suppress that she caused masses to be celebrated in their honour, and so showed the due worship; and even supposing they were illusions, these premises nevertheless excuse her from idolatry.

As to what is subjoined in the article concerning the bodily and real presence, enough has been said in the first article. But concerning the invocation, on account of which certain persons argue against her as an invoker of demons, they seem to interpret ill, and against all the things asserted and confessed by her. For in a certain place, asked whether she invoked Saints Catherine and Margaret, she answered that they often come unbidden, and that if they did not come she would ask God to send them. Behold then that she is not an invoker of spirits, but of God, that He may deign to comfort her through the Saints. This appears from the interrogation held on Monday, 12 March. Nay, one answer of hers dispels all suspicion in this matter, which she made to the fiftieth article. For asked by what manner and with what words she asked the voices, she answered that she called upon God and the blessed Mother of God to send her counsel and comfort, setting down the French words which can be rendered in Latin thus: Most sweet God, in memory of thy holy Passion, I beseech thee, deign to reveal to me how I ought to answer these churchmen. Similarly it is false that she vowed her virginity to those images, save as to messengers from God, referring the vow nevertheless principally to God. For so she once answered being questioned on this, that she ought well to suffice to promise this to those who were sent on the part of God; Monday, 12 March. And in the same examination she says that the first time she heard the voice she vowed to keep her virginity as long as it should please God; and so she committed the simple vow of virginity to the care and custody of God. And that the said promise and vow the said Joan made principally to God, she herself expressly declared in the second examination of Wednesday, 14 March, where concerning the certitude of salvation she said that she understood it if she kept the oath and promise which she made to God; namely that she should keep her virginity both of soul and body. And so a vow is made, since God himself is worshipped by vows, as the Prophet says: Vow ye and render to the Lord your God, all ye who round about him bring gifts.

But as to that which is subjoined in the article, that she concealed her revelations from the curate and the churchmen, she excuses herself in the session held 12 March, saying that her voices did not compel her to conceal this, but she greatly feared to reveal it for dread of the Burgundians, lest they should hinder her from her journey, and especially she greatly feared her father lest he should hinder her. For this was, in a matter so arduous and of so great peril, a just cause of concealment for the time. For she feared to disclose it to the curate, who perchance could not have kept silence without danger; she might also have easily been hindered from executing the divine command. But she did not conceal it perpetually, but so long as it could have been revoked; for after she came to the king she openly told the Church, namely the churchmen assembled at Poitiers, by whom she says she was examined for nearly three weeks. And the oath which she offered, she says she offered in order to free herself from the molestation of those importunately asking.

Concerning the other contents of the article, enough has been said in what precedes.

As to the last article, on the submission to the Church, the framers of the article seem too harshly to report her words. For if we are willing to gather into one all the answers of the said Joan on this, we shall find that she, sometimes driven by simplicity, did not understand what the Church is; sometimes supposed the Church to consist in those judges whom she held suspect; sometimes feared the submission itself to their judgement, thinking that by submitting herself to their judgement she was already condemned. And it appears lastly that in most points she rightly understood the Church and its power.

First, her simplicity, and that she did not sufficiently understand, appears from this, that being asked on another occasion whether she would submit herself to the determination of the Church, she answered that, as for the Church, she loves it and would sustain it with all her power for our Christian faith; and that she is not one who ought to be hindered from going to church nor from hearing Mass. She understood therefore with a certain simplicity, by those words, that by the Church was contained the enclosure of walls and the material church. At another time a little after she said that, of her words and deeds, she referred herself to God and the blessed Mary and all the Saints; and that it seemed to her that God and the Church were one and the same; and that no difficulty ought to be made of this, saying: Why do you make difficulty about this?

Secondly, she very often declined the judgement of the bishop himself, asking in a certain manner that, if she had to submit herself to the judgement of the Church, churchmen of the party of France as well as of England should be called in. So she said and asked before she was cited to judgement; immediately after she was cited, as appears from the report of the executor of the citation. Which she also declared more expressly when she asked that three or four clerks of her party should be called in, and in their presence she would answer the truth. Elsewhere, asked whether it seemed to her that she ought to answer more fully before the Pope, the vicar of God, she answered by requiring and asking to be brought to the Pope; and that afterwards before him she would answer all that she ought: whence it appears that she expressly declined the jurisdiction of the bishop and asked to be remitted to the Pope. In which petition she constantly persevered until the end of the proceedings, since she asked this anew. Nay, she openly professed this in judgement when the first sentence was pronounced before all the people, at which time the malice of the judges was manifest; for asked whether she would revoke all her sayings and deeds which are reprobated by the clerks, she answered: I refer myself to God and to our lord the Pope. But they, desiring to bring to effect the vengeance they had conceived, not fearing the authority of the apostolic See, to which, after the accusation of that woman, humble recourse was to be had by all, especially in causes of faith, which are among the greater matters and to be referred to the apostolic See, as all the canons proclaim, said that it could not be done that she should go to seek our lord the Pope so far away, and that they were Ordinary judges each in his own diocese, and other things derogating from the authority of the apostolic See: in which perhaps the judges could be more truly reproved than Joan herself. Whence it is clear that her intent was not to evade the judgement of the true and supreme judge the Roman pontiff, but only of those clerks whom she saw to have come together and conspired in one for her condemnation, whose judgement she dreaded; and especially because they so often interrogated her with horrendous words whether she would submit herself concerning her crimes and excesses to the judgement of the Church. And this her other answers show: one, in which she says that her answers should be seen and examined by the clerks; and afterwards let it be told her whether there is anything there against the faith, and she will know what to say of it: protesting that if there is anything evil against the Christian faith which God commanded, she would not sustain it, and would be well angered at coming to the contrary. And elsewhere in the same examination she answers that all her sayings and deeds were in the hand of God, and of these I look to him; subjoining: I certify to you that I would wish to do or say nothing against the Christian faith; and if I had said or done anything, or there were aught upon my body, which the clerks could say was against the Christian faith which the Lord established, I would not sustain it but would cast it out.

Item, from many of her sayings and deeds in the proceedings it appears that she rightly felt concerning the authority of the Church; for she, asked who was the true Pope and to whom obedience was due, answered in Catholic wise that at that time obedience was due to the Pope then at Rome, namely the lord Martin of happy memory; and that she believed in him.

Item, she seems to have rightly felt concerning the power of the keys, since she knew that confession must be made each year to her own priest. For asked whether each year she confessed to her own priest, she answered yes, and to her own curate, or, when he was hindered, with his leave to another priest. Item, since she asked, weighed down by illness arising from the wasting of the prison, that the sacraments of Confession and the Eucharist should be ministered to her, on 18 April. And elsewhere, when it was said to her by the judge that she would be left as a Saracen, she answered protesting that she was a good Christian, well baptised, and as a good Christian would die. And when it was replied to her concerning the submission, she said that she would answer nothing else; and that she loved God, served him, and was a good Christian, and would help and sustain the Church with all her power: the same day, 18 April.

Lastly, by the informations had at Rouen she is proved to have submitted herself to the Church: which the bishop would not have inscribed; and also by some, pains were taken to suborn her not to submit herself to the Church. For certain witnesses of the latest examination, on the tenth article containing this, assert that a certain Englishman, feigning himself a French captive of the English, went by night secretly to the prison of the said Joan, suborning her not to submit herself to the judgement of the Church, else all was over with her. Item, several witnesses who were present and stood by at the judgement said that she always submitted herself to the Pope and the Church. This they say on the twelfth article, saying that she often asked to be brought to the Pope; and that some said to her that she should submit herself to the general Council, in which prelates of her party were present; and that they were rebuked by the English.

These things therefore will be for the consultants to consider in the matter of the proceedings.

Deduction of the points of law to be considered by the consultants #

Concerning the nullity moreover it will have to be seen:

I. Of the competence of the judge, whether the Bishop of Beauvais, favouring the party of the English, was her competent judge from this alone, that she was captured within his diocese.

II. Granted that he was, whether he ought to have abstained, in view of the fact that in very many parts of the proceedings his judgement and jurisdiction seem to have been declined: first that she, before she answered anything, answered the executor of the citation that she asked that prelates of her party also should be convoked; and that elsewhere she said: You say that you are my judge. I know not whether you are; take good heed lest peril hang over you; and that she asked for a copy of her answers so that she might show them at Paris.

III. Whether, from this that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Pope, and required and urgently asked to be remitted to him, it ought in a cause of faith, which is among the greater matters, to be deferred by the judges.

IV. Since it was decreed from the beginning that the bishop should proceed together with the inquisitor, whether the proceedings are rendered null from this, that neither the inquisitor nor his vicar ever intervened from the day the process was begun, 9 January, until the thirteenth day of March; in which time nine sessions or examinations of the said Joan were made without the inquisitor.

V. Whether the vicar of the inquisitor could, supposing it was null, confirm the proceedings by his ratification.

VI. Whether manifest calumny and iniquity appear from the acts, in view of the fact that Joan was bought by the bishop, the judge, by illicit pacts and a price in money, for execution, and was delivered to the King of England himself; as appears from the requisition made by the bishop himself. In view also of the fact that the said Joan was not freely delivered by the King of England, but with retention and protestation, whereof in the king’s letters; in view further that she was placed in secular and profane prisons, as appears in all the proceedings, and that she was delivered to squires and men-at-arms to be guarded; item, in view of the fact that she was manacled with iron fetters, wasted by long imprisonment, denied the means of defence, entangled with many perplexing questions, of which mention is had in the Summary of the proceedings (1) — whether evident calumny and injustice of the judges appear.

VII. Whether Joan ought to have been deemed relapsed, in view of the fact that she excused herself that she never understood the schedule of abjuration; in view of the fact that that was not observed which the greater part of the consultants willed to be observed, namely that the schedule should be read to her again and she admonished: which nevertheless is not found to have been done, but straightway there was haste to judgement or to execution; in view also that she had before said that she submitted herself to our lord the Pope, asking to be remitted to him: which the judges would not accept, as I said before; in view lastly that, as she said, she had resumed man’s dress because that dress was more fitting among men, and because the promise that she should go to Mass and be released from the iron fetters had not been kept to her; and that she offered herself, if a gracious prison were given her, to use woman’s dress. In which it will have to be considered that, concerning this, certain witnesses exhibit that the woman’s dress assumed by her was stealthily taken away from her, so that she might be judged relapsed: of which there is proof in the extrajudicial informations (2).

Signed: Théodoric, Auditor of the Rota in the Roman Curia.

(1) This Summary of the Trial is an abridgement made by Théodore de Leliis himself for the use of the consultants. See in our Introduction the paragraph relating to the Preliminaries of the Rehabilitation.

(2) Such is the reading of the Rome manuscripts. That of the Saint-Germain-Harlay collection gives extravagantibus instead of extrajudicialibus. These two expressions, which are synonymous, apply to the informations of 1452, of which the jurist has already spoken above. They were extrajudicial in the sense that they had been made before the intervention of the apostolic authority; they had no other character than that of pieces of instruction.

III. Certain Allegations of Lord Paul Pontanus (1), Consistorial Advocate, upon the Trial of the Maid #

Preface #

The aid of our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom truth is understood and discerned, being invoked, and presupposing the things narrated in the matter, several doubts seem worthy of discussion.

Titles of the allegations #

And first, whether revelations or apparitions of this kind are to be deemed made by good spirits or by evil.

Secondly, it is doubted whether the wearing of man’s dress was culpable in her or not.

Thirdly, it is doubted whether her deeds and acts, which are established by the proceedings, are worthy of condemnation or of excuse.

Fourthly, it is doubted whether she is reprehensible or excusable in her sayings.

Fifthly, it is doubted whether she erred concerning the submission to the Church.

Sixthly, it is doubted whether from all the premises she was to be judged a heretic.

Lastly, it is doubted whether the proceedings and the sentence had against Joan fall to the ground because the order of law was not observed or for another cause.

Subscription of the libel #

And so, for a first summary view, it seems to me, Paul Pontanus, least doctor of both laws and advocate of the sacred Consistory, that the conclusion should be thus in law, saving the determination and judgement of holy mother Church and of anyone else better informed.

IV. Consultation of the Same Lord Paul Pontanus #

Digest of the work as regards the discussion held upon the twelve articles #

The first article contains, as it were, the sum of all the articles, and begins: A certain woman, and is divided into several parts. In the first it treats of the revelations and apparitions of Saint Michael and of Saints Catherine and Margaret, and that they were on the part of God and of the whole Trinity; and in this it agrees with the third article, which begins: Item, the said woman. The second part treats of the reverence shown them by her; and agrees with the eleventh article, beginning: Item, the said woman says. The third part treats of the command made by them that she should come to the King, and for what cause, and of the sign; and agrees with the second article, beginning: Item, the said woman says that the sign. The fourth part, of the assumption and wearing of man’s dress; and agrees with the fifth article, beginning: Item, the said woman says by command. The fifth part is of the departure from her parents without their knowledge, and of the prosecution of wars; and agrees with the seventh article, beginning: Item, the said woman says that she did nothing. The sixth part is of the submission to the Church, with which agrees the twelfth article, beginning: Item, the said woman says and confesses. The seventh part says that she was certain of being saved; and agrees with the ninth article, which begins: Item, the said woman says and affirms. Outside the sum of the first article are the fourth article, speaking of the certitude of future things; and the sixth, speaking of the words Jhesus Maria placed in her letters; and the eighth, speaking of the leap from the tower; and the tenth, speaking of the love of the said Saints towards the King of France and others of her party. Which are thus joined together, lest the same thing be repeated twice.

A specimen of the discussion itself #

Concerning the first part of the first article, and consequently concerning the third article, there is to be added, first, for the fuller instruction of those who have to consult in a cause of this kind, that this woman was, at the time of the trial attempted against her, of the age of nineteen years or thereabouts, as she asserted in the first session; and so let it be weighed that she had not yet attained the full vigour and understanding of the mind. Item, she asserted that she had the first voice in her father’s garden, not at the tree of the Fairies; and that she had it to help and govern her; and that the first time she had great fear: which is the sign of a good Angel. Item, as she asserted, that voice taught her to govern herself well and to frequent the church; and that the voice told her it had revealed that she should raise the siege before Orléans, as she did. Item, that she knows not that, after she reached discretion, she ever danced beside the said tree. Item, that after the departure of the voice she wept, and would willingly have had it carry her away. Item, that before the King would believe her that it was from a good spirit, she was interrogated for three weeks by clerks of his party, and they judged that there was nothing in her but good. Item, that she prophesied to the English the loss of all that they held in France: which today we see verified. Item, she says that she knows not whether in those apparitions there was aught of arms, or whether other members were figured, etc.

Item also, when Saints Catherine and Margaret came to her, she signed herself with the sign of the cross. These things from the first register.

From the preparatory proceedings (2), Brother Martin, of the Preachers, who heard her in confession, says that always and at the end of her days he found her faithful and devout.

From the last proceedings, Brother Isambert, the eighth witness, asserted that a certain Englishman who hated her, when he saw her end so religious, was as it were astonished and in ecstasy; and that he asserted that it seemed to him, at the giving up of the spirit of the said Joan, to see a certain white dove flying out of the flame (3). Lord Thomas, priest, the fourteenth witness, says that he heard from many that the name Jesus was seen inscribed in the flame of the fire in which she was burned. These things for the first.

Concerning the second part of the first article, and consequently concerning the eleventh article, it is to be added that she asserts that she never asked of the said voice any other final reward than the salvation of her soul, etc.

Conclusion #

From which there are substantially had, in formal words, the things which concern the said articles contained in the said registers. From these things also it is clear to anyone reading that the articles were elicited from the proceedings with too little fidelity — nay, were mendaciously and corruptly depraved.

The articles or doubts to be given beyond the foregoing are briefly these:

I. Whether the said proceedings and sentence are subject to nullity, since the lord of Beauvais does not seem to have been a competent judge (even granted that she was captured in his territory), since she neither offended there nor drew her forum from elsewhere.

II. Whether they fall to the ground by nullity, since the Bishop of Beauvais chose to proceed jointly with a pretended sub-inquisitor, and yet of the power of the asserted Inquisitor, by whom the delegate is deemed to have been constituted or sub-delegated, there is in no wise proof.

III. Whether they are null, because it appears from the proceedings that the bishop alone, without the sub-inquisitor adjoined by him, proceeded to several substantial acts, as several solemn interrogatories, assignations of place, and the like.

IV. Whether they are null, because the bishop often caused Joan to be examined by others and not by himself alone, in view of the fact that the cause was criminal and most grave.

V. Since from the sayings of the witnesses of the last proceedings there is proof of the greatest fear and impression wrought by the English upon the sub-inquisitor and others having to give counsel in the cause, whether from the said fear the proceedings fall to the ground.

VI. Whether, in view of the fact that Joan refused the said bishop as incompetent and suspect, and, as she asserted, her capital enemy, on this account the proceedings and sentence are null, or at least manifestly iniquitous.

VII. Whether, because she submitted herself to the judgement of the Pope and of the Council, and asked to be brought to them, and so submitted herself under the protection of the Pope, the proceedings and sentence afterwards had against her are null.

VIII. Whether, in view of the gravity of the cause, namely concerning those secret and hidden revelations which are known to God alone, and concerning a doubt of the cause of faith which is reserved to the apostolic See alone, these men proceeded nullly, especially since she asked to be judged by the Pope.

IX. Whether, in view of the fact that the said Joan was detained in a private prison of laymen and in the hands of capital enemies who were deputed to guard her, and treated her so inhumanly that she desired to die; and in view of the fact that she asked to be taken to an ecclesiastical and gracious prison: on this account the proceedings fall to the ground.

X. Whether, because it is established that it was denied her that anyone should speak with her, and she asked that a counsellor and director should sometimes be given her, which was denied her; in view also of her youthful age of nineteen years and her frail womanly sense: the proceedings fall to the ground.

XI. Whether such age excuses from heresy, in our matter a doubtful point, at least as to the relaxation of the ordinary penalty (4).

XII. Whether, because those who wished to direct and instruct her were forbidden by the bishop and the English, and many terrors were brought upon them, from this denied defence the sentence and the proceedings are subject to nullity.

XIII. Whether, because she asked that her articles should be seen and discussed by the Church before she abjured, and this was denied her, the proceedings and sentence are null.

XIV. Whether, because the bishop, the asserted judge, as is established, forbade that her excuses and submissions should be written by the notary, on this account the whole proceedings are to be held invalid, imperfect and untrue.

XV. Whether, because those who elicited the articles transmitted to the consultants framed them not truthfully but mendaciously, imperfectly and calumniously, on this account also the sentence and the proceedings fall to the ground, in view of such evident deceit.

XVI. Whether, because it is established by witnesses and by the proceedings that those who interrogated her much vexed and entangled her in most difficult questions and captious interrogatories, so much so that, according to them, scarcely the greatest doctor could have answered satisfactorily; and so that they might catch her in her speech: on this account she is excused from the said crime; in view also, as has been said, of her age and sex, and of the defence and counsel denied her.

XVII. Whether, because by suborned and feigned persons she was persuaded not to submit herself to the Church, and they calumniously removed her woman’s dress so that she might take the man’s, on this account also by deceit the judgement falls to the ground.

XVIII. Whether, because there is no proof of a preamble of the proceedings upon ill-fame, on this account also such proceedings are void.

XIX. Since the said Joan in the schedule of abjuration and in the sentence of condemnation is reputed a mendacious contriver of divine revelations and apparitions, a pernicious seductress, presumptuous, lightly believing, superstitious, a diviner, a blasphemer against God and the Saints of God, in his sacraments a despiser of the divine law, a transgressor of sacred doctrine and of the ecclesiastical sanctions, seditious, cruel, an apostate, a schismatic, in our faith manifoldly erring, against God and holy Church offending in many ways, expressly, with hardened mind, obstinately and stubbornly refusing to submit herself to the Church itself, to the lord Pope and to the general Council; stubborn, obstinate, excommunicated and a heretic: whether, according to the contents of the proceedings, she was to be deemed such.

For the rest, let the prudence of the consultants supply.

Signed: Paul Pontanus, consistorial advocate.

(1) Paul Pontanus, whose name M. de l’Averdy translated, but wrongly, by that of Dupont. The Soubise manuscript made, with no more reason, an advocate in Parliament of this personage, who in the older manuscripts gives himself the title of advocate in the apostolic Consistory. He was in 1452 at Orléans, where he countersigned, as secretary of the legate Guillaume d’Estouteville, the indulgences granted for the celebration of the feast of 8 May. There are found about the same period several Italian men of letters of the same name and probably of the same family: among others Louis Pontanus, who died of the plague at the Council of Basel in 1439; Octavian Pontanus, made cardinal; Giovanni Gioviano Pontano, who was tutor to Alfonso of Aragon, then secretary and counsellor of that prince, and died in 1503. (Lenglet Du Fresnoy, Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, part III, p. 270. — De l’Averdy, Notices des Manuscrits de la Bibl. du Roi, vol. III, pp. 194 and 295.)

(2) Paul Pontanus means by this the information made at Rouen by Cardinal d’Estouteville in person; while he designates by ultimus processus the depositions of the witnesses heard some days later by the Inquisitor of France and the grand-vicar of the same d’Estouteville. See chapter V of the proceedings.

(3) The manuscripts of the proceedings have de Francia instead of de flamma, as will be seen in its place.

(4) The author of the S. G. Harlay manuscript marked this article with an obelus, doubtless to indicate that the sense of it did not seem very clear to him.

V. Summary of Brother Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of the Faith (1) #

The graver and more principal articles of the said Joan upon which deliberation is to be had. Namely:

That she asserted she had had bodily apparitions and visions of Saint Michael and of Saints Catherine and Margaret, had frequently heard voices of spirits, and had received many revelations.

That she foretold some future things.

That she showed reverence to the spirits appearing to her and speaking to her.

That she wore man’s dress and mingled in wars.

That she seems to have refused to submit herself to the judgement of the Church militant concerning her sayings and deeds.

That, after the abjuration or revocation, she resumed man’s dress and again cleaved to her apparitions, to which she had publicly renounced.

These are the matters upon which deliberation seems principally to be had.

VI. Letter of the Same Brother Jean Bréhal, Written to Brother Leonard, of the Preachers of Vienna #

Jesus.

To the man of sincere religion and illustrious fame, Brother Leonard (2), eminent professor of sacred theology, and lector of the convent of Vienna in Germany, of the Order of Friars Preachers.

After the office of sincere veneration, with devout commendation, most renowned master and father, I, though unknown to you, dare to write, yet known by clear fame. The matter also urges me, which concerns the honour of the most Christian King of the French, who holds it not a little at heart that, for the honour of the Order, I should move your approved skill to something not so much new as great. For he deems the glory of his Majesty to have been most enormously injured of old by his enemies the English in this: that against a certain simple maiden and virgin, who by divine will, as is proved by well-nigh unanswerable evidence, formerly waged war for his lot (3), under colour of the faith they proceeded; nay, at the last, under the very judgement of the faith, to the reproach of the king and kingdom, they destroyed her by hostile fire. Wherefore the royal Majesty supremely desires to ascertain the truth of that sentence and of the matter judged. For which cause he committed and enjoined upon me, his poor Inquisitor in the realm, to communicate to all the wise, wherever I should see it expedient, the lawful documents and faithful extracts upon the trial, and to ask and exact their opinions, and that chiefly from foreigners, so that all favour may seem excluded in this particular cause. Wherefore by the valiant knight Lord Leonard (4), ambassador of the most illustrious prince the lord Duke of Austria, I send your reverence all that you will have known of the matter at first sight, so that, for the honour of the Order and the renowned commendation of your deserving person, you may write and decide something. The rest worthy of mention in this case the said illustrious Leonard will supply.

Of the affairs of the Order, which is now, by God’s permission, tossed by a mournful tempest, I know nothing new, save that by our lord the Pope the general chapter has been restored to the convent of Nantes; but the Roman Provincial nevertheless remains vicar of the Order. The bull of these things I have myself seen.

Farewell happily in the Lord Jesus. From Lyon, the last day of December.

Your brother in full charity, Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of the faith in the realm of France.

(1) See what has been said of this document in the Introduction, on the subject of the Preliminaries of the rehabilitation. The author, Jean Bréhal, was a doctor of theology, prior of the Jacobins of Paris, and inquisitor general in the realm of France. Nothing is known of his earlier life save that he was born in Normandy and made his profession among the Dominicans of Évreux. He may be regarded as the one who played the principal part in the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc. At the beginning of the year 1452, Cardinal d’Estouteville adjoined him to himself to proceed officially to the revision of the first trial. To that end he heard the first witnesses cited at Rouen; he journeyed through all France to inform himself on the life of Joan of Arc; finally he put himself in correspondence with the most famous doctors of the realm and of foreign parts to have their opinion on so delicate a matter. The delegates designated by Calixtus III in 1455 having likewise called him to sit with them, during the eight months that the trial lasted he attended to it almost without interruption, one day at Paris, another at Rouen; and that amid very difficult circumstances for him, inasmuch as the University of Paris was in open war with the Mendicant Orders, of which he was one of the chiefs. The definitive sentence was pronounced on 7 July 1456; on the 21st of the same month Jean Bréhal conducted to Orléans the expiatory procession ordered by that same sentence. In the month of February 1457, in a solemn assembly of the University presided over by the Constable of France, he publicly made the submission of the four Orders, and, although his words were found a little proud, peace was concluded between the teaching body and the dissidents, who had become his subordinates again. After that, the name of Master Jean Bréhal, inquisitor of the faith, is met with on the registers of the Exchequer of Rouen, where he is mentioned as defaulting at the assizes of 1463. There remains of him a manuscript treatise De libera auctoritate audiendi confessiones religiosis mendicantibus concessa, and a vast compilation of the doctrinal opinions drawn up in favour of Joan of Arc, which he composed by order of the tribunal, and of which we give something in chapter VIII of the proceedings. (Quétif and Échard, Script. ord. Præd., vol. I, p. 815. — Du Boulay, Hist. un. Par., vol. V, p. 615. — Delaroque, Hist. de la maison d’Harcourt, vol. III, pp. 552, 573 and 577; and the documents reported in the fourth volume of the present work.)

(2) This personage is known only by his Christian name, under which he distinguished himself in his order. Quétif and Échard mention ten ascetic and moral treatises, which he dedicated to the emperor Frederick III in the year 1469. (Script. ord. Prædicat., vol. I, p. 843.)

(3) For the construction of the sentence to be regular, at least the words ceperunt et would have to be supplied.

(4) Leonard Wilzkehel, chancellor of the Archduke of Austria, then ambassador to Charles VII.

The Trial of Rehabilitation #

Preface of the Notaries #

The order of reason requires, the right disposition of equity teaches, and the salutary institution of the sacred canons and of the civil laws prescribes, that the things done in solemn tribunals be noted in writings and drawn up in authentic charters and commended to public instruments, so that they may become equally known to present and future generations, and not perish as the memory of men slips away. To the praise, glory and honour of God, then, and for the perpetual elucidation and manifestation of truth and justice, this work and authentic register, faithfully and integrally collected by us, the notaries hereinafter named, under judicial acts, solemn instruments and faithful documents, and various treatises of doctors and men skilled in the law, contains the trial lately conducted, solemnly discussed and concluded by authority, ordinance and rescript of the holy apostolic See and of our most holy lord the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name; under the most reverend and reverend fathers Jean, Archbishop of Reims (1), Guillaume, Bishop of Paris (2), and Richard, Bishop of Coutances (3), most worthy professors of law, and the venerable father Master Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, Inquisitor of the faith in the realm of France; all those who had to be summoned having been called to all the proceedings both specially and generally. By which trial indeed, and by a final sentence duly intervening, under the authority of the holy Roman Church and of the apostolic See and of the most holy Roman Pontiff, the same most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, at the humble and devout prayers and the sedulous instance of the honest and worthy widow Isabelle d’Arc (4) and of Jean and Pierre (5), brothers of the late Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid: the former trial held in the city of Rouen, at the instance of a certain Master Jean d’Estivet, pretended promoter of the faith, under the reverend father Lord Pierre Cauchon, assisted in a part of the said trial by Master Jean Magistri, sub-inquisitor of the said faith, with the sentences and executions that followed thereupon, is declared null, void and iniquitous, manifestly containing error of law and of fact in matter and in form, conducted and concluded besides and against the form of the laws and of the ordinance, and against the style and manner of the inquisition of the faith, and after the tacit and express refusals of the said pretended judges and counsellors, and after the submissions of the said Joan to the apostolic See having the force of an appeal; and its nullity, the usurpations, threats, frauds and violences intervening in it, which have the power to render every judgement null and annulled, to detect and declare likewise, with the total purgation of the said Joan and her people from all infamy, mark and stain arising under pretext or occasion of the said proceedings, sentences and executions; as may plainly appear from the conduct of the trial hereunder written, the declarations and sentences given after mature deliberation and long communication of the whole trial with prelates, doctors and most learned men.

Moreover, by special ordinance of the said most reverend, reverend and venerable fathers, the judges and commissioners aforesaid, we, the aforesaid notaries, specially constituted in the conduct of the said trial, solemn oaths having been given, judged that this our integral and authentic register should be drawn up in a tripled volume, from the daily notes and ordinances of all the things done and produced; in one only of the said volumes, on account of the very great prolixity of the two processes, joining and connecting at length the aforesaid process, just as it was received by the notaries of the aforesaid process in solemn judgement, and many times integrally inspected before us, the notaries, by the said lords Delegates and other most approved men. And whereas, by the prudent inspection and manifold discussion of the aforesaid process made by the said lords Delegates with the most approved and learned men, at repeated and various times and at the times noted, severally, particularly and specifically in matter and in form, through each particular of the same process, as well concerning the preparatory as the essential and consequential parts of the aforesaid process, which seemed to make for its justification, effect and proof, or contrariwise for its nullity or annulment in matter and in form, it has been faithfully related to the said lords Delegates by common fame and by the report of very many: that in the outset of the process certain informations upon the conversation and deeds of the aforesaid Joan, and a certain examination, by ordinance of the pretended judges, upon the integrity, modesty and virginity of the said Joan verily ascertained, were made by physicians and surgeons and by illustrious ladies and most worthy matrons, kept hidden from the counsellors and notaries themselves, and maliciously omitted from the proceedings; and certain supplications for the moderation of the most rigorous imprisonment and of the fetters with which at her feet, and of the chains with which, as to her body, by night the said Joan was kept bound, and for a change of her guards, namely of the most unworthy and bitterest archers and men of war, were utterly denied her; and sundry requests for the calling of counsellors not suspect, for the remission of the matter to the Pope or to the Council, were alike spurned and neglected; and, in the conduct of the process, manifold threats with imprisonments and expulsions were brought upon some of the counsellors; captious, subtle questions not pertaining to the case, with various interruptions, invectives and injuries, were addressed to the said Joan; and false and counterfeit notaries were posted in secret and hidden places; moreover, in the conclusion of the proceedings, certain twelve articles, many times repeated in the said trial, whose authors are unknown to the true notaries, were, after the said correction of the articles and the evident dissonance and repugnance from the said confession, without correction, fraudulently transmitted for the obtaining of opinions upon which the sentences, as is expressly contained in them, seem to be founded; and under dissembled garb false and fraudulent deceits and wily inducements were wrought upon the said Joan, and certain adjurations contained in the proceedings were falsely and mendaciously composed and amplified: for this reason, the aforesaid lords Delegates, desiring for the good of justice to search all things fully, and to seek out by full discussion the truth of the matter, both from the acts of the aforesaid trial and from other documents, as is commanded them in the rescript, upon the aforesaid informations and examination, upon the requisitions and refusals, and upon the threats, violences and frauds, and upon the falsity of the aforesaid articles, and upon the manner and quality of the proceeding, deemed it right to inquire of office, and ordered new informations and inquests to be made, both in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan, and in the city of Orléans, upon the conversation and deeds of the same Joan, and in the cities of Rouen and Paris upon the quality of the proceedings and the manner of proceeding, the parties also being called, by themselves and by commissioners and sub-delegates. Which informations, by ordinance of the said lords Delegates, together with certain other informations made some time since upon this by the most reverend father in Christ Lord Guillaume (6), Cardinal of San Martino ai Monti, the aforesaid Inquisitor being adjoined, we have deemed right to adjoin to this our register.

And the aforesaid process having been communicated integrally and at length, according to the form of the laws, to very many most approved and learned men, prelates, doctors and others, although very many of them, answering various questions both in speech and in writing with mature deliberation, by several means showing the nullity of the process in matter and in form, gave manifold opinions and most salutary counsels; nevertheless, to avoid prolixity and confusion, we have deemed right to insert in this our register the opinions and counsels only of those who wrote back at length upon each of the articles and parts of the process, and published solemn treatises at large.

But that it may proceed in fitting order, both as regards the aforesaid solemn treatises, and the aforesaid informations, and the series of all things to be collected, by this our integral and authentic register, and that the contents of the same register, all confusion being removed, may be more easily and more orderly presented to the memory and consideration of readers: therefore we ordain that each portion of this our register, beginning from this our outset, be distinguished particularly and specially under particular rubrics and notes, according to the manner and order following, and under the articles and heads of matters and the summary descriptions immediately subscribed.

Here follow the articles or designations and little rubrics of all and each of the acts and things done contained in this present process, from the day of the presentation of the rescript made to the lords Delegates up to the day of the definitive sentence inclusive.

In the first chapter are placed the acts of the presentation of the rescript, and are recited the presentations and supplications made in the church of Paris to the lords Delegates.

Then is inserted the public presentation in the episcopal hall, we the notaries being present, with many assisting prelates, doctors and counsellors; with the letters of general and special citations, and the reports of their execution, and the constitutions of the procurators there constituted by the parties.

Secondly, the acts of the first assignation made in the aforesaid citations at the city of Rouen, where, after sundry continuances and expectations of the parties, is placed the declaration of the competent judges; the constitution of the notaries and also of the promoter, and their oath; as also the public receipt of the books, instruments and acts of the said first trial, and of the informations by the most reverend father lord Guillaume, Cardinal of the title of San Martino ai Monti, legate, etc., from the hands of the notaries; with the solemn requisition, the recognition of the signs and seals; with assignation for further proceeding.

Thirdly, the acts of the second assignation, where is placed the libel or petition of the plaintiffs, with a certain requisition of the promoter both in the first trial and against it; with the declaration made on the part of the heirs and executors of the lord Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and assignation of a term for giving in writing the articles and scripts of the plaintiffs.

Fourthly, are placed the articles and scripts of the plaintiffs; then the assignations, commissions and citations for the making of the inquests, with the report and publication thereof, various assignations and continuances being intermixed.

Fifthly, are placed at length all the informations and inquests, and first the informations made by the aforesaid lord Cardinal legate; secondly, those made in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan, by ordinance

(1) Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, son of the provost of the merchants of Paris, born in 1388, doctor of civil and canon law, Bishop of Béarnais, then of Laon, after having exercised the office of advocate-general in the parliament transferred to Poitiers. He was promoted to the archbishopric of Reims in 1449. His wisdom and eloquence put him in great credit with Charles VII, who employed him almost constantly in his diplomatic relations with England. Louis XI, without making so much use of him, always showed him great deference. He died in 1471, leaving a History of Charles VI which he had written during his leisure at Poitiers, and several harangues worthy of consideration as monuments of the oratorical art in our language. (Gall. christ., vol. IX, cols. 138, 552, 758. — Godefroy, Hist. de Charles VI. — Loysel, Antiq. de Beauvais. — Duclos, Hist. de Louis XI, proofs at the years 1461 and 1468.)

(2) Guillaume Chartier, born at Bayeux, bred in the University of Paris, like his brother Alain Chartier, at the charges of Charles VII, who called him to Poitiers in 1432 to profess canon law there. Curate of Saint-Lambert-lès-Saumur, archdeacon in the cathedral of Tournai, counsellor in the parliament, he was elected Bishop of Paris unanimously in 1447. The University employed him as peacemaker jointly with the Archbishop of Reims in its quarrel with the Mendicants. In 1458 he attended the Council of Mantua. Having conducted the embassy which the Parisians sent to the confederate princes during the war of the Public Weal, he became thereby odious to Louis XI, who wished, after his death, that this circumstance should be recorded upon his tomb in terms dishonouring to his memory. That order, however, was not carried out. (Du Boulay, Hist. un. Par., vol. V, p. 876. — Gallia christ., vol. VII, col. 151. — Chron. scandaleuse, at the year 1472.)

(3) Richard de Longueuil, president of the Chambre des comptes, elected Archbishop of Rouen by a part of the chapter on the death of Raoul Roussel. But Nicholas V, to put an end to the scandal of a contested election, transferred Guillaume d’Estouteville to Rouen and recommended Richard to the bishopric of Coutances. When the revision of the trial of Joan of Arc began, he was ambassador to the Duke of Burgundy; which is why in almost all the acts of the procedure he is mentioned as absent; nevertheless he was present at the pronouncement of the judgement. It is also to be remarked that in these same acts the title of cardinal is nowhere given him, although he had been decorated with the purple on 26 December 1455. But as he did not enjoy that dignity when his commission of judge was conferred upon him, the registrars had to confine themselves in his regard to the terms of the apostolic rescript. The Bishop of Coutances attended, in 1458, the trial of the Duke of Alençon, where he incurred a fine of 10,000 livres for having spoken against the Pragmatic Sanction. He professed so manifest an aversion for all that has since been called the Gallican liberties, that Pius II said of him: Utinam Constantienses haberemus plures! — Would that we had more Coutances men! Louis XI accordingly chose him for one of the ambassadors who went to carry to that same Pius II the abrogation of the constitutions of Bourges (1462). From that time Richard de Longueuil settled in Italy near the pope, who rained down upon him bishoprics and benefices. His immense revenues permitted him to contribute to the embellishment of Rome. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 865.)

(4) Isabelle d’Arc, otherwise Romée, born at Vouthon near Domrémy, and called in the patois of the country Zabillet, as appears from an old book of obits of Domrémy bearing this entry: Jacques d’Arc and Zabillet his wife have given to the curate of Domrémy two gros barrois each per year for their obits, in the year 1428. (De l’extraction et parenté de la Pucelle d’Orléans, memoir printed in 1610.) It is seen by the deposition of Jean Pasquerel, heard at Paris by the judges of the revision, that Isabelle d’Arc left Domrémy shortly after her daughter, and that she was at Le Puy (in villa Aniciensi) while the expedition of Orléans was being prepared. She was ennobled in December 1429, together with her husband and children. In 1438 she went to dwell at Orléans, where she was pensioned on the town’s treasury for a sum of 48 sous parisis a month. She died on 28 November 1458. (See the Pièces justificatives of the fourth volume.)

(5) Jean and Pierre d’Arc, called Du Lys (Dail in Lorraine) since the ennoblement of their family, both took part in the defence of Orléans. Jean kept near the king until 1436, when he returned to Lorraine on the rumour that his sister had reappeared there. Charles VII made him about that time provost of Vaucouleurs, and he kept that office until 1467, when Louis XI bought it back from him to give it to the Duke of Calabria. As for Pierre, he was taken at the same time as Joan at the sally from Compiègne, and remained several years in the hands of the Bastard of Vergy. On 28 July 1443 the Duke of Orléans gave him the Île-aux-Bœufs near Orléans, which, it was written on one of the destroyed registers of the chambre des comptes, my lord the Duke has given to my lord Pierre du Lys, knight, having heard the supplication of the said my lord Pierre, containing that to acquit his loyalty towards the King our sire and my lord the Duke of Orléans, he departed from his country to come to the service of the King our said lord and of my lord the Duke, in company with Joan the Maid, his sister, with whom, until her being taken, and since until now, he has exposed his body and his goods in the said service and in the business of the wars of the King, both at the resistance of the ancient enemies of the realm who held the siege before the town of Orléans, and at several journeys made and undertaken for the King our said lord and his chiefs of war, and otherwise in many and divers places. The Île-aux-Bœufs became the dowry of Jeanne du Lys, Pierre’s daughter, who later yielded it to her brother Jean du Lys, called de la Pucelle, to go and settle in the Barrois. Thereafter Pierre du Lys and Jean de la Pucelle were also pensioned by the King of France. Another Jean du Lys, likewise a son of Pierre, was made échevin of Arras by Louis XI in 1481. (See Étienne Pasquier, Recherches sur la France, book VI, ch. 5, and the Pièces justificatives of our fourth volume.)

(6) Guillaume d’Estouteville, Archbishop of Rouen.

of the said lords Delegates; thirdly, the informations and inquests made by the said lords Delegates and their commissioners upon the aforesaid articles and scripts of the parties.

Sixthly, are placed the acts of the assignation to speak against the witnesses and the sayings of the witnesses, as also of the assignations to proceed, and afterwards to speak against the things produced, with other assignations to conclude in the cause.

Seventhly, is placed the conclusion in the cause, with certain reasons and motives of law, given at the said term for concluding in the pending cause, and also in the conclusion itself, as well on the part of the promoter as on the part of the plaintiffs or their procurators.

Eighthly, are inserted at length several treatises of several bishops, prelates, professors of sacred theology and of the laws, and of others who wrote solemnly and at length upon the matter of the said trial.

Lastly and finally, the inspections both of the first trial and also of this present one, made in various places and times, being narrated, as also the communications had with prelates, doctors and learned men, and the revolutions and examinations of the said alleged treatises, is placed the assignation to hear the law and the definitive judgement, and the definitive sentence itself is inserted at length.

Chapter I #

Presentations and supplications first made in the church of Paris #

In the name of Christ, Amen.

For the perpetual memory of the things hereunder written, and that nothing of the things happening may remain unknown or uncertain to the proceedings hereunder written, let all, present and future alike, who shall inspect this our register, know that in the year of the Lord 1455, the third indiction, in the first year of the pontificate of our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, on the seventh day (1) of the month of November, in the venerable church of Paris, in the morning: the honest widow Isabelle d’Arc, relict of the late Jean (2) d’Arc, mother of the late Joan commonly called the Maid, humbly approaching to the presence of the most reverend father and lord in Christ Jean, Archbishop of Reims, and of the reverend lord Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and of the honoured master Master Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of the faith, and casting herself at their feet with great groans and sighs, and offering and presenting a certain mandate and rescript of the holy apostolic See, together with her son Pierre d’Arc, brother of the said Joan, there assisting them very many honourable men, ecclesiastical and secular, and honest women, set forth, both in her own name and in that of her sons and kinsfolk, with tearful insinuation and mournful deprecation, and caused to be set forth by certain persons assisting there, that:

Whereas she had long ago brought forth a daughter in lawful wedlock, and had brought her up, duly marked with the sacraments of baptism and confirmation, in the fear and reverence of God and the traditions of the Church, so far as her age and the condition of her simple state permitted, so that, nurtured among the pastures and in the fields, she frequented the church often, received the sacrament of the Eucharist, although set in tender years, after due confession, almost every month, devoutly and fervently intent upon fastings and prayers for the then greatest necessities of the people, with which she sympathised with her whole heart: nevertheless certain adversaries and rivals of her, and of her kinsfolk, and of the princes and peoples of the commonwealth under whom the said Joan and hers lived and dwelt, drew her into a cause of faith, to the injury, contumely and contempt of the said princes and peoples alike; and her, supported by no lawful authority, after tacit and express refusals and appeals, all defence of her innocence being taken away, by a deceitful, violent and iniquitous trial, all order of law being omitted, many crimes being falsely and mendaciously imposed upon her, many articles repugnant and dissonant from her confession being falsified for the obtaining of opinions, they condemned damnably and iniquitously, and burned with the most cruel burning of fire, all weeping, after she had received with the greatest devotion the sacrament of the Eucharist — to the damnation of their own souls, and to the mark, infamy and irreparable damage of the said Isabelle and her kin. The bowels of the aforesaid widow were moved over her daughter; all her kinsfolk were filled with grief; but they kept the grief within, many likewise grieving with them, until it pleased the heavenly clemency to give clear sky after clouds, tranquillity after wars, light after darkness, and to restore the city of Rouen — nay, all Normandy — to the natural dominion of the French, and to bring to full effect those things which, in the time of the said Joan, had been begun at Orléans and Reims. Then it was plainly manifest, then came forth into public from its hiding-place that deceitful, violent and iniquitous trial, long hidden; and its nullity, iniquity and violence were manifoldly detected, both from inspection of it and from common fame and the report of men worthy of belief. Which the aforesaid Isabelle and her kinsfolk perceiving, by the counsel and direction of many most worthy men who had inspected that trial at length, they deemed it right simply and humbly to have recourse to the fountain of justice, the holy apostolic See, which is the mother and mistress of the faith, and is wont to afford loving succour to all the oppressed, to which the said Joan had often submitted herself in the conduct of the said trial, and to which she had often asked that her sayings and deeds should be remitted — setting forth to the same See all the premises and asking the opportune remedies of justice. Upon their prayers and supplications, therefore, inclined with his wonted benignity, our most holy lord Calixtus the Third (3), ever bearing loving bowels of compassion over the afflicted, since he could not be fully informed of the premises, committed his powers and full authority to the same most reverend Jean the Archbishop, and to Guillaume and Richard, Bishops of Paris and Coutances, and to one of the Inquisitors of the faith in the realm of France, most choice and approved men, as the said widow then set forth to them, and to two of the three the faculty of duly taking cognisance upon the nullity and iniquity of the said trial, both from the acts of the same and from other documents, declaring that nullity by their sentence, and totally purging the said Joan and her people from all mark, infamy and stain by occasion or pretext of the said trial, and applying to the said widow and her kin all opportune remedies of law; as is more fully contained in the said apostolic letters and rescript.

The aforesaid widow Isabelle, therefore, casting herself with great groans and sighs at the feet of the said most reverend and reverend fathers — to wit, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Paris — and of the venerable Master Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of the faith (Richard, Bishop of Coutances, being then absent), and again offering and presenting to them, and to each of them particularly, the rescript which she bore in her hands, together with her aforesaid son, both in her own name and in that of her kinsfolk, humbly and most instantly required that the aforesaid lords Delegates, wholesomely following the footsteps of the holy apostolic See and of our most holy lord Calixtus the Third, and reverently receiving and executing its mandates, would deign to proceed to the inspection or the speedy execution of the said rescript presented to them, without further delay or tarrying; and to minister justice to the said widow and her sons and kinsfolk, declaring the nullity of the aforesaid trial, purging the said Joan and her people, and applying the other remedies of law, as justice and equity demanded and required, and as was commanded them in the rescript.

There were present then among those assisting the aforesaid widow learned and lettered men, secular and religious, who, reciting at length many things concerning the aforesaid trial, which they professed to have seen in authentic form: many unbefitting things (4): of the violence, usurpation and inordinate passion of the judges; many of the rigour of the prison, the chains and fetters, and of the baseness and bitterness of the guards delivered over the said Joan; of the captious, subtle and impertinent questions; of the interruptions and changes of place; of the unaccustomed and extraordinary manner of interrogation; of the threats and terrors brought upon the counsellors; of the articles falsified for the obtaining of opinions; of the fraudulent inducements; of the violent abjuration; of the feigned and contrived relapse; also concerning the simplicity, integrity and virginity of the said Joan herself, ascertained even by her adversaries, and concerning her pious and salutary purposes and deeds amid the very great necessities of the realm — which things, they said, if weighed with right intention, were to be attributed not to crime but to praise, not to error but to religion; to piety, not to depravity; to truth, not to falsehood, and to be discussed by divine rather than human judgement; exhorting and beseeching the said lords Delegates with great insistence that they would deign to have regard to the needy and poor widow, and with loving benignity to impart the salutary aid of charity and justice to her desolations and complaints.

But when the aforesaid lettered men stretched out the aforesaid speech at length, and each of them particularly strove to descend to particulars of the aforesaid trial and to specify them; and the said widow, many of those assisting crying out with her, doubled and repeated her prayers, a great multitude then running together at their voices: the aforesaid lords Delegates, perceiving that time and place did not admit full deliberation in the reception and inspection of the aforesaid rescript, and that the presence of notaries was not then at hand, led the said widow with those assisting her, the multitude being shut out, to be withdrawn to the sacristy of the aforesaid church of Paris; and in the aforesaid place, after certain consolations ministered to the said widow, set in great bitterness of heart, and after manifold interrogations made upon the origin, condition and conversation both of the said widow and of her daughter the aforesaid Joan — the aforesaid rescript having first been read among themselves, and afterwards before all — they answered her by the mouth of the said most reverend father the lord Jean, Archbishop of Reims, that they had heard with loving compassion of mind and had perceived from the very tenor of the rescript her lamentations, complaints and moaning, and the effect of her petition; wherefore, since the reverence due to the holy apostolic See, and the fidelity and obedience owed to it, constrained them, and natural piety and the testimonies of Scripture induced them patiently to hear the widow’s cause and complaint, and, keeping within the bounds of reason and justice, effectually to grant it: they were prepared, at a fitting place and time, the notaries being summoned and called, with the assistance, direction and counsel of learned and honest men whom they had purposed to summon, benignly to receive again with reverence the rescript presented to them; and to proceed to its execution, after the due calling of the parties, justice being the means, according to the tenor of the said rescript; and in no wise to deny the said widow and her kin the due fulfilment of justice. Nevertheless they wished the aforesaid widow, unskilled in law-suits and processes, to be forewarned of the arduousness and difficulty of the matter set forth in the narration of the rescript and in her supplication, that she should duly ponder the prolix and difficult, ambiguous and perilous courses and issues of judgements; and that in this most renowned city, where there was at hand a multitude of learned and honest men, she should seek salutary counsel; lest, seduced perchance by carnal affection, or moved by a zeal of indiscretion, or guided by a less salutary counsel, she should have to renew and heap up for herself and hers, in place of the reparation and purgation sought, damage and injury; and, in place of the annulment of the trial conducted against her daughter, to bring back its corroboration and confirmation. For since the aforesaid Joan, her daughter, as she says, was long ago judicially dealt with in a cause of faith, which is to be spoken of as favourable, and condemned by grave, learned and solemn judges, it is most likely to be presumed in favour of their sentence; nor is the retraction of a sentence to be approached without the strongest proofs, by the extraordinary way of nullity: For the voice of all litigants, says Augustine, is this one and the same, even when they have been convicted by manifest reasoning, to say that they have suffered at the hands of bad judges, and that their judgement was iniquitous and null. Credence, therefore, is not readily to be afforded to such; what has once been definitively determined is not to be broken off; easy access is not to be ministered; ecclesiastical discipline is not lightly to be broken; never, under any pretext of piety or compassion, is the integrity and uprightness of the faith to be changed. For since causes of faith must be so handled that neither the distinction of the powerful nor of the poor may intervene, nor any acceptance of persons be had, Scripture saying: If thy father or thy son, or thy wife who sleepeth in thy bosom, or thy friend would pervert the truth, let thy hand be upon him [Deut. 13:6], it beseems those who judge of matters of faith, in the first, and much more strongly in the second instance, discussing again the things adjudged, ever to have before their eyes God alone and justice, and the very sincere integrity of the faith, to bear the balance of rectitude in their hands, and in no wise to depart from the way of truth and the traditions of the Fathers, all considerations of whatsoever favour being set aside. For although the Church ought to show herself favourable to orphans and widows, favour is nevertheless not to be shown against justice or against the very sincerity of the faith.

Saying these and other things, the aforesaid lords Delegates finally declared that they spoke and

(1) The manuscripts: die vero décima septima — the seventeenth day; then at the end of the procès-verbal of that same day and throughout the sequel (see below, pp. 90, 91 and 92) they indicate 7 November as the day which was afterwards assigned for the solemn presentation of the apostolic rescript. On the subject of this manifest error, consult our Introduction.

(2) An error: the Christian name of Joan of Arc’s father was Jacques. See vol. I, p. 40, and the Pièces justificatives of the fourth volume.

(3) The manuscripts read quintus — the Fifth.

(4) The Notre-Dame manuscript: de incompetentia.

said all the aforesaid things, not to the diminution of the innocence of the aforesaid Joan, nor to the detriment of the cause or of the justice of the widow herself, nor for the sake of delay or tarrying, but so that the widow herself, ever armed with good counsel, might duly foresee that, if the entering into judgements is easy, yet the issue is difficult and perilous; and that all things reserved to the future are uncertain.

After these and other things had been set forth, the aforesaid lords Delegates ordained that the presentation, reception and publication of the rescript, and the answer upon the decree and other matters, should again be made, more solemnly and more particularly, in the presence of notaries, doctors and honest men to be summoned by the said lords Delegates, in the episcopal hall of Paris; assigning, as they also did assign, to the aforesaid widow and her son and her people the seventeenth day (1) of this month of November, in the aforesaid episcopal hall, to present again and to receive the aforesaid rescript in the presence of the public notaries and of the counsellors to be summoned; and also to require on the part of the aforesaid widow what of right should be required, and also to hear the deliberation, determination and answer of the said lords Delegates and of the council upon the presentation and reception of the aforesaid rescript, the citations and summonses of the parties, and other preparatory matters; and to proceed upon these and other matters as of right it should behove to proceed; admonishing the aforesaid widow that, during the pending delay, she should procure for herself the counsels of good and honest men ever having God and justice before their eyes, and should come on the said day armed with good and faithful counsel.

The aforesaid widow moreover and the aforesaid assistants, expressly protesting that it was not their intention to pursue, say or do anything which could redound to the detriment or prejudice of the faith, of truth and of justice, or depart from the integrity of the faith itself, said that they were fully certified of the simplicity and innocence of the aforesaid Joan as regards the crimes imposed upon her under pretext of the faith; and that the very iniquity, violence and nullity of the trial lawfully appear from its acts and from other documents; therefore, in no wise distrusting the justice of the cause, they were ready to appear in public sight and publicly to require judgement. Accepting therefore with humility and reverence the aforesaid term for presenting the rescript again, and the place assigned them, and benignly and humbly entreating the aforesaid lords Delegates for the speedy and brief despatch of the business, the aforesaid widow and the aforesaid assistants withdrew from the presence of the said lords Delegates and from the said church of Paris with acts of thanks, an authentic copy of the aforesaid rescript being left with the aforesaid lords Delegates, and certain supplications, conceived in Latin and in French, being tendered and left with them, in which all the premises were set forth more at large. The aforesaid lords Delegates moreover, certain communications having been held beforehand in that place, ordained, during the pending delay, to communicate further among themselves, the most approved and learned men being called together more often.

These things were first done and said in the said church of Paris and its sacristy; and then, that all things might proceed more advisedly and maturely and be more attentively done, the matter being likewise renewed and repeated in the presence of the said prelates and of the learned men subscribed below, we the notaries being constituted for the whole series of the proceedings, on the said [seventeenth] day of the aforesaid month of November; there being also present at these things Jean de Cruisy, scribe of the episcopal court of Paris, and Pierre de Rupe, public notaries, subscribed with us at the end of this article; who also were present at all the things already said and premised, both done in the said church and also renewed and repeated in the said episcopal hall, on the said [seventeenth] day of the month of November (2), the acts of which day are forthwith described.

Solemn presentation of the apostolic rescript at Paris, in the episcopal hall #

The said seventeenth day (3) then having come, assigned to the aforesaid widow and her kin, as aforesaid, in the said church of Paris (4); there assembling in the said hall the most reverend and reverend fathers Jean, Archbishop of Reims, and Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and the venerable Master Jean Bréhal, Inquisitor of the faith, the reverend father in Christ Richard, Bishop of Coutances, being then absent; there being present and assisting in the same place very many bishops, abbots, professors of sacred theology and of the laws, and officials of divers metropolitan and diocesan sees, and other licentiates, masters and learned men, and a copious multitude of clergy and people: the aforesaid widow Isabelle appeared, together with her son, both in her own name and in that of her kinsfolk, most honest and worthy men and women accompanying her. And she duly appearing, and we the notaries underwritten being constituted to hear and register the things which should be said and done, the solemn oaths requisite in matter of fidelity having been required of us and given, saving an ampler constitution; the parties being summoned on behalf of the same widow Isabelle and of her son and her kin: a man of great circumspection and knowledge, Master Pierre Maugier (5), eminent doctor of the Decretals, repeated and resumed the presentation, propositions and requisitions made on behalf of the aforesaid widow in the said church of Paris; and set forth the lamentations and complaints upon the cruel death and condemnation of the aforesaid Joan; the said archbishop also repeating the aforesaid exhortations made to the said widow, and the assignation to this place and day. Which assignation the aforesaid widow desiring to satisfy, by the mouth of the venerable said Master Pierre Maugier she presented with humility and reverence the rescript formerly presented, namely the apostolic letters of our most holy lord the lord Calixtus the Third, sealed with the bull after the manner of the Roman curia, sound and whole, not vitiated, not cancelled, but altogether free from every defect and suspicion, by which it was expressly commanded to the said lords Delegates that they should show to the same widow and her kin the due fulfilment of justice; humbly beseeching that the aforesaid lords Delegates, wholesomely following the footsteps of the said holy apostolic See and of the same most holy lord our Calixtus, and reverently receiving and executing its mandates, would deign to proceed to the inspection and speedy execution of the said rescript presented to them without further delay or tarrying; to summon the parties to be summoned, and to minister justice to the said widow and her sons and kinsfolk, declaring the nullity of the aforesaid trial, purging the said Joan and her people, and applying certain remedies of law, as justice and equity demanded and required, and as was commanded them in the rescript.

And the aforesaid presentation of the rescript and the requisition on the part of the aforesaid widow and her kin being thus made, the aforesaid lords Delegates, for the reverence and honour of the holy apostolic See, received the aforesaid rescript reverently and benignly in their hands with all humility and obedience; and since they had read and seen it among themselves at the first presentation in the venerable church of Paris, as is said above, desiring specially to receive counsel and direction upon its execution from certain of the most learned and worthy men assisting, both concerning the summoning of the parties, the place and time of the summons, and concerning the other preparatory matters; and to intimate to the ears of each of those present the contents of the same rescript and the sincere intention of the same most holy lord our Pope, so that it might more conveniently come to the knowledge of all whose interest it might be: they ordained that the aforesaid rescript should be read through and published in the sight of all, by the mouth of the venerable man Master Jean Cruisy, scribe of the episcopal court of Paris. Who, receiving it from the hands of the aforesaid lords Delegates, read it in a loud and intelligible voice, all and each hearing.

So I affirm, Ferrebouc. So I affirm, Comitis (6).

The tenor moreover of the aforesaid rescript thus presented and read follows, and is this:

Calixtus (7), bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our venerable brethren the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishops of Paris and Coutances, greeting and apostolic benediction. To the humble prayers of suppliants we gladly assent, and we follow them up with opportune favours. A petition lately exhibited to us on behalf of our beloved sons Pierre and Jean, called d’Arc, laymen, and of our beloved daughter in Christ Isabelle, mother of the same Pierre and Jean, and of sundry of their kinsfolk, of the diocese of Toul, contained that: albeit the late Joan d’Arc, sister of Pierre and Jean and daughter of Isabelle their mother, while she lived among men detested every heresy, nor believed nor affirmed nor asserted aught that savoured of heresy or was contrary to the catholic faith and the traditions of the holy Roman Church; yet the late Guillaume d’Estivet, or whosoever then was promoter of criminal causes of the episcopal court of Beauvais, at the subornation, as is veritably believed, of certain rivals as well of Joan as of the aforesaid brothers and mother, falsely reporting to Pierre of good memory, Bishop of Beauvais, and likewise to the late Jean Magistri, professor of the Order of Friars Preachers, asserting that he then bore the office of the Inquisitor of heretical pravity deputed in those parts, then also living among men, that the said Joan, who was then in the diocese of Beauvais, was besmirched with the crime of heresy, and had committed other crimes which were contrary to the said faith: the said bishop, by ordinary authority, and Jean Magistri, pretending to have been supported by sufficient power in this behalf, under pretext thereof, upon such false report, descended to an inquisition against the said Joan, the promoter prosecuting the business of such inquisition; and straightway committed her to prisons and custody, neither the evidence of the matter, nor the vehemence of suspicion, nor the clamour of ill-fame requiring it; and at last, although it was not lawfully established to them by such inquisition, as neither could it be established, that the said Joan had been besmirched with any heresy, or had committed other things contrary to the faith, or such excesses and crimes, or had adhered to any errors whatsoever contrary to the said faith, since these things were neither notorious nor true, and the said Joan herself had required the same bishop and Jean Magistri that, if they pretended she had said or was saying aught that savoured of heresy or was contrary to the faith, they should remit it to the examination of the apostolic See, whose judgement she was then ready to undergo: nevertheless, all defence of her innocence being taken from the said Joan and the order of law omitted, proceeding at the mere pleasure of their will nullly and in fact in this business of inquisition, they promulgated an iniquitous definitive sentence against the said Joan, by which they judged her a heretic and entangled in the other crimes and excesses aforesaid. By occasion whereof also the said Joan was afterwards wickedly delivered by the secular court to the last punishment, to the peril of the souls of those condemning her, and to the ignominy and opprobrium, and the hurt, offence and injury of the mother, brothers and aforesaid kinsfolk. And, as the same petition subjoined, of the nullity of such inquisition process, and of the innocence of the said Joan, it clearly appears from its acts and otherwise; and because she, beyond the deserts of her fault, was wickedly condemned, it can easily be established by lawful proofs. Wherefore the aforesaid brothers and mother and kinsfolk, desiring to act especially for the recovery of their own honour and of the said Joan’s, and to abolish the mark of infamy thence unduly incurred, caused us to be humbly supplicated that we would deign to commit the cause of such nullity and of the purgation of the things falsely imputed to the said Joan to be heard by certain persons in those parts and determined with due end, and to command that they be admitted to the prosecution of the cause of such nullity and purgation, notwithstanding the premises. We therefore, inclined to such supplications in this behalf, command your fraternity by apostolic writings that you, or two or one of you, taking unto you some person deputed over such pravity in the realm of France, and the present sub-inquisitor of the said pravity constituted in the said diocese of Beauvais and the promoter of criminal causes of the said court being called, and the others who shall have to be summoned; having heard the things proposed on either side upon the premises: ye shall decree what is just, appeal being removed, causing what ye shall decree to be firmly observed by ecclesiastical censure; apostolic constitutions and ordinances and all other things contrary notwithstanding. Given at Rome, at Saint Peter’s, in the year of the Lord’s incarnation 1455, on the third of the ides of June, in the first year of our pontificate. So signed in the fold of the lower margin: S. Consiliati.

(1) The manuscripts 5970 and Notre-Dame: the seventh day.

(2) The two manuscripts Notre-Dame and 5970, septembris.

(3) The manuscripts Notre-Dame and 5970, the seventh.

(4) The Notre-Dame manuscript: in prœdio Parisiensis ecclesiœ — in the close of the church of Paris; but we must read in prœdicta Parisiensi ecclesia — in the aforesaid church of Paris; for the assignation had been given to appear in Notre-Dame, and not in the close of Notre-Dame.

(5) Advocate of the d’Arc family; perhaps son of Robert Mauger, first president of the Parliament of Paris under Charles VI. At least it is certain that he was a Parisian, and procurator of the nation of France in the University of Paris from the year 1421. He exercised the functions of rector in 1427 and in 1431. After having been elected deputy to the councils of Basel (1429) and of Rouen (1450), he displayed much activity and talent in the quarrel of the University and the Mendicant Orders. The assembled Faculties voted him thanks for the trouble he had taken in that affair. In truth, the gratitude of the body did not go so far as to preserve him from a humiliation which he drew upon himself a little afterwards by his indiscreet conduct: having spoken ill of the rector Jean Boulanger, he was publicly reprimanded on 14 March 1467 and forced to make honourable amends. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Par., V, pp. 351, 410, 439, 605, 621, 878, 921.)

(6) Registrars of the cause, whose letters of institution will be found hereafter. There exists a letter of Robert Gaguin to François Ferrebouc, dated from Burgos 1468, in which the latter is qualified as Pontificii juris laureatus, that is to say licentiate in canon law, a title which he himself takes in divers documents of the trial. (Thesaurus anecdot., I, p. 1833.)

(7) Alphonse Borgia, formerly Archbishop of Valencia in Spain, elected pope on 8 April 1455, at the age of seventy-eight.

Speech of Master Pierre Maugier at the aforesaid presentation #

And the presentation, reception and public reading of the aforesaid rescript being made, as is described above, and public instruments being thereupon requested, when the aforesaid lords Delegates with the reverend and venerable prelates, doctors and men skilled in the law assisting them in great numbers were beginning to deliberate upon the answer to be given and upon the summoning and citation of the parties to be decreed, and upon the parties, both generally and specially, to be summoned of whom mention is made in the rescript, and the other preparatory matters; and were already directing the parties and counsellors and the attendant multitude to withdraw to another part of the hall: the venerable man the aforesaid Master Pierre Maugier, most instantly required by the said widow and her kinsfolk, and, as he said, by well-nigh the whole multitude, as appeared from the voices of many, to set forth more particularly and fully in French words the supplication of the widow herself and her kinsfolk contained in the rescript — desiring, as he asserted, in some measure to inform so venerable an assembly of the pitifulness of the cause and the injustice of the judges, and of the innocence of the aforesaid Joan named in the said rescript — asked for a hearing (1). Which, although the aforesaid lords Delegates, who had not yet assumed upon themselves the part of judges, manifoldly asserted to be unnecessary and of little use, nevertheless at the frequent and sedulous instance of the aforesaid widow and the prayers of those present, by the deliberation of the aforesaid prelates, doctors and other men skilled in the law, they deemed right to be granted to the said Master Pierre, he being forewarned to speak with honesty, modesty and brevity concerning the very parties of whom mention was made in the rescript, and to whom full hearing and defence was reserved, both against the rescript and concerning the principal matter.

Hearing being therefore granted, and silence enjoined upon all, the same venerable Master Pierre first protested that he purposed to injure none maliciously, nor to detract or inveigh aught to the prejudice of the fame, honour or dignity of any; but intended only to say and propose, whether now or in the whole series and discussion of the future trial and judgement, those things which seemed to make for the elucidation of the truth and the manifestation of justice, and for the justice due to his cause; protesting also specially and expressly that it was his intention solely and only to apply and adapt the words of complaint (2) against the judges and the promoter, of whom special mention is made in the rescript; but against the others who are said to have been present at some time at the trial attempted against the aforesaid Joan, and to have given certain opinions or counsels — since, in view of the false and mendacious extraction and composition of the articles communicated to them, they are held excusable — he wished to say or propose nothing; nay, he intended, justice requiring it, in the very discussion and series of the trial, manifoldly to show that the articles themselves, transmitted for the obtaining of opinions, were falsely and unduly extracted from the confessions of the aforesaid Joan, pertained in no wise to the case and deeds of the aforesaid Joan, differed from them, and in many things most evidently contradicted them. These protestations being thus made, the aforesaid Master Pierre, submitting the things said and to be said in this prosecution and matter to the correction and determination of the holy apostolic See, and of the lords delegated by it, and of all to whom it may pertain in this behalf, began to say and propose, in French words, the things which in effect follow, here set forth in Latin words:

Most reverend fathers and most renowned judges, that the zeal of your rectitude may come forth into the midst, and the sacred honour of truth and justice may shine forth, and on the other hand, ever speaking short of all injury, the deceitful intent of the judges Pierre Cauchon, late Bishop of Beauvais, Guillaume d’Estivet the promoter, Jean Magistri, sub-inquisitor of the faith in the diocese of Beauvais (3), and their colleagues or accomplices, may be detected, and their manifest iniquity laid open: after the example of the most pure Daniel, raised up by divine grace for the salvation of the innocent Susanna condemned by wicked deceit, to convict the malice of the hardened judges: may it please you, I beseech, to attend to the hidden deceit, the perverse zeal, the conspired malice, and the damnable over-boldness of the presumed authority of judgement of those judges, of whom mention is made in the rescript now presented to you, and against whom our proposition is directed. Wherefore, I ask, has this rashness of judging, deceitfully sought out by the judges, prevailed without authority, when the evidence has shown that the same judges cherished capital enmities against that innocent daughter, so that they are held openly, publicly and manifestly not only dwellers with her enemies, but adherents, table-companions, familiars, favourers, officers and counsellors of them, as the sayings, deeds, iniquitous trial and pernicious sentences of the same judges manifest and express most evidently? Whence comes their so great presumption to be marvelled at, since they themselves know that the laws divine and human cry out that not only capital enemies, but those dwelling with them, are utterly alien from the office of judging, witnessing and accusing. But from the very series of the judgement and its form, corrupted and stained beyond measure, shines forth the intention of the said judges, and their officious conspiracy, alike deceitful and iniquitous, for her destruction: since they caused her, bound in iron fetters and gyves and consigned to a hard prison, under basest guards, in a castle and secular power, to be often vexed with subtle interrogatories sought out in arduous matters; and by the false articulated excerpts of her forced confession, sinister additions and discrepancies of the opining consultants, and adjurations extorted by force and fear, and feigned relapses, they dared at last, with polluted consciences and hands, iniquitously to suffocate her by public burning. For these things are manifest from the sight of their iniquitous trial, and are established by most true informations; by which that very trial itself stands infected, and the sentences and consequences, stained with the taint of deceit, nullity and iniquity, it manifestly leaves behind. Give heed to these things, most renowned judges; the unspotted blood of oppressed innocence cries before the throne of the Lord. To your providences is sent the authority from on high, and the delegation made, and the elucidation of this iniquitous condemnation committed, that by the ministry of justice ye may render serene the consciences of the faithful, and appoint a seemly and just reparation, tempered with the sweet-smelling compounds of justice and equity.

Neither is the purity of the said daughter, her modest conversation, her exceeding humility, her sincerity in the faith, her fervent devotion towards the sacraments of the Church, to be little weighed in this behalf before your paternities; which things never beget or induce ill-fame of the faith, or the stain or suspicion of heresy. Nor will it be found in the whole conduct of that trial that she was convicted of, or confessed, those crimes which the most iniquitous sentence passed upon her falsely expresses. But if she was accused of the assumption of man’s dress, or the bearing of arms for some time: she gave a catholic answer, excusatory, the necessity and public utility being manifoldly shown, and the loving and divine instinct whereby she was moved thereto being alleged; so that she was held free of every stain imputed to her, especially such as deserved a process of faith, as the trial itself manifests in its most open proofs. May it please you to impress these things upon your minds, that it may be made manifest to all that every suspicion in the same innocent woman, and matter of a cause of faith or of any mark whatsoever imputed to her, ceases.

Nor let it irk you, most reverend fathers, to observe that the aforesaid judges, from the beginning of the trial conducted against the said daughter, that they might seem to hold the form ordained by law, made informations concerning her ill-fame in her own parts; but they did not join them to their trial — nay, filled with deceit, they willed them to lie hid; since immaculate innocence, frequency of divine offices, reception of the sacraments, and the purity of all good disposition, the embraces of devotion and catholic truth, and good name and honest conversation, had by those informations rendered authentic report in common fame. But because this report was contrary to the intention of the judges, they cast those informations out of the trial, and deceitfully willed them to be hidden under a bushel. Herein moreover, most learned judges, they bring in the nullity of their trial and of all its consequences; for, even according to the doctors of law, every sentence is deemed infected with the taint of nullity which deceit mingled in the trial stains; most of all if the judge has in any wise consented to the deceit, as your circumspect reverences will weigh these things; noting also with special observation that, since a criminal sentence cannot be passed save upon one spontaneously confessed before his own judge, or convicted, this Maid, set in her lesser age and made over to a hard prison, afflicted by the fear and terror of her guards and the continual opprobriums of her capital enemies and the immense vexations of the judges, ought not to have been held convicted or confessed, and much less condemned, especially by those judges whom she oft-times refused, and against whom she appealed to the Pope, and asked that she and her sayings and her deeds should be remitted.

Item, these things being supposed, and to avail for the purgation of the same innocent Maid, it is needful as to the rest of the contents of the trial to observe with what perseverance she affirmed that she had revelations from God and the Saints, and that she proceeded by their aid, not refusing but embracing the judgements of the Church; and that very many doctors and lettered men veritably affirm them to be such that none ought to judge of them save for good; since such things, even where uncertain, were rather to be left to the divine judgement. Nor was this Maid to be called an idolater, or a diviner or contriver of such revelations, save nullly and in fact, nor a seductress in aught, who strove to bring back the subject peoples to the obedience of their natural king and lord, believing in God alone and invoking the Saints of God, the adoration and invocation of evil spirits whatsoever being set aside and driven out.

Item, since the aforesaid judges were not ashamed, in the sentences attempted by them, infected with the taint of deceit, iniquity and nullity, to utter many opprobriums concerning the same daughter and innocent Maid, and falsely to impute to her that she was confessed and convicted of divers crimes, and falsely, mendaciously and iniquitously to condemn her as erring in the faith and relapsed into heresy; in all which things, if the series of the trial be unfolded, she will be able to appear duly neither convicted nor confessed: may it please your reverences to declare her not liable to the aforesaid crimes, and to retract the condemnations and declarations uttered against her, and to abolish all the scandal thence arisen, justice being the means.

Item, since that false trial of her adversaries contains that this daughter was condemned by the opinions of many skilled in sacred and human law, whereas nevertheless no trial of her confessions was ever delivered to those opining consultants, nor seen by them; but there were given them, deceitfully indeed, articles to opine upon, beginning A certain woman, unlike her confessions, suppressing the things which availed for her justification, and superadding iniquitous, false and surreptitious aggravations of every kind, upon which nevertheless the perverse sentence of the judges seems to have been wholly founded, being thence infected with nullity: which I ask to be borne in memory by your providences, and to be duly compared with the said trial, for the evident dissimilarity, and with the confession of the said Joan.

Item, the pretended abjuration also, placed in the proceedings by the aforesaid judges, comes to be most greatly weighed, since that which is inserted in the proceedings was fabricated anew after the proceedings were completed, very prolix and wrought with a strong artifice, which that innocent and ignorant daughter could not even have conceived; nay, another and a dissimilar one was presented to her, comprised in a short schedule; which if she, terrified, uttered, she will have seemed to have done nothing, since the expectation of the torturer, and the burning of the fire prepared, and the instant menace of a cruel death, seemed to compel her thereto by the very greatest fear. Nor will it irk you likewise to observe that the said maiden or daughter then oft-times, when she was thus dealt with, said to her adversary judges that she submitted herself and her sayings utterly to our lord the Pope and the Roman Church, and that she should be brought to him, or her sayings and deeds be sent to him. In all which things it is established that she was not a schismatic, but a true catholic; not a heretic, but obedient and faithful; nay, all the aforesaid things sound a most true appeal interjected to the Pope. From all which things it is needful to infer that that very sentence of those judges is null, and uttered by those who were not judges, erroneous and false, which falsely and mendaciously asserts the Maid herself to be a schismatic and an erring one.

These and many other things the said venerable Master Pierre Maugier briefly set forth in general in the said presentation of the rescript; protesting to set forth and declare them more particularly and amply, the parties being called; and asking both that the parties be called and that justice be shortly despatched to the aforesaid widow and her kinsfolk, as is enjoined upon the same aforesaid lords Delegates by the holy apostolic See and our most holy lord Calixtus; by summoning, or causing to be summoned, the parties whose summoning is commanded in the rescript, and by ministering to the aforesaid widow the due fulfilment of justice.

Adjunction of the Inquisitor and previous interrogation of the plaintiffs #

These things being heard, as is premised, that they might omit nothing of the contents of the same apostolic letters, so far as they could, they first took unto themselves as co-judge the venerable and religious man Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the Order of Friars Preachers, the other Inquisitor (4) in the realm of France, as was commanded to be done by the same apostolic letters; and he being so assumed, who was present also, and had ever been present at all the things already done: considering that a business of this kind could not be despatched without summons and citation, and without great distinction of terms, they deemed right first to admonish the said widow Isabelle, then present, mother of the aforesaid Maid, and the aforesaid Pierre and Jean, her brothers, upon the difficulties of the proceedings; and to interrogate them by solemn oath concerning the consanguinity which they had to the aforesaid Joan herself, and the zeal whereby they were moved, and other things. Which aforesaid widow and brothers answered upon solemn oath that she, the widow, was mother, and they brothers, of the aforesaid Joan the Maid, and that they intended to prosecute their own and their kinsfolk’s injury; not willing to become cruel by unduly neglecting their own and their kinsfolk’s fame; desiring that the apostolic mandate concerning the injustice wrought upon the same deceased woman and her parents should be committed to execution, and that according to its tenor justice should be ministered to them; instantly asking that letters of citation, according to the form and tenor of the said apostolic letters, be decreed to them.

Ordinance upon the citation and summons of the parties #

And thereupon the aforesaid lords Delegates, attending that the proceedings, and on that side which concerns the summoning into law, ought to begin; those being then excluded and directed to withdraw

(1) The manuscripts: audiendam postulavit — asked for a hearing.

(2) The manuscripts: querimoniam verba — the words of complaint.

(3) Supply: diœcesi — the diocese. Jean Lemaître was vice-inquisitor in the diocese of Rouen; but here, and throughout the course of the trial, he is regarded as vice-inquisitor of the diocese of Beauvais, on account of the special commission which he had received to proceed in concert with Pierre Cauchon. See vol. I, p. 124.

(4) Alterum Inquisitorem — the other Inquisitor, because there were two Inquisitors in the realm: that of Paris, who was properly the Inquisitor of France, and that of Toulouse, Inquisitor of Languedoc.

the widow and kinsfolk and counsellors and the multitude to another part of the episcopal hall: with the aforesaid reverend bishops and venerable abbots, doctors and men skilled in the law assisting, they ordained that the persons specially named in the rescript, and the others generally, should be cited and summoned to the place of the city of Rouen, where the first trial was conducted (1), to say first against the rescript and the persons, and to say further as should seem reasonable; and, causing the said widow and kinsfolk and counsellors and those present with them to return again before them, they granted to the same widow and kinsfolk letters of citation, both special and general, and decreed that they should be made and committed to execution, under the tenor designated below, as was commanded to be done to them by the same apostolic letters in the rescript.

Which being done, the same aforesaid widow Isabelle, now well-nigh decrepit with age, and the aforesaid Pierre and Jean, saying that they could not go about to very many places, constituted procurators in the acts and in the hands of us the notaries underwritten, under this tenor:

Tenor of the letters of procuration on the part of Isabelle and Pierre d’Arc #

In the name of the Lord, amen. By this present public instrument let it be manifestly plain and known to all that, in the year of the same Lord 1455, the third indiction (2), on the eighteenth day of the month of November, in the first year of the pontificate of our most holy father and lord in Christ the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name; in the presence of us, the notaries and witnesses underwritten, specially called and required for these things, personally constituted, Isabelle d’Arc of the diocese of Toul, mother, and the lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, brother of the late Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid of Domrémy-sur-Meuse, of the said diocese of Toul; of their certain knowledge, by the better way, right, manner and form whereby they best could and ought, can and may: made, constituted, created, named and solemnly ordained, in the acts of this cause, their beloved and faithful, the venerable and circumspect men, lords and masters: Jean Loyseux, Jean Angot, Jean Generi, Jean Merat, Louis Penyot, of Paris; Guillaume Prévosteau (3), Guillaume Leconte, licentiates in the laws, advocates; Pierre Cointe (4), Jean Véteris, of Rouen, procurators; Jean Geffroy, Gérard Folie, Laurent Surreau, Jacques Foucques, canons of Rouen; Jean Frocourt (5), Jean de Granvillier (6) and Raoul Fabri, dwelling at Beauvais, their general procurators, and each of them in solidum (so nevertheless that there be not a better condition of those first occupying, nor a worse of those following; but that what was begun by one of them may freely be prosecuted, carried on, terminated and ended by another, with effect), specially and expressly, in the name or names of the constituents themselves, to prosecute the nullity of the proceedings, sentence and all things following thereupon, formerly conducted against the said Joan, commonly called the Maid, and to require, seek and obtain condign reparation; and to appear before the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Richard, Bishop of Coutances, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the Inquisitors of heretical pravity constituted in the realm of France, or the other of them, or those deputed or to be deputed by the same judges and commissioners deputed by the holy See; and to act and defend in the name of the said constituents; and for them to give, make and offer a libel or libels and whatsoever petitions, by word or in writing; to reply, to rejoin, to sur-rejoin, and, if need be, to rebut; to contest the suit or suits, and cause them to be contested; to choose a domicile, and to excuse, avow and disavow the constituents themselves; to give whatsoever cautions; to speak of calumny, malice and truth; and to give upon the souls of the constituents themselves every oath of whatsoever other kind which is required in causes and which the order of law demands; to defer the oath; to take upon themselves the oath deferred; to put positions and articles; to answer positions and articles; to produce and exhibit witnesses, letters, acts, instruments and whatsoever other kinds of proofs by way of proof; to see the witnesses swear; to speak upon the witnesses and their sayings and the things exhibited and produced against them, and to reprove them; to object crimes and defects; to seek terms and delays; to propose exceptions of whatsoever kind; to implore and allege the office of the judge; to conclude in the cause or causes; to ask and to hear the sentence or sentences, both interlocutory and definitive; and, if it shall be necessary, to protest and appeal from the same, and from whatsoever other grievance brought or to be brought upon them; to prosecute, intimate, insinuate and notify their protests and appeals; once or many times, with due instance, to seek, recover and obtain the appeal (7), and the principal and the expenses if any be adjudged; to acquit of the things received; to seek and obtain the benefit of their absolution simply and by way of caution, and of restitution in full; to substitute another or other procurator or procurators, one or more, in their place, having a like or the same power in the premises; and to revoke him or them, the present procuration remaining in its vigour; and generally to do, make, procure and exercise all and each other things which shall be necessary or even opportune in and about the premises, and which the constituents themselves would do or could do if they were present and personally interested in the premises; even if there be such things as require a more special mandate. The same constituents promising, by their faith corporally given in the hands of us the notaries underwritten, and under the hypothec and obligation of all and each of their goods, moveable and immoveable, present and future, to hold and to hold for ever firm, stable and ratified all and whatsoever shall be done, said or transacted in the premises by their said procurators or the other of them, and by those substituted or to be substituted by the same or the other of them, or even otherwise howsoever procured, even if it shall be necessary to be presented in judgement and the judgement to be paid, with the opportune clauses. Of and upon all and each of which premises the often-said constituents asked that a public instrument or public instruments, one or more, should be made and delivered to them by us the notaries underwritten. These things were done at Paris, beside the church of Saint Mary of Paris, under the year, indiction, day, month and pontificate aforesaid; there being present at these things the venerable and circumspect men: Master Guillaume Sowillet, master in theology, Master Simon Chapitault, Égide Hallage, Laurent Vincent, and Pierre Heurgalent, witnesses specially called and required for the premises. Ferrebouc. Comitis.

Tenor of the letters of procuration on the part of Jean d’Arc #

In the name of the Lord, amen. By this present public instrument let it be manifestly plain and known to all that, in the year of the same Lord 1455, the third indiction (8), on the twenty-fourth day of the month of November, etc., etc.; in the presence, etc., personally constituted, Jean d’Arc, brother of the late Joan, commonly called the Maid of Domrémy-sur-Meuse, of the diocese of Toul; of his knowledge, etc., his beloved and faithful, the venerable and discreet men, lords and masters: Jean Loyseux, Jean Angot, Jean Generi, Jean Merat, Louis Penyot, of Paris; Guillaume Prévosteau, Guillaume Leconte, licentiates in the laws, advocates; Pierre Lecointe, Jean Véteris, of Rouen, procurators; Jean Geffroy, Gérard Folie, Laurent Surreau, Jacques Foucques, canons of Rouen; Jean Frocourt, Jean de Granvillier and Raoul Fabri, dwelling at Beauvais, our procurators, etc. (9).

Tenor of the letters of citation published in the diocese of Rouen #

Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this behalf, specially deputed for the foregoing by our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, together with the reverend father in Christ the lord Bishop of Coutances, our colleague in this behalf, with that clause: In that ye, or two or one of you, etc. To all and each priests, vicars, curates and not curates, and the other rectors of churches and public notaries, and other notaries wheresoever constituted, to whom or to which these our present letters shall come, and the others whom the underwritten matter in any wise touches, greeting and everlasting love. Among the catholic works of the faithful the embrace of charity shines, by whose purest ardour the tearful complaints of the oppressed oft-times desire opportune remedies for the ministry of truth and justice. Verily, but a few days since, with mournful voice, loving insinuation and grave bitterness of heart, prostrate before our sight, with repeated turns, the honest woman Isabelle, mother, and Pierre d’Arc, brother, both in their own name and in that of the other kindred of the late Joan d’Arc, constantly asserted and offered that they had obtained a certain patent mandate of the apostolic See, directed to us under the apostolic bull; and that we should receive it, to be carried out, established and founded for the same complainants and afflicted; and that they should declare openly the causes of their supplication, difficult of approach, and should solemnly demand that the presentation of the pretended mandate be admitted; the patronage of counsel being distributed to them, we assigned a day and place. Who, again, at the term assigned to them, namely on the seventeenth day of the present month of November, in the episcopal hall of Paris, there being convoked and assisting a copious multitude of certain prelates and venerable masters, professors of both laws, licentiates, bachelors, and other regular scholars, ecclesiastical and lay; we sitting solemnly for the tribunal for this purpose: by the mouth of their counsel they mournfully set forth in a resounding voice that, some time since, Joan d’Arc, the natural and lawful daughter of Isabelle and sister of Pierre and Jean, the same complainants, was offended and enormously injured with a grave mark and loss of her fame and of all her kindred; especially in this, as they said, that, by the working of the violence of certain of her rivals, or of adversaries of the commonwealth under which she and her parents were wont to live and be nurtured, the said Joan was detained; and without form of law, lawful party, due inquisition, and the terms requisite in matter of faith ceasing, she was from the beginning made over to a hard prison; and although she was falsely denounced, in matter of faith, by a certain pretended promoter of the reverend father in Christ lord Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, before the said Bishop of Beauvais and a certain pretended vicar of the Inquisitor of heretical pravity there, as judges: a trial, such as it was, was conducted against her nullly and in fact; and whereas she, as one born again in the faith of Christ, persevered in the manner of the faithful, devoutly embracing the divine worship and the traditions of the Church, nor asserted aught alien from holy Church, but rather gave catholic answers to the interrogatories sought out: nevertheless, by confessions and articles falsely contrived and fabricated, and certain things extorted by force, fear or circumvention, they were not ashamed unjustly to impute to her, impugning her, that she had uttered aught deviating from the tradition of the truth, or had otherwise grievously offended against the faith and the Church; and thence, adhering as it were to false principles, proceeding by deceitful means, they cruelly proceeded to iniquitous sentences, first of perpetual imprisonment, then of dismissal to the secular arm, and at last to the impious and detestable execution of final destruction. The aforesaid complainants subjoining with mournful desolation upon this opportunity assumed by them, which they knew not formerly to be fitting for them from lawful causes, that they had recourse in the form of justice decreed to the protection of the holy apostolic See, to which the Maid herself also oft-times, while the judgement was thus being conducted, sought recourse; by the form of which said apostolic mandate the commission of provision is delegated to us. Lastly, beseeching (since by the apostolic rescript itself, from the same most holy See and the present lord Pope, that delegation directed to us is known) with a mournful and lamentable prayer, that we would deign to admit it with loving compassion and to impart to them the works of truth and justice; tending and finally concluding that, the presentation of the apostolic mandate itself being received by us, we should take care to proceed to its execution according to its form; and thenceforward, justice persuading, would be willing to pronounce and sentence the nullity of the rash and presumptuous, false and contrived, as they asserted, proceedings, sentences and executions, with all the things following thereupon, and the declaration of rash presumption and falsity, or their irritation, cassation and annulment, and also the reintegration of their injured honour and offence and fame, and condign reparation of the injuries wrought by so great presumption, and the purity of the innocence of the same Joan by a true purgation openly to decree; so that to the perpetual memory of men there should redound this

(1) The Notre-Dame manuscript: fuit.

(2) The manuscripts read quarta — the fourth.

(3) In 1452 Cardinal d’Estouteville had constituted him promoter of the cause. Procurator of the d’Arc family in 1455, it was he who had the principal charge of the suit. There are found on the registers of the Exchequer of Rouen, in the years 1462 and 1464, Guillaume Prévosteau, lay counsellor at the Exchequer; and on a list of the nobles dwelling at Rouen in 1486, Messire Guillaume Prévosteau, lord of Tourny. (Desoculet, Hist. de Rouen, pp. 3 and 33.)

(4) Called Lecointe in the following document. See page 112.

(5) Canon of Beauvais, licentiate in canon law, apostolic notary, registrar at the ecclesiastical court of Beauvais and at that of the Conservation of the privileges of the University of Paris. He executed the citations of the tribunal in the diocese of Beauvais.

(6) Registrar in the church court at Beauvais.

(7) Manuscript 5970, apostolos.

(8) The manuscripts read quarto — the fourth.

(9) The rest as in the preceding act, with this difference, that where there is ipsi constituentes in the procuration of Isabelle and Pierre d’Arc, here there must be substituted ipse constituens.

reparation; or that otherwise, for the obtaining canonically of the due ends, more largely to be expressed and reserved at time and place, as they protested, we should extend our judgement, the same humbly imploring it of us. These things being therefore thus set forth, for the obtaining of the aforesaid ends, very many reasons being heard and openly deduced and laid bare, with due and honest protestations, sincere deliberation being straightway had upon this, we gave our assent to the reception of the same apostolic mandate. The apostolic mandate therefore being received by us with the reverence which was fitting, given at Rome at Saint Peter’s in the year of the Lord’s incarnation 1455, on the third of the ides of June: that, according to the due form of law, we might validly proceed to its execution, being instantly required by the aforesaid complainants; the other of the Inquisitors of heretical pravity deputed in this realm of France nevertheless being assumed and assisting us, of the same authority, namely the reverend professor of sacred theology, the religious Master Jean Bréhal of the Order of Friars Preachers: we caused the apostolic mandate itself to be read through openly and wholly, and to be published in the open. And then, a special summons being decreed by us of all and each of those who according to the series of the same mandate seemed to be summoned; moreover that we might proceed in this matter with ampler maturity, and lest anyone should be able to pretend ignorance of the things to be done: we commanded this our general and peremptory citation, of abundant caution, to be made and published, and deemed it right to be affixed in public places where it should be fitting. Wherefore, by the same apostolic authority which we exercise, we, the special Commissioners and Delegates aforesaid, command you all and each aforesaid, priests, vicars, curates and not curates, and the other rectors of churches, and public notaries, and other notaries wheresoever constituted, both by virtue of holy obedience and under the penalties of suspension upon the priests, and of excommunication upon the rest, which we pronounce in these writings unless ye shall do what we command: we enjoin that ye, or one of you, openly and publicly affix this our instrument, edict, or a copy thereof signed by a notary’s hand, upon the doors of the church of Rouen, and of other churches of the cities and places at which ye shall have been required, or one of you shall have been required, on behalf of the complainants or plaintiffs the same; and that ye cite, or one of you peremptorily cite, all and each, of whatsoever dignity or eminence, degree, honour, state and condition they be, or in any wise believing themselves interested, or in the form of law the formal parties, denouncers or accusers of the said late Joan, or defenders of the same pretended proceedings, or others willing lawfully to show themselves parties. Whom also, by the same apostolic authority, we summon and cite in these writings, to the twentieth day of the instant month of December next to come, at the hour of Terce, if that day be a law day; otherwise to the next law day following thereupon, on which it shall happen that we sit for the tribunal in this cause, or another or others acting for us by sub-delegation; to appear at Rouen in the archiepiscopal hall before us or one of us, or our sub-delegates or those to be sub-delegated by us or by one of us, in person or by their fit procurators sufficiently instructed, with all those rights, letters and muniments whereby they shall be willing to aid themselves in this behalf; to say or propose, by word or in writing, whatsoever they shall be willing to say against the aforesaid apostolic letters, the summonses, reports or execution of the same; and also to answer to the said complainants and to our promoter, if need be, concerning justice and right and what is just; and otherwise to proceed as of right in a cause of this kind, with its circumstances, dependencies and connexions, through all judicial acts and up to the definitive sentence and its execution inclusive; with due intimation, certifying wheresoever those thus cited that, whether they shall appear at the aforesaid prefixed peremptory term or not, we shall duly proceed, or they shall proceed, as shall be reasonable, the contumacy of the absent notwithstanding. Nevertheless, that no path of justice of any kind should be defrauded on any side, we have willed that to those asking for the exhibition or a copy of our mandate, whose interest it is, it should be given and exhibited at their own charges. And we command, by the aforesaid authority, that the things which in this behalf shall be done, executed or affixed by you or one of you, be delivered and despatched without delay to us or to one of us or to those to be delegated by us, in force of our summons, under your faithful and authentic report in writing. In faith and witness of all and each of the premises, we have commanded these our letters of citation, or this present public instrument, to be subscribed and published by the public notaries underwritten, our own and the scribes of this cause, and sworn by us; and to be confirmed by the appension of our seals. Given and done at Paris, in the greater upper episcopal hall of Paris, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1455, the third indiction, on the seventeenth day of the month of November, in the first year of the pontificate of the same our lord Calixtus the Third; there being present the venerable and most lettered men, Masters Gérard Gehe (1), Guillaume Bouille, and the brothers Jean Soret (2), Jean de Vernon (3), of the order of the brothers of Saint Mary of Mount Carmel, professors of sacred theology; Hector de Quoquerel (4), Martin de Fraxinis (5), doctors of the Decretals; Pierre Gay and Jean Le Rebours, licentiates in canon law; witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

But because I, Jean de Cruisy, priest of the diocese of Auxerre, licentiate in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, and sworn scribe of the episcopal court of Paris, was present, together with the witnesses above and the notaries underwritten, at the presentation, reception and decree of citation of the present apostolic letters, and all the other premises, while they were thus done and transacted by the said lords Delegates the judges and before them, and saw and heard them so done: therefore I have signed these present letters or this present public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, with my apostolic sign, together with the appension of the underwritten seals, here subscribing with my own hand, in witness of the truth, being required. So signed:

J. de Cruisy.

And I, Denis Comitis, priest of the diocese of Coutances, bachelor in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, and sworn notary of the Court of Conservation (6) of the privileges indulged by the holy apostolic See to the University of Paris; was present, together with the witnesses above and the notaries underwritten, at all and each of the premises while they were, as is premised, said, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done. Therefore to these present letters or this public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, I have set my accustomed sign, together with the seals of the lords Judges and the signs and subscriptions of the notaries underwritten, being required and requested, in faith and witness of all and each of the premises. So signed: D. Comitis.

And I, François Ferrebouc, clerk of Paris, licentiate in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, and sworn notary of the Courts of Conservation of the privileges indulged by the holy apostolic See to our alma mother the University of Paris, and of the episcopal court of Paris; who was present, together with the aforenamed witnesses and the notaries above and underwritten, at the presentation, reception and requisition of the aforesaid apostolic letters, the decree of citation and all and each of the other premises, while they were, as is premised, said, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done. Therefore to this present public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, I being lawfully hindered by other affairs, I have set my public and accustomed sign, together with the signs and subscriptions of the said notaries, being required and requested, in faith and witness of all and each of the premises. So signed: F. Ferrebouc.

And I, Pierre de Rupe, canon of Le Puy, bachelor in both laws and abbreviator of apostolic letters, and also public notary by apostolic authority; who was present, together with the aforenamed witnesses and the notaries above written, at the presentation, reception, requisition and decree of citation of the afore-inserted apostolic letters and all and each of the other premises, while they were, as is premised, said, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done. And therefore I have subscribed myself to this public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, I being occupied with other affairs, and have set my accustomed sign, together with the signs and subscriptions of the said notaries, in faith and witness of all and each of the premises, being required and requested. So signed: P. de Rupe.

Then follows the report of the execution.

To the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this behalf, specially deputed by our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, together with the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Bishop of Coutances, your colleague in this behalf, with that clause: In that ye, or two or one of you, etc. Your humble subjects, Socie Foies, priest of the diocese of Rouen, and Gérald de Sale, of the diocese of Reims, notaries sworn by the same apostolic authority, due reverence with obedience and honour. Let your most reverend paternities know that we have reverently received your letters, or the public edict, nay rather the apostolic edict, to which these our present letters are attached (7), presented to us on behalf of the honest woman Isabelle, mother, and the noble man Pierre d’Arc, knight, brother, and the other kindred of the late Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid; and that we have affixed your edict itself, in its original form, on the eleventh day of this month of December, upon the doors of the church of Rouen, openly and publicly, about the ninth hour in the morning of the said day; and that we have left those letters affixed, and have left the duplicate of the same original edict, underwritten and signed by us the aforesaid notaries, affixed upon the same doors from that hour at which divine service was being celebrated in the church until the twelfth hour or thereabouts of the same day, and on the morrow until this Friday, the nineteenth day of the said month of December; and that we and each of us, by force of the same letters or edict, by apostolic authority, have peremptorily cited all and each, of whatsoever dignity, pre-eminence, degree, honour, state and condition they be, or in any wise believing themselves interested, or in the form of law the formal parties, denouncers or accusers of the said late Joan, defenders of the proceedings made against her while she lived in the pretended matter of faith, or others willing lawfully to show themselves parties, just as ye summoned and cited them by the same apostolic authority in these your writings, to the twentieth day of this month of December at the hour of Terce, if that day be a law day; otherwise to the next law day following thereupon, on which it shall happen that ye sit for the tribunal in a cause of this kind, or another or others acting for you by your sub-delegation; to appear at Rouen in the archiepiscopal hall before you, one of you, or your sub-delegates or those to be sub-delegated by you or by one of you, in person or by their fit procurators sufficiently instructed, with all those rights, letters and muniments whereby they shall be willing to aid themselves in this behalf; to say or propose by word or in writing whatsoever they shall be willing to say against the aforesaid apostolic letters, the summonses and reports or the execution of the same; and also to answer to the complainants in your said letters and to your promoter, if need be, concerning justice and right and what is just, or otherwise to proceed as of right in a cause of this kind, with its circumstances, dependencies and connexions, through all judicial acts and up to the definitive sentence and its execution inclusive; with due intimation, certifying those thus cited that, whether they shall appear at the aforesaid prefixed peremptory term or not, ye, or those to be sub-delegated by you as aforesaid, or one of them or of you, as of right

(1) A Parisian, bred as a bursar at the college of Cardinal Lemoine, received master of arts in 1410. He was several times procurator of the nation of France, then rector in 1433 and 1436. His rectorate having earned him the cure of Saint-Cosme and Saint-Damien, he thenceforth gave himself to theology, which he afterwards professed with great success. He died in 1463, bequeathing to the University 800 golden écus, the distribution whereof gave rise to great debates among the Faculties. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., vol. V, pp. 423, 439, 597, 664, 874, 921.)

(2) Otherwise Jean Soreth, general of the order of the Carmelites, born at Caen and professed in the priory of that town. After having been procurator of the nation of France in the University of Paris, and visitor of his order in Germany, he was raised in 1451 to the supremacy of the Carmelite profession, a dignity which he kept to the end of his days. He died at Angers in 1471, by poison as some assert. He wrote sermons and several treatises upon the rule of his order. (Biblioth. Carmel., vol. II, col. 99.)

(3) Jean de Vernon, a Norman, made his profession and passed his life among the Carmelites of the Place Maubert, of which he was prior in 1456. It was he who founded the library of his house, which afterwards became famous. He died in 1461, leaving several treatises upon the holy books. (Bibl. Carmel., vol. II, col. 137.)

(4) Otherwise de Coquerel. He was vicar-general and official of the Archbishop of Rouen, dean of the chapter of Lisieux and counsellor in the parliament of Paris. In 1454 he was commissioner of the king at the assizes of the Exchequer of Rouen. Louis XI charged him, in 1464, with an embassy to Spain. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 810. — Blanchard, Catalogue des Conseillers au Parlement de Paris, p. 25. — Delaroque, Hist. de la maison d’Harcourt, vol. III, p. 322.)

(5) Martin Defresnes. He was of the commission named by the University in 1456 to settle the differences which had arisen between the body and the mendicant orders. Cited before the Parliament in 1460 as guilty of excesses towards the Élus of Paris. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., vol. V, pp. 605, 639.)

(6) This was the name given to a permanent tribunal constituted within the University for the defence of its franchises. It was presided over by one of the bishops of Beauvais, Senlis or Meaux, elected by the assembled Faculties. The Conservator, assisted by a promoter, procurators and registrars, could proceed by way of ecclesiastical censure against the servants of the fisc, and even strike them with excommunication. This jurisdiction, placed under the safeguard of the Holy See, was long dreaded even by kings. At the assembly of 22 March 1459 the rector of the University of Paris called the Conservator of its privileges his staff of defence (baculus defensionis). Charles VII, however, knew how to bend an authority which so greatly hampered the administration. By ordinance of 24 September 1460 he constrained the University to make reparation to the officers of the cour des aides, whom the Conservator had declared perjured. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., vol. III, p. 481, and vol. V, p. 635.)

(7) The Notre-Dame manuscript reads actetœ, an irregular form of the word actachiatœ, used in the ancient procedure.

and as reason require, ye will duly proceed, they will proceed, or some one of you or of them will proceed as of right, the contumacy of the absent notwithstanding. At which citations indeed none of the cited appeared, nor asked for a copy, although on each day of such affixion they were read by a multitude of the people. Which premises we certify to your most reverend paternities to have been thus done by us, by these presents. In witness whereof we have deemed right to confirm these same our present letters with our manual signs. So signed: Socius and G. de Sale.

Tenor of the letters of citation published in the diocese of Beauvais #

Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this behalf, specially deputed for the underwritten by our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, together with the reverend father and lord in Christ the Bishop of Coutances, our colleague in this behalf, with that clause: In that ye, or two or one of you: to all and each abbots, priors, deans, provosts, archdeacons, treasurers, precentors, cantors, archpriests, canons, rectors and perpetual vicars, and other chaplains, curates, and other ecclesiastical persons, beneficed and not beneficed, exempt and not exempt, and also notaries and public scribes, throughout the city and diocese of Beauvais and wheresoever else constituted, and to each of them in solidum, to whom or to which these our present letters shall come, greeting in the Lord and firm obedience to our mandates, nay rather the apostolic mandates. Know ye that we have received, in the presence of witnesses and notaries, with the reverence which was fitting, the letters of our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, presented to us by the venerable, learned and excellent man Master Pierre Maugier, doctor of the Decretals, with their hempen cords (1), sealed with the true leaden bull of the said our lord the Pope, not vitiated, not cancelled, not erased, nor suspect in any part, but altogether free from every defect and suspicion; there being present and assisting the noble man the lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Isabelle his mother, asking, requiring and stipulating this for Jean d’Arc, brother of the said lord Pierre d’Arc, of the diocese of Toul, described in the said apostolic letters; under this tenor: Calixtus, bishop, servant of the servants of God, etc., as appears above.

After the presentation and reception of which apostolic letters, we were, by the said lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Isabelle his mother, lawfully stipulating for the said Jean d’Arc, brother of the same lord Pierre d’Arc, principally named in the said apostolic letters, required with due instance that: in a business of this kind, according to the form and tenor of the said letters presented to us, we should take care to proceed, and should be willing and deign to decree a lawful citation against the reverend father in Christ the lord Bishop of Beauvais, and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes of the said court of Beauvais, and also all and each others commonly or severally believing themselves interested. We therefore, considering that, as Paul witnesses, obedience is by right preferred to victims, gladly attend to those things whereby, obedience being yielded to the mandates of superiors and chiefly of the holy apostolic See, justice may be made manifest in public and truth may not be swallowed up in oblivion; so that thence, against those not knowing to direct their steps in the paths of justice and presuming to tear it with revilings, justice itself, the protectress of realms, may be allotted to those who ask with an equal balance. Having assumed with ourselves, for the executing of the premises and their determination with due end, and as was commanded us to be done in the above-written apostolic letters, the venerable and religious man Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the Order of Friars Preachers, the other Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France; willing reverently to execute the above-written apostolic mandate directed to us in this behalf, as we are bound: to you all and each, all above named and each of you in solidum (whom by apostolic authority we require and admonish in this behalf, first, secondly and thirdly, and by virtue of holy obedience and under penalty of excommunication, which we shall pronounce effectually upon you and each of you who shall have been required in this behalf, if ye shall have contemned or neglected, or shall have contumaciously neglected to fulfil, our mandate, nay rather the apostolic mandate, the said canonical admonition being premised), we strictly enjoin and command that, for the executing of this our mandate, one of you shall not wait for another, nor shall one excuse himself by another. Ye shall take care peremptorily to cite, on our part, nay rather on the apostolic part, the same lord Bishop and the sub-inquisitor of the said heretical pravity constituted in the said diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes, and all and each others, of whatsoever state, degree, sex, dignity or condition they be, commonly or severally believing themselves interested; whom also and each of whom we cite by the tenor of these presents, that on the twelfth day of the month of December (2) next to come, if the said twelfth day be a law day and we shall sit for the tribunal to render justice in the greater archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, or one of us shall sit; otherwise on the next law day immediately following thereupon, on which it shall happen that we or one of us sit in the said greater archiepiscopal hall of Rouen to render justice; they shall lawfully appear in judgement at Rouen in the aforesaid hall before us or one of us, in person or by their fit procurators specially constituted for a cause of this kind and sufficiently instructed, with all the rights, letters and other muniments concerning this business; to say and propose whatsoever they shall be willing to say and allege against the aforesaid apostolic letters, the citation, the report and its execution; and otherwise to proceed in a cause of this kind according to the exigency of the case and the narration, up to the decision of the cause itself, as shall be of right and reason; to answer concerning justice to the same Pierre and Isabelle, principals and stipulating for the said Jean, and to the promoter principally constituted for this cause. But if ye could not personally find the aforesaid bishop, sub-inquisitor and promoter of criminal causes, ye shall cite them in the houses of their habitations, if safe access to the same be open to you; otherwise in the cathedral church of Beauvais, by affixion of the presents, or a true copy thereof signed by the hands of notaries, when the faithful people shall come in the said church to hear divine service; and in the other places at which ye shall have been required; so nevertheless that, in executing these things, one of you shall not wait for another, nor shall one excuse himself by another; and otherwise so that this our citation ought and may be presumed veritably to have come to the knowledge of the sub-inquisitor and promoter of criminal causes themselves, and of the others believing themselves interested, in the manner and form above expressed. Certifying the same sub-inquisitor and promoter, and all others believing themselves interested, that, whether they shall appear at the term of the said citation or not, before us or one of us: we shall proceed in this cause at the instance of the parties lawfully appearing before us, the absence or contumacy of the others notwithstanding. Ye shall diligently study to intimate to us the form of the citation and whatsoever ye shall deem fit to be done upon the premises, by your patent letters containing the series of these our letters, or by a public instrument, the presents being remitted. We command you nevertheless to make, or cause to be made, to the said sub-inquisitor, promoter and others believing themselves interested, if they shall ask and be willing to have it, a copy of the premises; nevertheless at their own charges and expenses. In faith and witness of all and each of the premises, we command these our letters of citation, or this present public instrument, to be subscribed and published by the public notaries underwritten, and our scribes in this cause, and sworn by us, and to be confirmed by the appension of our seals. Given and done at Paris, in the greater upper episcopal hall of Paris, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1455, the third indiction, on the seventeenth day of the month of November, in the first year of the pontificate of our lord Calixtus the Third. There being present in the same place the venerable and most lettered men, Masters Gérard Gehe, Guillaume Bouille, and the brothers Jean Soret (3), Jean de Vernon, of the order of the Carmelites, professors of sacred theology; Hector de Quoquerel, Martin de Fraxinis, doctors of the Decretals; Pierre Gay, Jean Le Rebours, licentiates in canon law; witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

But because I, Jean de Cruisy, priest of the diocese of Auxerre, licentiate in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, and sworn scribe of the episcopal court of Paris, was present, together with the witnesses above and the notaries underwritten, at the presentation, petition and decree of the aforesaid apostolic letters, and all and each of the other premises, while they were, as is written above, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done: therefore I have signed these present letters, or this present public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, I being hindered otherwise, and drawn up in this public form, with my apostolic sign, together with the appension of the seals of the reverend lords the fathers in Christ, and of the signs and subscriptions of the said public notaries, here subscribing with my own hand, in witness of the truth of the premises, being required. It stands witnessed concerning these words: in the first year of the pontificate of our lord, the lord Calixtus the Third, inadvertently omitted and placed or written in the last line (4); which I faithfully approve. So signed: J. de Cruisy.

And I, Denis Comitis, priest, etc. (5). Those words, namely pontificatus etc., inadvertently omitted and placed in the last line: omitted by inadvertence and not by defect, under the same sign, I faithfully approve. So signed: D. Comitis.

And me, François Ferrebouc, clerk of Paris, etc. It stands witnessed concerning these words pontificatus etc., inadvertently omitted and placed in the last line. So signed: F. Ferrebouc.

And likewise, me, Pierre de Rupe, canon of Le Puy, etc. It stands witnessed concerning these words pontificatus etc., omitted not by defect but by inadvertence, and added at the end of the last line. So signed: P. de Rupe.

Then follows the tenor of the executor’s report.

To the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges, etc., etc., your humble Jean de Frocourt, licentiate in canon law, canon of Beauvais, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and of the court of Conservation of the privileges of the most holy University of Paris, reverence with honour and promptitude of service. Let your reverend paternities know that today, namely Saturday, the twenty-ninth of the month of November, at the hour of vespers, in the year of the Lord 1455, the third indiction, in the first year of the pontificate of our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, I received your patent letters of citation, sealed with your seals in red wax surrounded with white, and also with a third seal unknown to me, and furnished and subscribed with the signs and subscriptions of the Masters Jean de Cruisy, Denis Comitis, François Ferrebouc and Pierre de Rupe, public notaries; directed and delivered to me for execution for and on behalf of the noble man the lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Isabelle his mother, and Jean d’Arc, brother of the same lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, of the diocese of Toul; which I received with reverence as I was bound. Which being thus received by me, forthwith and immediately I betook myself to the presence of the reverend father and lord in Christ Guillaume de Hellande (6), Bishop of Beauvais, then being in the ambulatory of his episcopal palace, accompanied by several notable persons; among whom was the discreet man the lord Reginald Bredoulle, canon of Beauvais, promoter or fiscal procurator of the said lord bishop or of his court (7); there being also found there by chance the religious man Brother Geremar de Morlanis, prior of the convent of the Friars Preachers of Beauvais. By force or pretext of which your letters, nay rather apostolic letters, I read them through for the most part publicly, in a loud and intelligible voice, to the same lord bishop, and to the promoter, and to Brother Geremar, several others standing by there, and brought them to the knowledge of all and each aforesaid; and I cited the aforesaid lord Guillaume, bishop, with the reverence which was fitting, and his aforesaid promoter, to appear in person or by their fit procurators specially constituted and sufficiently instructed, before you or one of you, on the twelfth day of the month of December next to come, if it be a law day, in the greater episcopal hall of Rouen; otherwise on the next law day immediately following thereupon, on which it shall happen that you or one of you sit for the tribunal in the said greater hall to render justice; to answer concerning justice to the same Pierre and Isabelle, principals, and stipulating for the said Jean, and to the promoter of the cause specified in your said letters. And I said, did, exercised and certified otherwise, as and in what manner is more fully contained in your said letters; asking and questioning, the above being present, the said Brother Geremar, the prior above named; and I sought of him whether there was for the present in his convent any inquisitor or sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity; or whether any of his order having the power of an inquisitor was present in those parts, that I might speak with him and bring the premises to his knowledge. Who, answering, said that he knew of no inquisitor or sub-inquisitor, or other having power from the Inquisitor, in his convent or elsewhere in the diocese of Beauvais,

(1) Manuscript 5970, canapisenis. An adjective which is not found in the glossary of Du Cange, but regularly formed from the substantive cannabesum or cannabisum — hempen cords.

(2) The manuscripts, septembris.

(3) Manuscripts 5970 and N. D.: Johanne Foret.

(4) This omission had taken place only in the redaction of the original act. The aforesaid words are found in their place in the two manuscripts 5970 and N. D.

(5) The rest of the formula as above, p. 121.

(6) Bishop of Beauvais from 1444 to 1462. (Gallia christ., vol. IX, col. 759.)

(7) At the same time dean of the collegiate church of Gerberoy, a dignity to which he had been raised in 1423. Died 25 June 1463. (Gallia christ., vol. IX, col. 774, where it is written Bredouille.)

he knew; nevertheless he would write back to the inquisitor being at Paris, or notify him in writing, the premises which he had thus heard. Which things being thus, as is aforesaid, said, done and executed by me, the aforesaid reverend father the lord Guillaume, bishop, answered that he believed or pretended to have no interest in and upon the things there notified and the cause specified in your letters of citation; commending himself nevertheless to your reverend paternities. The said Bredoulle moreover, his promoter, answered that in these premises he has no interest, nor did he intend to pretend any interest herein. These things therefore being accomplished, lastly, at the said hour, I betook myself by the straight road to the greater church of Beauvais, and before the door of the same, while divine service was being celebrated in the said church, held in my hands your letters of citation. By force whereof I cited all and each thinking or believing themselves interested in the business described, according to the form or series of your said letters; and I publicly affixed upon the doors of the same church a copy thereof written on parchment and confirmed by the signs of the four notaries and collated by them, and left it in the same place. There being present, as to the things which were done to the person of the promoter and of Brother Geremar, the venerable and learned men Master Hugues Rogier, seal-bearer of the same lord bishop and canon of Beauvais; Pierre Coielle, general procurator of the same lord; Jean de Granvillier, notary of the episcopal court of Beauvais; with several others standing by in the same place, and called and requested by me as witnesses. At the things moreover which were said and done by me at the doors of the said church of Beauvais, there were present the lords Firmin Rayer, canon, Jean Cardot and Jean Bordelle, great vicars; and Gilles Gourbault, matricular of the same church; whom I invoked as witnesses to the premises. For the greater confirmation and witness of the premises, therefore, and that the premises, as and in what manner is written above, were done, said and executed by me, Jean de Frocourt, the notary above named: I myself, Frocourt, made and published this my present report, or this present public instrument, faithfully written by another’s hand, I being hindered and much occupied, and drew it up in this public form; and signed it with my accustomed sign, here subscribing with my own hand, and affixed or joined the instrument itself to the margin of these your letters of citation of which mention is made above, under my accustomed seal which I am wont to use, being required and requested. So signed: Jo. de Frocourt.

Chapter II #

Continuation of the assignation after the default of the cited, at the city of Rouen #

In the year of the Lord 1455, on the twelfth day of the month of December, the third indiction, in the first year of the pontificate of our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, as is described above; to which day were cited: the reverend father in Christ the lord Bishop of Beauvais, the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all and each believing themselves interested in this behalf; to appear before the aforesaid lords Delegates, Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this behalf, together with Richard, Bishop of Coutances, specially deputed for the underwritten by the aforesaid our lord Calixtus, with that clause: In that ye, or two or one of you; in the palace or greater hall of the most reverend father and lord in Christ, the lord Archbishop of Rouen. On which day there appeared before the aforesaid lords Delegates, the Archbishop and Bishop aforesaid, the Bishop of Coutances being absent, but Brother Jean Bréhal above written assisting and being assumed: the venerable and circumspect man Master Jacques Foucques, canon of Rouen, procurator and in the name of procuration of the venerable persons Isabelle d’Arc, mother of the lords Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the late Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid, in his own name and in that of the other parents and kinsfolk of the said Joan; of whose mandate lawful proof stands in the acts of this cause; asserting that this present day, at the instance and requirement of Isabelle, Pierre and Jean, parents and kinsfolk of the same Joan, had been assigned to the same reverend father, the sub-inquisitor and the promoter of criminal causes; asking and requiring of the said lords Delegates and through them that the cited not appearing should be reputed contumacious, and that in their contumacy it should be decreed and ordained by the same as should be of right and reason. And yet those judges, the aforesaid commissioners, not willing to constrain the parties but to minister justice with due maturity, prorogued and continued this assignation of the day from thence to the next Monday, which will be the fifteenth day of the aforesaid month of December, of office and otherwise; declaring that the parties ought to be heard that day as if they had appeared that day. There being present at these things the venerable and learned men Masters Hector de Coquerel, doctor of both laws; Jean Gresler, Gilles de Campis (1), Guillaume Auber (2) and Jean Dugie, witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

Productions made for the foundation of the judgement #

And the said fifteenth day of the aforesaid month of December having come, there appeared in judgement, before the aforesaid judges and commissioners and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors constituted in the realm of France, assumed with them, sitting for the tribunal in the said palace or greater hall of the aforesaid lord Archbishop of Rouen: the venerable and learned man Master Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the aforesaid Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc and in the name of procuration, of whose mandate lawful proof stands in the acts of this cause; there assisting him a man of great authority and knowledge, the lord Pierre Maugier, doctor of the Decretals, advocate of the said Isabelle, Pierre and Jean and the other kinsfolk of the said Joan in this matter and cause, given and distributed by the said lords. Who, for the foundation of the jurisdiction and judgement of the said lords Delegates, exhibited the apostolic rescript above written; as also the citations both against the said lord Bishop of Beauvais, the sub-inquisitor and the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and against all and each others commonly or severally believing themselves interested, as he produced them in the acts of this kind word for word and in writing, with their executions; the tenors of which citations and their executions are described above.

After which (3) foundation of our jurisdiction and judgement, the same Master Pierre Maugier, the aforesaid advocate, willing to show certain things for the conduct of this cause, in the form of a solemn proposition, uttered and set forth openly in effect the things which follow, in French words, addressed to the said lords Delegates; there being present prelates, doctors and other ecclesiastics and seculars in copious multitude, solemn men of every state; beginning under this form:

Proposition of Master Pierre Maugier translated into Latin (4) #

From approved and honest observance, in arduous affairs and most difficult matters, the divine word is wont to precede, to implore the eternal direction of sublime grace, to honour the excellent judges and to procure their goodwill and that of the hearers, and especially, if the case occur, to the honour and praises of the holy apostolic See and of the supreme Roman Pontiff, our lord. From this exalted, holy and apostolic See, moreover, without mediation, has arisen all the faculty and delegation specially committed in this behalf to you, most renowned fathers, most worthy prelates and lords to be feared: to wit, the most reverend and illustrious archbishop of Reims, duke, first peer of France, and legate born (5); the reverend and most eloquent pontiff of Paris, both most resplendent doctors of both laws; the most approved professor of sacred theology called in with them, Brother Jean Bréhal, faithful Inquisitor of heretical pravity in this realm of France, here present; as also the Bishop of Coutances, shining with the splendour of most lucid wisdom, now absent. Thence was deservedly gathered by me, lately reading the epistles of the doctor of the gentiles, his benign and divine word written in the Epistle to the Romans, ch. xv, v. 14: Ye are full of love and replenished with all knowledge.

Most worthy fathers, the instant matter, full of loving compassion, is a mournful complaint, a humble supplication and an imploring of your just judgement in the form of law. The parties here complaining are most just: Isabelle d’Arc, mother, Pierre and Jean her children, brothers, and her other kinsfolk, here competently represented by their procurator. The complaint is lamentable. It is that of the said Joan d’Arc of good memory and humble, formerly commonly called the Maid, a humble and innocent virgin, of the parts of Lorraine, of Domrémy, of the diocese of Toul, near Vaucouleurs (6), on the confines of the realm of France; sprung from honest parents, poor and honest in life and manners, much commended in her humility; who, albeit she formerly, by honest, lawful and catholic means, proceeding rather, as is veritably presumed, from divine disposition than otherwise, to the honour of our lord the King and the good of his realm, honourably undertaking and accomplishing many great exercises of arms, to the honour of the royal majesty and the utility of its subjects: was nevertheless iniquitously, deceitfully and unjustly detained, made over to a hard prison, burdened and interrogated impiously and violently, and in a pretended process of faith was falsely and calumniously dealt with, before those then, albeit nullly and in fact, pretended judges, Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, and a certain Brother Jean Magistri, of the Order of Friars Preachers, the pretended faithful sub-inquisitor of Beauvais, at the instance of a certain Jean d’Estivet, called Benedicite, asserted promoter of the said bishop, and certain others their accomplices. For this humble and devout Maid, young and inexperienced, was with repeated turns sharply and subtly interrogated, detained in the hands of her capital enemies, and by those who could in no wise of right be her judges, by these she was reputed to have deviated and erred from the faith and from the doctrine and traditions of the Church; calumniously nevertheless and against truth and justice. Then the said Joan was most iniquitously twice condemned: once to perpetual prisons and to the making of a certain abjuration unknown to her; the second time, as though she had relapsed into errors of faith, she was abandoned to the secular arm, and at last, in extreme confusion, was burned with cruel fire, to her own defamation and the public scandal and irreparable mark of her parents and friends: although she was truly innocent of the crimes imposed, a faithful catholic, not wavering in the faith, but immune from every crime touching the faith or the Church in any wise. This, then, is the complaint of the mother and parents of this memorable Maid, full of lamentation, griefs, scandals, cruelty, impiety, fraud, deceit, wickedness, calumny, founded upon a false process of faith, and fullest of griefs.

Hear, most renowned judges, lest we fall from the word proposed. The great Paul, the vessel of election, after Christ the Lord the chief instructor and defender of our holy faith, visiting the Romans with benign exhortation, newly tasting the sweetness of the eternal fruits springing up from the Christian religion; that he might console them in their tribulations, that he might teach them perseverance in the faith, mutual charity and heavenly love, sent them the words proposed from the beginning: Ye are full of love and replenished with all knowledge. In like manner, most choice judges, our lord the first Pontiff, whose clemency has deigned to receive this lamentable complaint; who in another place answered the complainants with a general word, as was deduced at Paris in the episcopal hall: When I shall have received the time, I will judge justices (Psalm lxxiv); which answer seemed equal to that evangelical word: I will go down, and I will see whether they have fulfilled in work the cry which has come to me: now the supreme Pontiff himself speaks more clearly. I write at once, says he, to chosen men; my place, for the ministry of justice, I confer upon them, that, the truth being searched out, the desired provision may result to you complainants. He himself said it, and they were done. Now your hand holds the rescript; now your charity deigns to undergo the charge committed; the sons obey the paternal wishes, saying after the blessed Paul, expressing and confiding in your piety and charity: I am certain, he says to you, most worthy fathers; I am certain moreover, my brethren, of you, as says the apostolic providence, that ye are full of love and replenished with all knowledge. And as our lord the Pope, recognising your solid and constant virtues, directed the apostle’s word to you; the same words, in a humble voice, the mother desolate with the bitterness of grief, the brothers beyond measure sad, the parents and friends of the deceased honest virgin, the innocent Joan the Maid, present to your lordships, together with their mournful and most sorrowful complaint; since, according to the first part of the word assumed, ye are full of love; for every one who does not love, abides in death (De Pœnitentia, dist. i, c. 37); and since by this love I understand nothing better than love and charity, expressed under the great precept of the evangelical law, first to God, secondly to one’s neighbour. Of the second I account it written in the Psalm, loving and compassionating without passion of another: Blessed is he who understandeth concerning the needy and the poor, etc.; and elsewhere: Justify the orphan and the needy, and deliver them from the hand of sinners; and in the canon: Let us not love in word and tongue, but in work and truth (dist.

(1) Another than he who figures in the trial of condemnation. See vol. I, p. 40.

(2) Mentioned as canon of Coutances in 1451 in the Gall. christ., vol. XI, col. 892.

(3) Or quorum. The manuscripts read cujus.

(4) The d’Urfé manuscript has chiefly served me as a guide for the restoration of this piece, which swarms with faults in the authentic gross copies of the proceedings.

(5) Born legate — legatus natus. Jean Jouvenel des Ursins was the first who took this title, which afterwards remained to the archbishops of Reims. (Gallia christ., vol. IX, col. 131.)

(6) So the text. Read rather Novum Castrum — Neufchâteau.

xlvii). As this is rooted charity, which being established, no evil can befall (De Pœnitentia, dist. ii, c. 3). This is the rooted charity which moved heaven, which brought Christ down to the depths, which set the corner-stone, that he might make both one, of which in the canon Caritas (dist. ii, c. 5): for where faith and charity are wanting, there can be no justice (caus. xxiv, quæst. i, § Vidé). And likewise, according to the second part of the Apostle’s words, ye are replenished with all knowledge; ye, divine grace cooperating, hold the sum and perfection of good knowledge and virtuous knowledge especially. I speak of good knowledge; since all good knowledge is from God, but evil from the devil (dist. xxxvii, § Hinc etiam; and caus. xxvi, quæst. 2, c. Qui sine). Of your good knowledge it is written in the canon Si per, dist. xlvi: I will set knowledge in the light, and I will not pass by the truth.

But to come to our principal conduct of the cause, and lest ye should think that I make your praises rather with the mind of a flatterer than such as I hold dear (1), I will stay my steps; saying only the things which were directed as first fruits to your most discreet, most renowned and virtuous persons: Ye are full of love and replenished with all knowledge. It remains, most worthy fathers and most discreet judges, to make plain and lay open in the midst the nullity, deceit, frauds, injustice, iniquity and false and falsely pretended matter of faith of the excogitated trial and of the presumptuous sentences against our Maid; that the supplication made to the supreme Pontiff by these complaining plaintiffs, founded upon truth, may shine forth, and the apostolic mandate flowing thence, directed to your most reverend paternities, comprising justice and equity on every side, may be attended to, and the loving supplication, formerly tendered to you and here to be tendered, ye may deign to bring forth to hearing, with propitious execution and reparation, your compassion and grace nevertheless intervening.

Since ye are full of love and knowledge, the instant work requires that your lordships, exercising the judicial office, should attend to the order of your delegated power, so that in the first place it may be permitted to consider the education, fame, honesty and conversation of this Joan of good will, virgin and maiden. From catholic parents indeed she took the beginnings of the Christian religion, her manners and discipline; she worshipped God, frequented the church even in tender age, and when she reached riper years was present at the divine offices, honoured and received the sacraments of the Church, especially of Penance and the Eucharist, with devout solicitude; asserting nothing, dogmatising nothing adverse in any wise to the faith and the Church, or which was contrary to the traditions of the holy Roman Church; nay, so long as she remained among men she detested every heresy. But when she had reached the years of puberty, she had revelations believed to proceed from a good Spirit; taught by which, warring in the realm of France with the greatest honour and utility, she foretold by her industry the final extirpation of the victories of the enemies from the same realm of France shortly at hand: which is ascertained so to have been. And at last, being set in the violent hand of her capital enemies by means of moneys, and sharply smitten in an iniquitous trial, she oft-times implored the judgement of the holy Roman apostolic See. Which are the manifest signs and indications of a person pleasing to God and catholic.

No information therefore could proceed against her, from which she could have been marked with suspicion of the faith, or a trial ought to have been conducted against her. For this cause also the adverse parties, described in the apostolic mandate, attempted their trial infected with nullity, composed with deceits, precipitated by violence; and uttered iniquitous, null, affected sentences, founded upon a false trial, utterly adverse and contrary to law and justice in matter and in form. For Guillaume Durand writes in his Speculum juris, tit. de relut., § How a sentence is to be promulgated, that a sentence and the proceedings ought to be called null in many ways, to wit: by reason of the judge, by reason of the jurisdiction, by reason of the litigants, by reason of the place, by reason of the time, by reason of the cause, by reason of the quantity, by reason of the manner, by reason of the proceedings, by reason of manifest iniquity. The iniquitous trial attempted against this deceased Joan the Maid, violently detained in the hands of the ancient enemies of the realm of France, and the sentences and executions following thereupon, are infected with all the causes expressly set forth by that same Speculator.

For first, by reason of the judge or of drawing the forum and jurisdiction, the whole trial is infected, with its consequences, since the deceased Maid herself neither had her domicile nor had committed an offence touching the faith within the pretended jurisdiction of those presuming to judge.

Then secondly, on account of the fear brought upon the person of the vicar of the Inquisitor at Beauvais, then co-judge of the Bishop of Beauvais. Which vicar was forced to treat the matter of faith, where no mark or suspicion of the faith proceeded, save deceitful and contrived.

Then thirdly, since the said Joan openly refused the then Bishop of Beauvais as judge, as a capital enemy and no judge; who, thus albeit refused, proceeded in fact, every form of law being omitted by him.

Then fourthly, since the said Joan expressly submitted herself to the judgement of the supreme Pontiff and of the general Council, and asked to be brought to them; against which submission it was lawful for none to proceed further.

Then fifthly, since this cause is to be accounted among the greater, since it concerns secret and hidden revelations, which are unknown to us and of which it is for God to judge; and so the cause itself was to be remitted and judged by the apostolic See.

Then sixthly, since the horror of the prison and the terror of the guards are equal to questionings and tortures, and infect the trial with nullity, especially in a young woman and in matter of faith, such as were applied to this daughter of nineteen years of age.

Then seventhly, on account of the counsel denied her in so great a matter. For an advocate and director ought to have been given her, by the humanity of the law and the favour of charity.

Then eighthly, since she was a minor in years; nor are sentences or proceedings valid which arise or are made against minors of twenty-five years undefended.

Then ninthly, since the severity, and more truly the austerity, of the judges infects the proceedings. For in this cause the proceedings, her minority, inexperience, the compassion due to her sex, ought to have moved the judges to moderation of the penalty; so that, in the first pretended sentence passed against the Maid, not abjuration, not perpetual prison, but a moderate salutary penalty should have been imposed. But in the second sentence all perniciousness and cruel rigour are made known, since she could not be called relapsed who does not relapse with mind and certain knowledge; and this young Maid had neither fallen into heresy before, nor had understood the abjuration written in Latin, as is plainly manifest from the proceedings.

Then tenthly, since the judge presiding there leaned upon a false and mutilated record. For he forbade the excuse of this innocent daughter Joan to be set down by the notary or scribe, and commanded her express submissions to the apostolic See to be suppressed, staining the whole deed with falsity and deceit.

Then eleventhly, since those deceitful judges themselves, not content with the aforesaid corruption, caused twelve false articles to be calumniously extracted from the confessions of the said Joan, mendaciously and surreptitiously, the truth being suppressed and falsehood expressed; and transmitted them thus calumniously extracted to many notable persons, saving the peace of all. Upon which illusive articles the consultants gave their deliberations, the proceedings not having been seen, upon the concealed truth. Whence also, the deliberators being thus seduced, nothing is to be imputed to them, but they are to be excused (for penalties ought to hold to their authors); and whatsoever followed from such calumnious seduction is stained with nullity, deceit and falsity, and is null.

Then twelfthly, since other seducers also were secretly sent to the same Joan, inducing her utterly to offer no submission to the Church, feigning that they were specially sent by the party of the faithful French to speak for her salvation; nay, her woman’s garments were in fact taken from her, so that she was compelled to resume the man’s dress forbidden her.

All these points severally, with many other causes and reasons, have been deduced and manifested by me more clearly than light; both by the sacred allegations of law divine and human alike, and the sanctions and writings of the holy Fathers, and by the narration and patent evidences of the said iniquitous proceedings. And since in the present conduct of the sacred proceedings, in the petition of the plaintiffs, in the concluding articles and other passages, the same nullities, deceits, calumnies, the truth also of the things narrated in the apostolic rescript, the innocence of the said Joan, and all the other things pertaining to the matter proposed, are to be brought in here and there, and most fully to be elucidated by the lucid proofs and productions to come, by God’s grace and the evidence of the fact: by your mandate, most worthy fathers, it is concluded not to bring them in here in ampler writing, for brevity’s sake; humbly beseeching and requiring, in the names of the said plaintiffs or of their procurator, that the instant apostolic rescript, here read through, be by you duly committed to execution; and that justice be speedily ministered to the same, restorative of the fame and honour of the deceased herself and of her parents, and declarative of the nullity and iniquity of the said proceedings and sentences and of her execution and its consequences; and that, for everlasting memory, public reparations and intimations be ordained to be affixed, and conclusions decreed in the instant proceedings, afterwards to be expressed in their places; with the due and accustomed protestations. The reward moreover of your most renowned and most worthy labour in this behalf, since ye are full of love and replenished with all knowledge, shall be the eternal Guardian of His poor in the glory of heaven. Amen.

Summons of the cited and petition of contumacy against those not appearing #

When therefore the aforesaid lords Delegates had heard the said proposition, at the great instance of the said widow and her kinsfolk or their procurators and assistants, ever awaiting the parties, both generally and specially summoned and cited, with all patience; the proposition being accomplished, they diligently inquired and caused inquiry and proclamation to be made oft-times, whether there were any of those who had been cited and summoned, or who in their name would then say or propose aught; since the aforesaid lords Delegates were prepared patiently to hear all and each in this matter committed to them, both by word and in writing, as well concerning the preparatory matters of the judgement as concerning the decisive, if it should behove them to proceed further; and with full and plenary peace and security, which they plenarily offered to all the cited and others appearing for them — nay, to all. And since the aforesaid lords had already learned, by public fame and the report of certain persons, that some of those who are mentioned in the said trial, whereof mention is made in the proposition then made and in the rescript obtained and presented on behalf of the widow, had closed their last days; the aforesaid lords offered to all the heirs or successors in offices or benefices, executors, kinsfolk, servants and friends, to hear them willingly and always at full, whenever it should be fitting; nay, and to receive with benignity from them all whatsoever things they could and ought to bring for the justification or excuse of the said cited, living or dead, and for the justice of the trial conducted, for which at first sight they said it was to be presumed, ever inquiring and preferring the truth in this behalf; since, although they were full of love and charity, according to the words of the lord proposer, they were nevertheless disposed and prepared so to show love and charity, and to impart whatsoever of knowledge and power was in them concerning the matter to be treated, that they should ever seem both to honour above all and to love above all the integrity of truth and justice; so loving men as to love the errors of none, so as to show favours to none against justice.

These and other things the aforesaid lords Delegates then said, for the expectation and support of those summoned and cited, and caused the said cited or their procurators to be summoned again and yet again. But when none of the said cited and summoned, nor any for them, had appeared or were appearing on the said day, the same Master Guillaume Prévosteau, the aforesaid procurator and in the name of procuration of the plaintiffs themselves and for them, reproducing the citations and summonses of the parties and their executions, exhibited and produced at the first assignation from which this day depends by continuation, and which are inserted above: accused the contumacy of the said cited and not appearing, nor sending anyone for them; asking and requiring of us that the said cited not appearing be reputed contumacious by us, and that in their contumacy the way of henceforth saying, opposing or objecting against the apostolic letters directed to us, and the citations and summonses, and all the things following thereupon, be foreclosed, and that they be held foreclosed; and also that, in their contumacy, a day be prefixed for the same plaintiffs and adverse parties to libel, and that they be assigned by us to see a libel or summary petition given in a cause of this kind; and that we be decreed and declared to be competent judges.

Institution of the notaries and of the promoter of the cause #

The aforesaid lords Delegates moreover, the aforesaid requisition having been heard, before they should ordain aught or proceed

(1) So the text. Read: and lest ye should think that I make your praises rather indeed with the mind of a flatterer.

further, attending that in judicial acts, and especially in arduous matters and those touching the faith itself, faithful notaries ought to be instituted and from them the oaths accustomed in such matters to be received; and that a promoter would be necessary in such matters, who should inform them in the premises and promote their office (1):

Therefore we institute and ordain our beloved and faithful, the venerable masters Denis Comitis, priest, bachelor in canon law, and François Ferrebouc, licentiate in the same law, public notaries by apostolic and imperial authority and of the court of Conservation of the apostolic privileges indulged by the holy apostolic See to our alma mother the University of Paris, to be our notaries and the notaries of the present cause in the matters above written committed to us; and we have received from them and from each of them the oath of faithfully exercising their office. Giving to the same and to each of them licence, faculty and authority to register the acts and things done by us; to examine the witnesses produced; to collect word for word or in writing the confessions of the parties and the sayings and attestations of the witnesses, as also the opinions of the doctors and masters to be required, if need be, and to report them to us; and to set down in writing all and each of the acts and things done and to be done in this matter; and to draw up the whole proceedings in due form, and to do the rest, as pertains to the office of notaries, wheresoever and whensoever it shall be opportune.

Moreover we create and constitute the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, being sufficiently informed of his fidelity, industry and circumspect knowledge, our promoter and the promoter of the present cause. Giving to the same power and special mandate to stir up and promote our office, and power to constitute himself against whomsoever, if he shall see it expedient; to stand and appear in judgement and out of it; to produce, administer and exhibit witnesses, letters, instruments and whatsoever other kinds of proofs for the eliciting of the truth; to accuse, denounce and inquire against whomsoever culpable; and to do and exercise all the other things which are recognised to look to and pertain to the office of a promoter. Commanding all and each in the premises to obey and attend to the same, and to afford him aid, counsel and succour alike. And we caused him to swear of faithfully exercising this office, all favour and hatred being cast aside, as is ordained in such matters and causes of faith, according to the constitutions of the laws and the style and statute of the inquisition of the faith.

Assignation made to the defaulters, to speak against the lords Delegates or the mandate directed to them #

The aforesaid lords Delegates therefore, after the said constitution of the notaries and promoter, the said Master Guillaume Prévosteau again accusing the absence and contumacy of the cited and summoned, now awaited under a second assignation, and, as he had done above, requiring the ordinance and declaration of the said lords Delegates; the parties being again summoned by one of the newly constituted notaries and not appearing; assenting to the petition or requisition of the same procurator of the said plaintiffs, as just and consonant to right: the aforesaid lords Delegates reputed, and by the tenor of the presents do repute, contumacious as of this day the said cited, summoned before the aforesaid lords Delegates by one of the notaries constituted by them and not appearing nor sending anyone for them; the aforesaid lords Delegates being competent judges in this behalf; declaring nevertheless to the same cited and others believing themselves interested, as also to the others summoned by their ordinance at the doors of the church of Rouen, the next Saturday, the twentieth of this month, assigned, lest they should seem to act amiss in a cause of this kind; that, if on the same day they shall be willing to say, propose or object aught (which they ought to have done today) before the aforesaid lords Delegates, the aforesaid lords Delegates offer benignly to hear them, and to minister justice to each according to the exigency of the fact, and to provide them with counsel. Nevertheless to the same cited and contumacious, if they shall in no wise appear on the said Saturday, the lords Delegates themselves foreclosed the way of henceforth saying, proposing or opposing against the aforesaid lords Delegates, or the letters directed to them, and the citation decreed by the aforesaid lords Delegates and the execution commanded, as from now so for then, and have held and do hold it foreclosed. Decreeing further that in this cause, notwithstanding the absence or contumacy of the same cited, there is to be proceeded with the same plaintiffs to the further acts; and, lest this cause be drawn out beyond what is due, ordaining that in the meantime and within the said day the plaintiffs themselves shall give in writing their petition, by way of libel or summary petition, to be delivered and communicated to the same often-said lords Delegates or their notaries on the aforesaid assigned day, as shall be reasonable.

Production of the codex of the interrogatories of the first trial #

These things moreover being accomplished, the same Master Guillaume Prévosteau, in the name aforesaid, and the aforesaid Simon Chapitault, promoter constituted as above, required with due instance that, since the notaries in the first trial, of whose nullity or annulment inquiry is now made, were then present, and especially the venerable man Master Guillaume Manchon, the principal notary in the same trial, and certain others constituted notaries and officials in the same trial: they were to be inquired of, and he required them to be inquired of, whether they would make themselves parties in this matter, or allege aught to the defence or justification of the same trial. Who, and chiefly the aforesaid Master Guillaume Manchon, when they had answered that they in no wise wished to undertake the defence or justification of the aforesaid trial, at the instance of the aforesaid promoter and the requirement of the aforesaid procurator, were required, and admonished by the aforesaid lords Delegates by apostolic authority, that if they had with themselves aught concerning the aforesaid trial, they should deposit it with the said lords Delegates, and should faithfully and duly recognise the seals and signs upon each of the books, proceedings and instruments, so that the aforesaid lords Delegates might the more conveniently ordain both in the preparatory and in the decisive parts of the present cause, and might either annul or even confirm the trial itself, from the acts of the same cause, for which at first sight they much presumed.

Which being done, the same venerable Master Guillaume Manchon exhibited a certain paper codex deposited with himself, in which is contained the whole minute of the trial formerly made against the same Joan the Maid, in French; asserting that the codex itself was written by his own hand, and that upon it, as he asserted, the trial in Latin, written in a certain book then shown, was made. Which trial in Latin was also made by the same Manchon and the honest men Masters Guillaume Colles, alias Boisguillaume, and Nicolas Taquel, public notaries; and confirmed by the signs and subscriptions of the same notaries and the seals of the late lord Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and of Brother Jean Magistri. Of which notaries indeed he publicly recognised his own sign first and then those of the other lords; recognising also the seal of the aforesaid Pierre the bishop and of Brother Jean Magistri; the signs and seals of all which aforesaid were also recognised by the notaries and other practisers there present. After the recognition of which signs and seals, the aforesaid lords — the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Colles and Nicolas Taquel not then being present — faithfully received the aforesaid minute and the book written in Latin and confirmed by the signs and subscriptions of the aforesaid notaries, and publicly deposited them in our hands; to inspect them and to act as reason should dictate, according to the form of the mandate directed to them by apostolic authority.

Requisition of the promoter concerning certain informations made at Rouen in the year 1452, and their production, recognition and inspection #

And moreover the aforesaid promoter and the aforesaid procurator required that, since certain informations were formerly made both by the most reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, Cardinal of the title of San Martino ai Monti, then legate in France of the apostolic See, and by the venerable and learned man Master Philippe de Rose, treasurer of the venerable church of Rouen, commissioned and deputed by the same lord legate, and deposited with the said venerable father Master Jean Bréhal, the Inquisitor assumed with the said lords: that it would please the aforesaid lords to receive the said informations, and to cause the signs and seals set upon them to be recognised by some of the notaries who received them, then present, and witnesses knowing the signs and seals of the absent. The aforesaid lords Delegates moreover, willing to bring the truth to light, and lest hesitation should be had in the premises, since they doubted of the absence of witnesses, delivered the said informations to Master Socie Voles. Who acknowledged his manual sign set both upon a certain citation and upon the said informations; and he and the venerable man Master Guillaume Manchon likewise recognised the manual signs of Master Guillaume Mesardi and Jean Dauvargne set upon the same informations, commission and citation inserted; asserting, upon their oath, that the said Master Guillaume Mesardi was and is a notary and secretary of that most reverend father in Christ, and that the said Dauvargne is a notary and such an one that full faith is given him in such matters.

After the recognition of which signs and seals, the same Master Simon Chapitault, promoter constituted as above, required that all the premises should be communicated to him, so that, where it should seem expedient, he might inform himself upon the fact of this trial from the acts of the cause itself, and stir up the office of the aforesaid lords Delegates. The aforesaid lords Delegates moreover decreed among themselves that, pending the delay and the assignation prefixed to the parties summoned, they would read and inspect the said minute and book and the aforesaid informations, the notaries of the former cause also being called, and ourselves and certain of those who had been officials and counsellors in the aforesaid first trial; as they also severally read and inspected them, noting each thing contained in them, that they might the more conveniently ordain both in the preparatory and in the other matters; ordaining also that they be communicated to the aforesaid promoter, for the justification or defence of the trial, or its impugnment, as, according to God and justice, he should see it expedient.

Certain acts during the pending assignation #

And during the pending of this assignation, and before the coming of the said twentieth day of the month of December, the things which follow were done:

And first, on the sixteenth day of the same month, there appeared before the aforesaid judges, in a certain chamber of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, the aforesaid venerable and discreet men and masters, Simon Chapitault, promoter of the aforesaid lords Delegates in this cause, in the aforesaid name of promoter, on the one part; and Guillaume Prévosteau, the aforesaid procurator, in the name of procuration of the plaintiffs and for them; asserting that in this city of Rouen and the neighbouring places there are certain witnesses, aged and infirm, of whose death or absence there is not undeservedly doubt. Wherefore, lest by reason of the death or absence of the same witnesses the truth of this matter should be hidden and the proofs of the deeds should perish, they humbly required the same lords Delegates that they would deign to decree to them a citation against such witnesses, aged and infirm, for a certain and competent day. Whence the aforesaid lords Judges, willing to attain, so far as possible, the truth of the fact and of the deeds, the same promoter and procurator having first sworn that they necessarily needed the testimony of the witnesses named in the underwritten citation for the elucidation of this cause, decreed a citation against the same witnesses, under this tenor:

Tenor of the citation of the witnesses in the diocese of Rouen #

Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France, judges and commissioners in this behalf, specially deputed for the underwritten by our most holy father and lord in Christ, the lord Calixtus, by divine Providence the third of that name, together with the reverend father in Christ the lord Bishop of Coutances, our colleague in this behalf, with that clause: In that ye, or two or one of you: to all priests, curates and not curates, vicars, and the other rectors of churches, and public notaries and other notaries wheresoever constituted, throughout the city and diocese of Rouen and elsewhere wheresoever constituted, and to each of them in solidum, to whom or to which these our present letters shall come, greeting in the Lord and firm obedience to our mandates, nay rather the apostolic mandates. To us, on behalf of the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter deputed in this behalf, and of Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of Isabelle d’Arc, mother, and of Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers, of the late deceased Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid; asserting that, in our instruction in the business deputed to us, and for the conservation of their own right, so far as it touches each of them: they need the deposition and testimony of certain witnesses, aged and infirm, about to depart, and others; fearing lest, by reason of the penury of witnesses, their right should happen to perish and the truth of the business be hidden: it was humbly supplicated that we would deign and be willing to decree letters of citation under the form underwritten. Willing therefore, so far as possible, of this business committed to us in this behalf

(1) Here is a fresh example of the negligence with which this trial was drawn up. The registrars, who up to this point have spoken in their own name, suddenly introduce the delegates as subjects of the discourse. The manuscripts read: et officium nostrum promovere — and to promote our office; because from this point the registrars have copied textually the commissions of offices which were decreed in the name of the judges. See the following paragraph.

committed, to bring the truth forth to light and to minister justice to each, as is incumbent upon us; by the apostolic authority which we exercise in this behalf, we command you all and each above named, and each of you in solidum, by virtue of holy obedience and under the penalties of suspension and excommunication which we shall pronounce upon you and each of you unless ye shall do what we command, straitly enjoining: that, for the executing of this our mandate, one of you shall not wait for another, nor shall one excuse himself by another. Ye shall cite peremptorily and personally before us or one of us, at the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, for the day and hours at which ye shall have been required on behalf of the same promoter, Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc: the lord Nicolas Taquel; the lord Pierre Bouchier; Master Nicolas Houppeville; the lord Jean Mussieu; Master Nicolas Caval; the lord Guillaume Manchon; Pierre Cusquel; Brother Isambert de la Pierre; Master André Marguerie; Master Richard de Grouchet; Brother Pierre Miget; Brother Martin Ladvenu; the lord Jean Fabri, Bishop of Demetriade (1); the lord Thomas de Money; the lord Jean Requier; Brother Bardin de la Pierre (2); the lord Raoul Veret, priest; and all others whomsoever, of whatsoever degree, sex and condition they be, at whose instance ye shall have been required by them: to bear witness to the truth in a certain business touching the trial formerly conducted in matter of faith against the aforesaid late Joan, called the Maid, by the late Bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, at the instance of Master Guillaume d’Estivet their promoter; and the nullity of the same trial and sentences, and the purgation of the same deceased woman, in a matter moved and hoped to be moved before us. And ye shall faithfully write back to us what ye shall have done therein, with the names and surnames of those to be cited and the assignations of days and hours, with the informations accustomed in such matters. Given at Rouen under our archiepiscopal seal, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the sixteenth day of the month of December. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Chapter III #

Written petition of the procurator of the plaintiffs #

Item, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the eighteenth day of the month of December, the same often-said procurator Master Guillaume Prévosteau, obeying the assignation made to him by the aforesaid judges, delivered his petition in writing to the same often-said lords Delegates or their notaries, in this manner:

The eternal Truth, the Wisdom of the Father, which taught every justice to be fulfilled, from whose mouth as he sat upon the throne a two-edged sword was seen to go forth, promises the rewards of blessed glory to them that understand concerning the needy and the poor, and deliver the afflicted from those that spoil him. For so your justice has compassion upon the wretched and oppressed, represses the impious, and cherishes and protects the innocent in its tranquil embraces, restraining the things anxious and reducing the rough into plain ways. Most worthy fathers and most renowned judges, in these writings the plaintiffs presently to be named say and propose before you, venerable judges, against the said defendants, that: The holy apostolic See indeed, the chief unerring follower of justice, ever condoling with the desolate poor of their wonted poverty, lately gave ear to the most just prayers of the afflicted, the commendable and honest Isabelle d’Arc, mother, and the noble Pierre and Jean d’Arc, german brothers of the late Joan d’Arc, called the Maid, who long since ended her life by the punishment of fire, together with their parents supplicating, in this behalf the plaintiffs; against the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, by divine providence Bishop of Beauvais, and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all and each others believing themselves interested and lawfully intervening in judgement, the defendants. Of which Joan, an honest virgin, the aforesaid mother and parents took care to set forth the lamentable destruction to the said holy See a short time since, and obtained from our lord the supreme Pontiff a rescript of justice directed to you; and disposing to present it openly and publicly to you, ye first granted them public audience for the presentation of the apostolic mandate solemnly to be tendered to you. On the twenty-second day (3) of November then last past, and the third hour after midday, being prefixed for them, in the greater hall of the episcopal house of Paris; where then, in copious multitude, there assembled with you many prelates, doctors and masters of divine and human law, and others, religious, clerks, secular and lay citizens, and much of the commonalty; the said mother and brothers, the plaintiffs, by the mouth of their counsel distributed to them by you in this behalf, in a solemn and public proposition laid open the aforesaid complaining matter of the apostolic rescript first — which stain of faith or of heresy and idolatry the adversaries of the same Joan formerly falsely pretended her to bear, by their pretended deceitful and iniquitous trial; and the manifold injustice shown openly against the same Joan, not without deceit and iniquity committed by certain then pretended judges, and perpetrated by them adverse to the same Maid; the taint of nullity also being detected, both in matter and in form, the deceit, fraud, subreption, iniquity and manifold falsity, to which the said plaintiffs said the proceedings, sentences and all the things following thereupon of the said adversaries and judges, done, uttered and conducted in the city of Rouen, were subject: ye, these things being heard, together with the supplications and requisitions humbly tendered to you by the said mother and parents, the plaintiffs; received with due reverence the solemn presentation then made of the same apostolic mandate, and caused the same apostolic mandate directed to you, inserted at length above among the acts of this cause, to be published word for word, and openly and publicly read through. After the publication of which apostolic rescript, conformably to the supplications tendered to you, ye created in due time the promoter of your office, in your name or in the name of justice, to take heed of and to stir up this cause, and the notaries, faithful scribes of your future proceedings. From whom ye caused the solemn, due and in such matters accustomed oaths to be given; and decreed your peremptory citation, at the instance of the said plaintiffs and promoter, to be made by name against those expressed in the same apostolic rescript, and all others whatsoever believing themselves interested, the defendants — to appear in the same city of Rouen, in the archiepiscopal palace, at the day and hour specially then expressed in your said citation; to say against the same rescript, or against you and the faculty committed to you; and to object whatsoever they should dispose to object and say, and to hear the petitions and requests of the said plaintiffs and of your said promoter for the eliciting of the due ends; and to answer, say, do and further proceed as should be of right and reason. Which day and hour assigned having come, before you most worthy fathers and most discreet judges, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Paris and the Inquisitor being present in the same city and archiepiscopal palace of Rouen, and the plaintiffs themselves appearing in person or by their procurator, and accusing the contumacy of the said defendants summoned and not appearing in person or by another: the petition of the same was again laid open by the counsel or advocate of the plaintiffs in a solemn proposition, prelates, doctors and a very great company of the people assisting; saying, proposing and requiring in effect, and framing their petition, as follows.

In the first place the said plaintiffs indeed said and proposed, say and propose, that the said defendants are and ought to be decreed by you contumacious; and that in their absence your jurisdiction, replenished with divine prudence, lawfully founded by the apostolic rescript itself, your citation and the execution thereof, all which things were there exhibited and read openly and publicly, ought to be declared by you; further protesting that they would be willing to inflict injury upon none by the things said or to be said by them (which they expressly submitted to the disposition of the holy apostolic See, of yourselves and of the others whom it concerns); nor to bring aught against those who were present at, or opined upon, the trial conducted against the said Joan; the aforesaid defendants and their accomplices nevertheless excepted; and proposing and saying that they, the plaintiffs, their kinsfolk and the said deceased Joan, were hitherto and are persons of good name, laudable fame and honest conversation, faithful and catholic; and that the said Joan uttered nothing, so long as she lived, nor believed aught adverse to the faith and the Church, but rather frequented the divine offices, reverently and oft-times most devoutly received the ecclesiastical sacraments, especially of Confession and the Eucharist, stood fast in works of mercy, nor at any time departed from the obedience and unity of holy Church; so that against the same, ill-fame or suspicion of error or heresy could in no wise have arisen, nor ought a pretended trial in matter of faith to have been occasioned or begun against her on any side.

The same plaintiffs subjoining that nevertheless the said defendants, excited rather by a spirit of fury and iniquity, deceitfully, fraudulently, mendaciously and iniquitously, against the same Joan, no previous information existing save invalid if there be any; by a trial falsely pretended in matter of faith, presumed to impose upon her error, idolatry and divers contrived crimes in faith and Church; and judicially vexed her, made over to a hard prison and bound with iron fetters and chains, with threats, terrors and divers and difficult interrogatories, although a young woman, a minor in age, ignorant of the law and innocent and unskilled in deceit; manifestly incurring the penalties of the law, to wit of suspension by him then asserted Bishop of Beauvais, and of excommunication by Jean Magistri, then pretended vicar of the Inquisitor, by reason of the matter of heresy or question of faith falsely imposed. Which nevertheless bishop and vicar, the pretended judges thus commissioned, further, albeit proceeding nullly and in fact, deputed the said Joan to be guarded by the armed English, her capital enemies, thrust into a secular prison, assiduously afflicting her with opprobriums, threats and terrors and injuries without number; and although she was, by their judicial ordinance, visited by fit matrons whether she was a virgin, and ascertained a virgin and intact, yet they deceitfully and iniquitously decreed, as is reported, that her laudable virginity of integrity, the visitation and the judgement of the matrons themselves should be wholly concealed and cut off from their proceedings; continually disquieting her with so great vexations that, fallen into grave infirmity, they willed her to be diligently cherished in the hands of physicians: not of charity or piety, but that they might ignominiously destroy her by a premeditated punishment, as they publicly boasted. For the same defendants persevering, when the said Joan was convalescent, in the arduous and difficult interrogations concerning her touching the heights of the faith and the Church; and perversely searching out and interpreting sinisterly certain visions, as is believed, of good spirits, which they strove to turn to the damnation of the same innocent Maid. Upon which she gave congruous answers, most acceptable, directed, as is believed, by the Lord; submitting her sayings to the clerks not adverse to her, to the Church and to the supreme Pontiff, and asking that they be remitted; declining and refusing the judges in effect, and appealing to the supreme audience of the Pope: yet she was not heard, but was troubled further with a long and manifold vexation of the questioners.

And the deceitful fraud of the furious men being continued, from the pretended confessions of the same innocent daughter Joan there were sorted out articles twelve in number, by no means faithfully extracted, beginning A certain woman; at which certain grave men are said to have been struck, so that from appearances they gave certain forms of opinions, founded upon the truth believed to be expressed in the said articles. Which articles nevertheless were expressly falsely extracted, unlike the confessions of the said Joan, iniquitously composed; and the consultants seduced upon the things thus expressed are deservedly to be esteemed worthy of excuse concerning the things opined by them; if nevertheless they uttered nothing of sinister affection.

And verily, besides the circumspect notaries who from the beginning inscribed in French words the truth of the things said by the same Joan in her trial, certain other pretended notaries, deceitfully lying hid in a hidden place, added to the same trial false and iniquitous things, dissonant from the intention of the aforesaid Joan, against the truth, unjustly, wickedly and iniquitously.

Upon which things, although the said asserted judges could not and ought not to be founded so as to proceed to further acts against the same Joan, the innocent Maid, yet the said defendants, blinded by their perverse affections, especially the Bishop of Beauvais and the Inquisitor, setting aside the fear of God, feared not to rage sententially against the same innocent Joan; first uttering, albeit falsely and injuriously, that the said Joan was by her own confession guilty of manifold offences touching the faith and the Church, to wit of idolatry, error, superstition, rashness, invocation of demons and heresy; the abjuration of which offences indeed, in a certain schedule not understood by the same innocent Joan, they extorted by force, deceit, fear and fraud. After the abjuration thus tendered, they publicly condemned the said Joan, hoping to be restored to the promised refuge of the Church out of the wicked hands of such her adversaries, with too hard austerity, in the sight of the people, to perpetual prisons; and a few days having thence been fulfilled, they

(1) Jean Lefèvre, Augustinian, bishop in partibus of Demetriade. It is the same who figures so often in the procès-verbaux of the first judgement, with the title of professor in theology.

(2) A useless repetition of the name of Isambard Delapierre, given six lines above in another form.

(3) So the text. Read: the seventeenth.

pronounced her relapsed into heresy unjustly, again in a public place of the city of Rouen, and delivered her to the secular arm. Who, being straightway put to the last punishment to be burned with fire, constant in the faith and steadfast in the honour of the catholic religion, persevering, embracing the sign of the holy cross, and imploring with tearful voice aloud the sacred name of our Lord Jesus the Redeemer, amid the tearful wailings of those standing by, rendered back her soul, as is piously believed, to the Saviour.

The aforesaid plaintiffs further proposing, that by these perverse proceedings, sentences and execution of the same, albeit false, iniquitous and infected with the taint of nullity; the fame, honesty and honour of the said Joan, faithful and innocent, who neither departed from the unity of the Church nor in aught strayed from the catholic tradition, and of the plaintiffs themselves, were manifoldly offended; and the consciences of many, even of faithful persons, fluctuated in trouble. The iniquity moreover and nullity, the deceit, fraud and malice of the same proceedings and sentences, the said plaintiffs proposed to be evident from the manifest fault and sins of the same both of form and of matter, by many intermediate reasons and causes. And that, by reason of the form, with the fault of nullity, the said proceedings and sentences, such as they are, with the things following thereupon, are subject at least to the judgement of cassation, the plaintiffs themselves showed:

First, from this, that, by most known law, a judgement is rendered null: by reason of the competent judge, by reason of the unfitting jurisdiction, by reason of the litigants. And it is so that the then Bishop of Beauvais was not the competent judge of the same Joan the Maid, nor she his justiciable. For he who draws the forum draws it by reason of the offence or of the domicile; but she neither kept her domicile within the jurisdiction of the said bishop, nor was she there accused of having obtained the crimes imputed to her; as the plaintiffs said was manifestly established from the first trial itself; nor was matter of faith present. And so the judgement halted by reason of the judge, by reason of the jurisdiction, and by reason of the litigants.

Secondly they said, as above, it is shown that the then Bishop of Beauvais, and that pretended vicar of the Inquisitor, since the one could not proceed without the other in the matter of the pretended heresy, were manifestly bound by the sentence of excommunication pronounced by the law; since they falsely imposed that the crime of heresy had been committed by the same Joan, and so could in no wise exercise jurisdiction or decree aught valid against her, save nullly, in fact, and uselessly.

Thirdly, since, as the plaintiffs themselves said, the said Bishop of Beauvais had been refused by the said Joan as incompetent and suspect, and as the capital enemy of the same Joan; so that thence his proceedings and sentences, with their consequences, are known to be subject to the taint of nullity: as is manifest by express law; since such a judge neither could nor ought thenceforth to proceed further, save nullly, according to all the doctors of law. For appeal, refusal and relation are purifying as regards the supposed authority and office of the judge.

Fourthly, since it is ordained by law that the things known to have been done by force or fear do not subsist in force. And so the plaintiffs themselves said it was, since upon the pretended vicar of the said Inquisitor, by the English then assisting at that trial, a terrible fear of menaced death was cast, falling upon a constant man, unless he should pronounce sentence against the same innocent Joan. And it is expressed by the sacred canon that a just judgement and an unjust definition, ordained by the judges even under royal fear or command, is not valid.

Fifthly, the said plaintiffs superadding that the most known laws have expressed that by a lawful appeal the jurisdiction is suspended; and since the same Joan appealed from those pretended judges, that her ensuing trial, with the sentences and consequences, was infected with manifest nullity. And that the said Joan sufficiently appealed, the plaintiffs themselves pretend to be established from this, that, in express words, the said Joan said many times to that refused judge, whom she abhorred as a capital enemy, that she submitted herself to the Pope; asking to be remitted to him and to his judgement. And they said that these words are equivalent to a lawful appeal, according to the canonical sanctions (especially uttered from the mouth of a simple person ignorant of the laws), even though that word I appeal was not expressed.

Sixthly, the said plaintiffs thereupon pleaded that concerning arduous matters, especially secret and hidden revelations, unknown and unknowable to men, which causes are accounted among the greater, no cognisance could pertain to these pretended judges, save nullly; since the laws will also that the greater causes be remitted without delay to the greater apostolic See; and especially where the faith is pretended to be touched or the matter of faith is ventilated, every such cause ought to be referred without delay to the See of Peter, or of his successor, as is ordained by the sacred laws.

Seventhly, the aforesaid plaintiffs said that the trial itself with its consequences is infected with nullity from the violent form of proceeding, such as it was in so young a person, frail and innocent. For hard prisons, bonds of iron, terrible guards, the cruel injuries of armed capital enemies, torments, terrors, menaces and the assiduous vexation of those commanding did violence to her; so that the said Joan often said that she would rather die than sustain such wickedness any further; nay, the guards themselves oft-times strove with violent hand to attempt upon the modesty of her virginity. All which things, if they be well attended to, the plaintiffs themselves said are to be equalled to torments and questionings; so that, if the said Joan said aught against herself, it comes rather to be ascribed to violence than to truth; nay, and every confession extorted by violence and questionings, while such a cause of opprobrium stood, is to be esteemed. For by questionings are not to be understood torments only, but also other pains, hunger, thirst and that which the laws call the evil dwelling, the sordid and most foul prison.

And again the plaintiffs themselves said that the same nullity is established from this, that to the same Joan, frail and innocent, all counsel and aid of the law was denied, although she was smitten with questions touching the heights and arduous things of the faith. And such a denial is esteemed inhuman and the enemy of justice.

They said moreover that, when a certain honest man assisting at the trial wished to direct the same Joan, he was driven out with threats and terrors, as is said to be established from the trial itself; adding that the same Joan was a minor in years, who could neither be presented in judgement, nor plead without a curator, nor be capable of a judicial sentence, save nullly and invalidly; the contrary whereof was openly done in this act.

The plaintiffs themselves confirming their sayings, since, albeit by the benefit of the law succour is to be brought to youthful and minor age; so that compassion for her age should lead the judge to moderation and a remisser penalty: yet to the same Joan, a minor, no moderation was extended, as is established from the immoderate and wicked rigour of the pretended sentences; so that, from the excessive severity of the judges, the trial is either infected or is esteemed worthy of cassation with its consequences.

Elsewhere the plaintiffs themselves impugned the same pretended judgement and trial, since, although it is ordained by law that all the acts in a trial be duly and fully set down in writing by a faithful notary or by two chosen persons, for proof (1); so that otherwise nor otherwise credence be given to the judge: yet the same neglected to do this. Nay, the judges and defendants themselves did the contrary and transgressed; for they caused or commanded the confessions of the said Joan to be mutilated, and forbade her excuses to be inscribed, manifestly leaving their trial thence, with its consequences, infected with nullity and iniquity, mutilated, faulty and useless.

And the nullity of the trial and sentences, and of the things contained in them, the plaintiffs themselves argued openly, and the falsity, deceit and open iniquity; for by deceit and perfidious malice those twelve articles, beginning A certain woman, of which mention has been made above, were thence falsely abstracted, oft-times omitting from the sayings of the same Joan those things which she uttered for her sincere intention and valid excuse; and converting and interpreting all things into the sinister part; nay, and by an officious malice growing beyond bounds, adding many pernicious things which could not be elicited from her confessions; suppressing the excuses, limitations and determinations of the said confessions, more truly to be reduced to a good sense; and omitting the submission to the apostolic See oft-times made by the same, and the other things propitious to her justice.

And since the plaintiffs proposed that the said judges founded their judgement chiefly upon the articles thus falsely elicited, therefore the plaintiffs themselves inferred that all the things following thereupon were false, iniquitous, calumnious and null, at least to be quashed; confirming this their reason, and saying that to the same Joan, thus long afflicted in the prisons, certain other seducers were applied by the permission of the judges, feigning that they held and cherished the party and obedience of the said Joan’s lord, our lord the King of France, and that they had been secretly sent to the same to impart salvation and counsel. Who persuaded the same that she should never submit herself to the Church, and that she should forthwith resume her man’s dress, the woman’s garments also being taken away from the same Joan; so that, if aught sinister thence befell in the person of Joan, it ought to have been ascribed to such condemned fraud, deceit and craftiness, like to the serpent seducing the first woman; and that thence, neither fall nor relapse could stand as a cause, if with faithful zeal there be attended the oft-repeated said submission and request, whereby the said Joan oft-times sought the judgement of the apostolic See. And since fraud and deceit ought to avail none, it remains that this trial thereon founded, or the judgement proceeding thence, and the pretended abjuration, and the pretended sentences with their consequences, are subject to the taints of manifest nullity and iniquity, or at least deserve to be quashed and annulled, as the plaintiffs themselves said. And so by the premises the plaintiffs themselves inferred that the faults of the said proceedings and sentences on the part of their form were and are detected and laid open.

Yet further the plaintiffs themselves alleged and proposed that the nullity, iniquity, falsity and many faults of the said proceedings, pretended abjuration, sentences and consequences are and are manifest by reason of the matter expressed or heaped up in the same, or of the crimes and vices falsely imputed and ascribed to the same Joan. Which verily, especially as they are qualified and treated by you, and inscribed and expressed in the said sentences, the same Joan did not commit, nor were they confessed by her or truly elicited from things confessed by her; nay rather, as the plaintiffs themselves said, the things confessed by the same Joan in the trial itself are consonant, not dissonant, from the catholic faith, the unity and the determination of the Church; which, interpreted in a sounder sense, can stand and be catholically defended, according to the series of holy Scripture and the sound and approved doctrine of the catholic doctors.

The said plaintiffs therefore proposed, upon the matter of the proceedings conducted and of the sentences uttered by the said defendants, certain pretended crimes falsely imputed to the said Joan. First, upon the visitation, revelation and adoration of certain spirits, whom the defendants named malign, striving thence to cause her to be accounted an idolater, an erring one or a heretic, an invoker of demons, departing from the Church; whereas the said visions and revelations are rather to be deemed to have proceeded not from malign but from good spirits; nor ought they otherwise to have been esteemed by the same defendants or by any other human judge, nor Joan herself to have asserted aught mendacious in the same, to have heresied or idolatrised in any wise. Which visions nevertheless, if they were from God, as the plaintiffs said, the defendants, seduced by a sinister affection, could not or would not understand; and so, since they were not ignorant that these things were hidden and concealed from themselves, they ought not judicially to have declined to the other part. For from whom such hidden visions proceed is known to God alone, the knower and searcher of secrets; nor concerning these things, according to the laws divine and human, could any inferior judge give a certain sentence. For the Church does not judge of things utterly hidden, but God alone: the laws to this effect are most known and express.

And that such revelations and apparitions proceeded from Angels of light and good spirits, the said plaintiffs manifested by several reasons:

First, since the said Joan was a virgin intact in body, as she constantly asserted when interrogated, and was luminously manifest when shown to the matrons, very many noble women assisting, as has already been said above. In such a virgin moreover, pleasing to God, the overshadowing or inspiration of the Holy Spirit is fitting; since she is the temple of God, according to the ecclesiastical doctors.

Secondly, since the same Joan was very humble and simple; who neither sought worldly honour, but the salvation of her soul; nor answered proudly to those interrogating her. And virginity and humility joined together the laws praise with admiration, and they marvellously please the most high God; and upon these the spirit of the Lord rests.

Thirdly, since the same Joan was of a laudable and honest life, loving to the poor, exercising fastings, honourably frequenting mass and church; and most devoutly frequenting the sacraments of Confession and of Penance and of the Eucharist. And such an one is to be esteemed worthy of the apparitions of good spirits.

The said plaintiffs further adding that the especial sign of good spirits is said to be this: ever to persuade good works to their followers; as the spirits appearing to the said Joan induced her to many good things: to wit, that she should frequent the church and the sacrament of Confession, should govern herself honestly, should keep the virginity of her soul and body, and that so she should attain eternal beatitude. Again, when the spirits appeared, Joan signed herself with the sign, and they did not depart, as the malign spirit departs terrified at this sign. Moreover when the Angel at the beginning appeared to the said Joan, she was at first fearful, and in the end consoled with gladness; as it is read of the angel appearing to the blessed Mary and to many others. Also those spirits spoke to Joan with a clear and loud voice; but malign spirits

(1) Such is the reading, evidently incomplete, of all the manuscripts.

speak obscurely and in wrapped words. All which things are, according to the Scriptures, manifest signs of blessed spirits. And that she faithfully and catholically finished her days, the sacred body of Christ being most devoutly taken and the name of Jesus invoked until the end, is a sign that she was led by good spirits; since the malign spirit induces pestiferous faith, and at last leads down its worshippers to hell. And there is another good sign of the goodness of the spirits; for the same Joan, by the revelation of the spirits, announced the truth in every wise, and the things which she foretold had an almost miraculous effect, as: at the time when the enemies most flourished, when the greater part of his realm was taken from our lord the King, the realm was recovered as she had foretold, the English driven out, the coronation of the king, the siege suddenly and swiftly raised from the city of Orléans with few against a very great multitude of adversaries; so that these things were held to be reputed as miracles. And these things, according to the traditions of the sacred doctrines, cannot proceed from the father of lies, the malign spirit, but are to be esteemed in every wise announced by divine revelation and by good spirits. The said plaintiffs again saying, speaking suppositively and not otherwise, that if such apparitions had been of malign spirits, the said Joan was deservedly to be excused, as deluded by error; since she both believed them to be good spirits, appearing in the form of Angels of light, and believed she was adoring and reverencing Saint Michael and the holy virgins Catherine and Margaret. Nor does such error harm her, since she both submitted herself to the Church, nor was she stubborn; and, as the sacred canons have it, the error is not perilous if at that time a malign spirit is believed to be a good Angel, while he changes himself into an Angel of light, since reverence is rendered not to the malign one but to the good one whom he feigns.

Furthermore, the plaintiffs themselves saying that the same Joan was rather to be excused than reproved by the defendants, if she mingled in wars in aid of herself and of our lord and king. First, since the war itself was meritorious against the enemies and most just, and had all the conditions of a just war inscribed in the sacred laws. Secondly, since, as the said Joan oft-times constantly asserted upon her oath, she did it at the command of God, nor would she ever have done it otherwise. And at the command of God she commanded the English to return to their own, and those who are moved by the spirit of God are not under the law; for the law of inspiration surpasses every law; the manifest signs whereof are the aforesaid events and effects, well-nigh miraculous. In these things moreover she is to be esteemed not blameworthy but rather excusable; as the sacred laws excuse Samson from homicide, Abraham from adultery, David from plurality of wives.

And the plaintiffs themselves also said that the same Joan was unduly reproved for this, that she wore man’s dress, forbidden in the canon, since she did it lawfully also, for many reasons, the circumstances of the things to be done by her being weighed; the plaintiffs themselves assigning many reasons upon this. First, since she took such dress for a reasonable cause, to wit by the believed command of the Lord; for where the spirit is, there is liberty. Secondly, since the laws set forth to the contrary say that this is not lawful for women by reason of luxury; and all the doctors agree therein; but the said Joan assumed it for the contrary cause, to wit to avoid lust and the provocation of men to luxury towards her, with whom she had to consort and live in the army; nay, and sometimes for the protection of her own virginity, which the English attempted to assail. And it is sometimes permitted even to clerks to change their dress for a lawful cause, according to the canonical sanctions. For far be it that the things which we do for good should be imputed to us as fault! For the said Joan oft-times offered to resume woman’s garments, if she were placed among women in an ecclesiastical prison, or elsewhere than among enemies; which woman’s garments she also at last willingly resumed, obeying the pretended judges; and thence left them off of necessity, they having been taken from her by the fraud of her enemies, and for the repelling of violence, as has been said. Nor is it true, as the plaintiffs say, that the same Joan left off hearing mass lest she should resume woman’s dress, or that she confessed to our lord the King that she would not lay them aside; nay the contrary is true, since she both laid them aside. Or she will be excused on account of the revelations and divine voices inducing her to the contrary, or which she believed to have proceeded from God; nor did she thence believe herself to be named relapsed if she at last resumed man’s dress, since she was necessitated to do it by the deceit, violence and malice wrought upon her, for the protection of her body and the conservation of her virginity, and for the other causes above touched.

The plaintiffs also said that the same Joan is not to be blamed if she is accused of having departed from her own parents (1) or against their will, since she did it by divine command or believed she did it, and judged that God must be obeyed rather than men; although she also thereupon repented in the sacrament of confession, so that the fault can no more be imputed to her, nor can she thereupon be proceeded against in a cause of faith.

The aforesaid plaintiffs further proposing that the said Joan is to be esteemed blameless if she caused or permitted the name of Jesus to be inscribed in her missive letters, whereby she urged that war (2) should be avoided, since she also answered that the war itself was just, and that her secretary did it, not believing that he did ill, since all things seem to be done in the name of the Lord, according to the canonical sanctions; and this answer was sound. And that she answered soundly at last, that she did not leap from the tower either out of desperation or tempting God, but hoping by leaping to defend herself and succour the besieged; willing of fruitful charity to lay down her life for her friends. And that finally she did not lie if she said that an Angel bore to the king a certain precious sign with genuflection, etc.; since, if it be not lawful to lie, yet truth is lawfully concealed, in place and time, by a good feint or circumlocution of words, as Moses of old before Pharaoh; and, since Angel is the name of an office, and the same as messenger of God, she could say of herself that she the Angel, to wit the messenger of God, bore to the king the crown and the palm of victory which he should enjoy; nor in this did she lie, but spoke cautiously. And if she said that that Angel was Saint Michael, she did not speak ill, since she asserted that she had done it by the command of Saint Michael, and since she did it by another, etc. Nor did she exceed in saying that she was certain of being saved, since, if her sayings be then joined together, they are true. For she added: if she kept what she had promised to God, namely the virginity of body and soul. And in like manner she did not exceed if she said she knew the future, as when she told the king certain things (3); for prophets also do not prophesy nor speak true things, according to the Scriptures, when they speak not prophesying. Nor did she say that Saints Catherine and Margaret had hatred of the English; but she said that they love those whom God loves, and hate those whom God hates. Nor also did she confess that she had said she had not sinned, or had sinned; but that she knew not that she had mortally sinned, nor would she herself have done aught whereby her soul should have received a stain. In all which things, moreover, none would say that she sinned.

Furthermore the said plaintiffs proposed that the defendants falsely and deceitfully pretended that the said Joan was unwilling to submit herself and her sayings to the Church, whereas the said plaintiffs said the principal truth to the contrary: first, since she was not veritably bound so to submit herself by the tradition of the Scriptures; secondly, since she truly did it, and submitted herself to the Church faithfully and catholically.

And that she was not bound to do it, it is plain that manifold reason persuades:

First, since she was led by the spirit of God or believed she was veritably led, and so by the law of inspiration she was exempt from every common law, as the laws divine and human alike will; and so in this she followed the doctrine of the Church; nay, if she had done otherwise, acting against her own conscience she would have built unto Gehenna.

The second reason: since, be it that it had remained doubtful whether those visions proceeded from a good or an evil spirit: upon these hidden things the Church willed to judge nothing, and the most open laws will that such judgement be altogether reserved to God alone. Also, albeit in the things which concern the articles of the faith or the doctrine of the Church, written in approved books, the judgement of the Church must be followed; yet in others liberty is given and the option of holding what better pleases, as: whether king Solomon is saved, or not; whether there are so many to be saved as to be damned; and such like, in which the doctors of the Church are wont sometimes to differ. And so if the said Joan in these visions followed her own opinion not dissonant from the See and the Church, she is not to be reproved in any wise.

And there is another most potent reason: since the said Joan, young, inexperienced, a virgin, innocent, if she did not from the beginning submit herself to the Church, it is not to be marvelled at, because she then utterly knew not nor in any wise understood what the Church was, as her confession manifests; but then, when it was expounded to her what the Church was, she was altogether open, and submitted herself to the Church humbly.

Moreover for the confutation of the said defendants and of their proceedings and pretended sentences, and for the manifestation of their inordinate affection, the plaintiffs themselves proposed that certain worthy and lettered men, assisting at the aforesaid trial, and wishing of loving charity to admonish her upon the difficult interrogatories put to her, and saying to her that the general Council of Basel was then being celebrated, where very many most worthy men from every region, even of her party, were present, to whom she could and ought to submit herself: were in no wise heard, but ignominiously repulsed, severely rebuked by the said defendants and judges and provoked with injuries, and straightway proscribed from the city of Rouen and expelled under penalty of death.

Nor was it to be dissembled, the said plaintiffs proposed, as they touched above, that certain deceitful hypocrites, in feigned garb, feigning to cherish the party of our lord the King, ministered deceitful counsels to the same; persuading her with bland speeches that, if she would escape the prisons, she should never submit herself to the judgement of the Church. Which things, if the innocent virgin so seduced uttered aught sinister, are to be imputed not to her but to those deceitfully doing and permitting it, and she is deservedly to be excused herein. The said plaintiffs also saying further and proposing that, if the things confessed by the said Joan in her trial be looked upon with sincere affection and duly interpreted, all things can lawfully be saved, without the case of error, stubbornness or offence against the faith and the Church on the part of the pretended defendants; as these things are most known to one contemplating and understanding the trial.

The said plaintiffs also expressing that the same Joan, from the words of her confession and the sincere intention of her mind, submitted herself manifoldly to the judgement of the Church implicitly and explicitly; first, since she said that she would do nothing against the Christian faith which the Lord established; and that if she had done or said aught, or aught were upon her body, which the clerks should know to say was against the Christian faith, she would not sustain it but would cast it out. And again the same Joan, as appears expressly by her pretended confessions, asked to be remitted to the Pope, who should hear her, and to whose judgement she wished to stand. Moreover the same Joan further submitted herself to the Church when, it being expounded to her what the Church was, she said that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Church and of the general Council; and asked that the articles imputed to her should, before the pretended abjuration, be visited and deliberated by the Church; which was utterly denied her by the defendants, by whom rather the judgement of the Church is to be said to have been spurned, and not by the said Joan. The said plaintiffs subjoining that the then Bishop of Beauvais, the pretended judge, expressly forbade the notaries, and under grave penalties, that they should inscribe the said submission thus made in the trial itself in any wise; whereof the said Joan complained; so that thence the trial of the defendants is to be esteemed mutilated, iniquitous and mendacious, with the things following thereupon. And the aforesaid plaintiffs pretended that the manifest sign of this submission is that, before her destruction, a short space of hours before, the said defendants caused and willed that the body of Christ or the sacrament of the Eucharist be ministered to the same Joan. Which they would not have done if she had not faithfully submitted herself to the Church; since otherwise, she abiding in mortal sin without submission, this venerable sacrament would not have been given her.

The said plaintiffs further proposed that the same Joan, from the contents of her pretended trial, could not be called relapsed, since relapse presupposes a fall; but she never fell into any heresy; nay, the things she said can be sustained without offence and without hurt to the catholic truth, as clearly appears from the things said above. Therefore she cannot be called relapsed; and especially since the said plaintiffs said that the said Joan did not understand the reading of the pretended abjuration, suddenly exhibited to her openly in the popular tumult and public spectacle and in vehement fear. And it is clear that one does not abjure what one does not understand. And that she did not understand it, the deliberations manifest of those summoned upon her pretended relapse, who well-nigh all, following the deliberation of the then Abbot of Fécamp, said that she should be asked whether she had understood the said pretended abjuration. Yet it is established that nothing was done upon this, whether she had understood the abjuration, the deliberation being had (4) and the interrogation to be made. Who, if she had been interrogated, would never have said that she was suspect of heresy, mendacious, and had committed or abjured such crimes; nay rather that she had neither said nor committed them, and things which her judicial confession contradicts. It was not lawful therefore to call her relapsed. Nor, as the plaintiffs said, is the schedule inscribed in the pretended trial of the said Joan, prolix and great, that which was publicly read and exhibited to the same Joan at the hour of the said pretended abjuration; which was short, containing few things and unlike this. And so the trial is faulty and false; and especially since, if the words of the said Joan contained in her pretended confession upon the relapse be well attended to, she cannot be called relapsed. For she said in

(1) So the text.

(2) The manuscripts read bellicum — warlike things.

(3) Should we read: or although the defendants said the contrary at times?

(4) The manuscripts read deliberate. See vol. I, p. 463 et seq.

effect, just fear of death and the article of death impending over her, that she had falsely confessed herself to be a heretic, to save her life, when she was not, nor had she understood the things unjustly read to her; ignorantly oppressing herself by her own voice, and so expounding her own sayings, namely that she had not intended to revoke them, save provided it should please God. Which could well be uttered sanely and without the mark of relapse by one understanding well.

The plaintiffs themselves also expressing with great animadversion, to refer openly to the calumny, falsity, deceit and iniquity of the said proceedings, sentences and consequences, that certain deceitful articles, twelve in number, beginning A certain woman, contrived and falsely extracted from the pretended confessions of the said Joan, were transmitted to Paris, to our alma University of Paris, upon which there emanated certain deliberations founded upon a false reckoning. And the false and deceitful extraction of the said articles is manifested by the pretended confessions of the said Joan inserted in her trial, which truly are not consonant but greatly dissonant in many of the aforesaid articles, as appears most openly from the mutual comparison of the pretended confessions and the said articles. Whence the consultants themselves were deceived, to whom not the trial itself but the deceitfully extracted articles were officiously exhibited, so that, the truth of the confessions being concealed, they should opine at the nod of the defendants, purposing to deliberate, the truth being abandoned. And the consultants themselves truly, besides the judges or the defendants themselves, are esteemed worthy of lawful excuse if they truly opined according to the things exhibited; from whom the truth itself was hidden by manifest deceit, fraud and iniquity; and since upon the said falsely founded opinions the ensuing sentences uttered by the defendants were founded. Therefore the plaintiffs themselves said that the sentences ensuing thereupon were false and iniquitous, deceitful and iniquitous, and infected with the taint of nullity and prevarication, with their executions and all dependencies and consequences; and so and in so far as is needful, that all such proceedings and sentences, executions and consequences, come to be utterly voided by just judgement, or to be esteemed infected with nullity.

And these aforesaid reasons, means and conclusions they fortified, supported and adorned with many sentences and opinions of the sacred Scriptures and of the divine, canonical and civil laws, and of the most approved doctors, and they said and proposed that all these things had now been drawn up in writing by them; from all the premises, with many other things said and proposed by the same, the plaintiffs themselves at last concluding, supplicating and inferring, that by you, most reverend and reverend fathers and most renowned judges, by the better way, right, manner and form whereby the laws, usages, observances and your judicial office could avail them, it be by you and your sentence said, pronounced and adjudged that the said pretended process of inquisition or of matter of faith against the late Joan d’Arc, virgin and maid, and the pretended sentences ensuing thereupon, presumed and presumed, made and made, and pronounced by the said Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, the sub-inquisitor as is aforesaid, with her abjuration, execution and all the things following thereupon, are subject to the taint of nullity, deceit, falsity, mendacity and manifest violence and iniquity; and that the same and they, with the said execution and the same consequences, be expressly declared null, deceitful, false, mendacious, and infected with the stain of violence and manifest iniquity, and by the law itself void and of no effect; or at least that ye would quash and annul, revoke and utterly annul it and them, with all their dependencies and executions whatsoever, decreeing under grave penalties and ecclesiastical censures that no faith of any kind be henceforth rendered to them by the faithful of Christ; and that ye would forbid it to be otherwise, under the censure of anathema to endure perpetually; and nevertheless that ye would take care, by the same your judgement and definitive sentence, purging the innocence of the said deceased Joan, fully to determine and decree that she remained faithful and catholic until her death inclusive, and was and is free and immune from every stain of heresy, perverse credulity or error of faith, and departure from ecclesiastical unity, and every other crime imputed to her by the defendants; and that ye would pronounce her and the said plaintiffs, being freed from every mark of infamy and guilt which they could in any wise incur or attain by occasion of the said proceedings, sentences and executions following thereupon, to be free and fully restored to their fame so far as should be needful; and that the truth of your sentence and definitive judgement, the innocence also of the said deceased Joan, and the justice of the plaintiffs themselves, and the iniquity of the preceding proceedings, sentences and executions, may be manifest to all present and future in memory: that by the same your judgement ye would deign to decree the said iniquitous proceedings, sentences and consequences to be burned with fire by the secular justice, openly and publicly, in the place where the same Joan closed her last day or elsewhere, or to be torn by you and torn; and that in the same place and in other notable cities of this realm, by solemn preachings, ye would cause this your sentence and the execution thereof to be made manifest and published, with the erection of a cross, images and epitaphs in the city of Rouen itself and elsewhere where it shall be fitting; and if any solemn foundation of a chapel can be erected, decreeing also that it be built in the same place for the perpetual beseeching of the saints for the faithful departed; and that ye would will and ordain to decree that your sentence be inserted also into the chronicles of France, if it shall please our lord the King, and into the chamber of his Treasury of Charters; and lastly that, for the injuries, amends, losses, damages and expenses, ye would condemn the defendants themselves in grave sums of money to be paid to the plaintiffs themselves, such as your discretion should provide. The plaintiffs themselves instantly requiring that the adjunction of your promoter be imparted to them by your decree; or at least that such and so great conclusions, reparations and amends for the due, just and canonical ends be adjudged and decreed to the same plaintiffs by you, as the order of reason should dictate and the canonical sanctions decree; humbly imploring your judicial office, and the said plaintiffs offering to prove the premises so far as should be needful, with the other due and accustomed protestations, and every benefit of law also being reserved to them.

Given in the year of the Lord 1455, on the eighteenth day of the month of December.

Production and reception of the witnesses #

On the nineteenth day moreover of the same month, to which day the aforesaid Masters Simon Chapitault and Guillaume Prévosteau, in the names aforesaid, had caused the underwritten witnesses to be cited by the venerable man Richard de Saincte Mareglise, priest, notary of the court of Rouen; as could be established by his report, the tenor whereof is inserted below: the aforesaid Chapitault and Prévosteau appeared at the aforewritten citation, with its underwritten execution, which they exhibited for the foundation of this judgement; and produced before the Delegates themselves the reverend father in Christ the lord Jean Fabri, Bishop of Demetriade, and the venerable men the lords Nicolas Caval, Nicolas de Houppeville, Guillaume Manchon, Brother Pierre Miget, Jean Riquier, André (1) Marguerie, Jean Massieu, Brother Martin (2) Ladvenu, aged and infirm. Whom they received and caused to swear upon the holy Gospels of God to depose the full and mere truth in this matter, hatred, love, favour, gift, prayer or price whatsoever being set aside.

The tenor moreover of the report of the said lord Richard follows, and is this:

To the most reverend father and lord in Christ Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, and to the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Guillaume, by the same divine mercy Bishop of Paris, and also to Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc., etc.: your humble subject Richard de Saincte Mareglise, priest, bearing the office of the Dean of Christianity of Rouen, and notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, due reverence with all honour. Let your most reverend and reverend paternities know that I, by virtue of your mandate to which my present report or rescription is annexed, have cited peremptorily and personally before you or one of you at the archiepiscopal house of Rouen: Masters Nicolas Caval, Nicolas de Houppeville, and the lords Jean Fabri, Bishop of Demetriade, Guillaume Manchon, Brother Pierre Miget and Jean Riquier, priests, for Friday the nineteenth day of the month of December; and also Masters André Marguerie, the lord Jean Massieu and Brother Pierre Ladvenu, priests, for the Saturday following thereupon; to bear witness to the truth in a certain business touching the trial formerly conducted in matter of faith against a certain deceased Joan, called the Maid, by a certain Bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, at the instance of Master Guillaume d’Estivet their promoter, and the nullity of the same trial and sentences, and the purgation of the same deceased woman, moved and hoped to be moved before you; and have done and fulfilled all and each according to the tenor of your mandate. Which things I certify to your said most reverend paternities under my manual sign and the seal of the said Dean. Given in the year of the Lord 1455, on Thursday the eighteenth day of the month of December. So signed: R. de Saincte Mareglise.

Presentation made on behalf of the heirs of the late Pierre Cauchon #

On the twentieth day moreover of the month of December in the aforesaid year, to which day were cited all and each of whatsoever dignity, pre-eminence, degree, honour, state and condition they be, or in any wise believing themselves interested, or in the form of law the formal parties, denouncers or accusers of the late Joan the Maid, or defenders of the same pretended proceedings, or others willing to show themselves parties; to say and propose by word or in writing whatsoever they should be willing to say against the apostolic letters and the summonses, reports or execution of the same; and also to answer concerning justice and right to the said complainant plaintiffs or the said promoter; before the lords Delegates should sit for the tribunal on that day in the chamber of the most reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Archbishop of Rouen: there appeared the venerable and learned man Master Jean de Gouys, canon of Rouen, who, for and in the name of Master Jacques de Rivelle and the other co-heirs of the late lord Pierre Cauchon, formerly Bishop of Beauvais and at the time of his death Bishop of Lisieux, delivered a certain paper schedule to the lords Delegates (3), which he promised to cause to be ratified by the said Master Jacques. Which schedule the lords themselves received, and delivered to one of us the notaries to be read, and willed and ordained it to be inserted in the acts of this cause. Which being read, they answered the same Master Jean de Gouys that it was not their intention to do or make aught in prejudice of the composition or abolition made by our lord the King to the inhabitants and dwellers of the duchy of Normandy (4). There being present at these things the venerable and learned men Masters Guillaume Bouille, professor of sacred theology; Hector de Coquerel, doctor of both laws, and Pierre Maugier, doctor of the Decretals, witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

The tenor moreover of the said schedule follows, and is this:

Since to the knowledge of me, Jacques de Rivelle, master of arts, first-born son of Jean de Rivelle (5) and of Guillemette his wife, nephew by his sister of the late lord Pierre of good memory, Bishop of Lisieux and heretofore of Beauvais; heir and having the cause of the said deceased, together with my other brothers and sisters, both to the cause of my aforesaid mother and of the venerable man Master Jean Bidault, brother of the same, my uncle; nephew, heir and executor, together with my said father and others, of the said late lord bishop: it has come to my notice that the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, the lords Archbishop of Reims, and Bishops of Paris and Coutances, judges deputed by the holy apostolic See to take cognisance of and decide upon the cause of nullity of a certain trial in matter of faith, made by the aforesaid lord Bishop of Beauvais and the Inquisitor of the faith at the instance of the promoter of the said faith, in the time of the English and of the wars lately raging in this realm, against and upon a certain Joan called the Maid, then being of the obedience of our lord the King, although among the great ones of this realm she was reputed of holy, upright and catholic life; have caused all and each believing themselves interested to be cited and summoned by edict: therefore I, both in my own name and in that of my other co-heirs and of those having the cause of the said lord bishop, make known, say and declare that I do not believe it concerns me, nor is it my intention, to sustain or defend the aforesaid trial as valid, juridical, or the sentences following thereupon; since, by the things which I have afterwards heard and understood (for at the time of the said trial and sentence I was four or five years old, and some of my brothers little children, and some not yet born), the said Joan was proceeded against in matter of faith by the envy and suggestion of the adversaries of our lord the King, namely because she was of his obedience and inflicted the greatest losses upon them in the business of the wars, they willing thereby to aid their party and quarrel; and that, if she had been of the party of the said adversaries, she would in no wise have been treated in matter of faith. I protest nevertheless expressly, and ask that it be admitted by the said lords Judges, that the proceedings to be made by them or the sentence to be given, against me or my co-heirs or others

(1) Read: André.

(2) Read: Martin.

(3) The manuscripts read nobis — to us, instead of D. Delegatis — to the lords Delegates, by an error analogous to that which has been remarked at p. 151.

(4) See Ord. des rois de France, vol. XIV, p. 75.

(5) Secretary of Charles VI, and later of Henry VI. The King of England himself married him after having enriched him with the spoils of several Armagnacs. (Archives du Royaume, Trésor des Chartes, reg. 172, pièce 310.)

having the cause of the said late lord bishop, shall in no wise prejudice, as neither ought it to prejudice, regard being had especially to the compositions and abolitions mercifully and benignly made by our lord the King in the reduction of the country of Normandy; of which I am capable, and I ought to use and enjoy them, and my co-heirs and others having the cause of the said lord bishop ought; by virtue whereof I and they ought to be guarded and defended before all; requesting the Lords that they cause them not to be summoned henceforth, since they do not intend to appear in this cause. Which schedule indeed, and the things contained in the same, the said Master Jacques de Rivelle, appearing for this purpose before the above-written notaries deputed by the Lords for this, held ratified and agreeable, and so far as was needful delivered and exhibited it anew, asking an instrument upon these things from the said notaries. These things were done in the house of Master Simon Cayet, on the twenty-first day of the said month of December; the aforesaid Master Simon Cayet and Pierre Ogier, clerk of the diocese of Nantes, being present.

Petition of contumacy against those cited and not appearing #

On the same day moreover, the twentieth of the month of December, before the aforesaid lords Judges sitting for the tribunal in the palace or great hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, a copious multitude of the people assisting there, the aforesaid Masters Simon Chapitault, the promoter and in the name of the promotership aforesaid, and Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the plaintiffs themselves, appearing in the name of the plaintiffs themselves and for them: the said Master Guillaume Prévosteau, in the name aforesaid, spoke, asserting that since on the fifteenth day of this month he had appeared before the Lords and had accused the contumacy of certain ones expressly named and cited, in no wise appearing before the Lords nor sending anyone for them, and had petitioned and required from the Lords and by the same that the aforesaid thus by name cited and not appearing be reputed contumacious, and that in their contumacy they proceed to further acts: which they had deferred to do until this present day, if they should in no wise appear before the Lords on the same day; to which day also all and each were cited, of whatsoever dignity, pre-eminence, state, degree, honour and condition they be, or in any wise believing themselves interested, or in the form of law the formal parties, denouncers or accusers of the late Joan the Maid, or defenders of the same pretended proceedings, or others willing to show themselves parties, to say or propose by word or in writing whatsoever they should be willing to say against the apostolic letters and the summonses and citations, and to say and do other things, as is more fully contained in the same letters of citation inserted below: that they would cause those already long since cited and awaited until this present day, and others believing themselves interested, summoned for this present day, to be called by the aforesaid notaries; and if they should in no wise appear and should render themselves contumacious, that they would repute them contumacious, and in their contumacy proceed further in this cause, and declare the judges themselves to be competent in this cause. And to show the summons made against those summoned for this present day, Prévosteau himself exhibited and produced the citation formerly decreed by the Lords, with the report of its executor. He exhibited also and produced certain concluding articles, asking that the same be admitted by the Lords; asserting that the same contain the truth, asking from them and by them that a citation be decreed to him again against those cited, and all others believing themselves interested, to say and propose before the Lords everything and whatsoever they should be willing to say or propose against these articles, and to proceed further as should be reasonable. The tenor of which articles indeed is inserted below.

Exposition of the promoter’s request #

These things being thus exhibited, the said Master Simon Chapitault, the aforesaid promoter and in the aforesaid name of the promotership, to whom formerly, by the mandate of the Lords, it had been ordained that the proceedings, the sentence and all the things following thereupon, and certain informations and advisements touching these proceedings, and exhibited among the Lords for their information, should be communicated, that he might stir up his office and take cognisance of them concerning the truth of these proceedings; before them, in French words, under the underwritten form, made an exposition, taking the words contained in the Clementine Multorum on heretics: since, as it is too grave not to act for the extermination of heretical pravity as its contagious enormity requires to be done, it is grave also and most worthy of condemnation maliciously to impose the same pravity upon the innocent:

That, after the office enjoined upon him and the solemn oath given by him of faithfully prosecuting, promoting and requiring, both for the trial and against the trial, whatsoever things should be opportune for the faith, justice and the commonweal; having only God before his eyes, all human fear, hatred and favour being cast away, and every particular consideration and affection of whatsoever parties being laid aside; the trial formerly conducted against the same Joan the Maid having first been visited and perused unhurriedly and wholly, worthy and honest men skilled in the law being called with him, and the informations and other things communicated to him by the ordination of the Lords: from the same trial and informations, and from other things which he perceived and heard, fame reporting and by the telling of worthy men, he wished to propose in the midst before the same Lords certain things stirring up the office of the said Lords; protesting that in the things thus to be said he did not intend to injure anyone, or to say, propose or prosecute aught which should not be consonant with the catholic faith; submitting whatsoever things said, done and to be done to the holy apostolic See and to themselves deputed by the same apostolic See.

He intended moreover to admonish them upon three things:

First, upon the instruments and acts of the cause and of the trial formerly made against the same Joan the Maid, and the notaries of the said trial.

Secondly, concerning the preparatory matters of the trial.

Thirdly, concerning the trial in itself, with the things following thereupon.

Upon the instruments and acts of the cause and of the trial, and the notaries of the said trial, it is found that, beyond the notaries appointed in the said trial, of whose appointment it appears by the letters in the trial, there were other notaries hidden in windows; also writing up the confessions of the said Joan and the acts of the cause, omitting many of the things justifying and excusing the said Joan, and mendaciously adding not a few things, to her injury; and from which certain articles were elicited and sent to those deliberating. In the same matter it is also found that very many trials were made which in some parts deviate from the confessions of the said Joan made in French, and that, a long time after the death of the said Joan, the said trial had been put together, many things being added and taken away, and many things set down in another form.

And concerning the preparatory matters of the trial, the promoter himself said that many things are to be attended to. For in the beginning of the trial it is narrated that certain preparatory informations were made, which nevertheless are not inserted, because no one ought to be drawn in matter of faith save upon previous information and fame reporting against him. Which, though they were made, were not placed in the trial, since, as is presumed, they made for the justification of the said Joan. Yet they ought to have inquired by whom, where and when they were made, and why they were not inserted in the trial. It should also be attended to with what zeal the Bishop of Beauvais and the other co-judges proceeded in the beginning of this trial, since it is established well enough, both by the said trial and by the informations already made, that the Bishop of Beauvais himself used the greatest diligence with the princes for the having of the same Joan, so that for having her there were given ten thousand francs and three hundred pounds of revenue; and yet, she being delivered, he did not place her in the hands or prisons of the Church, nay he placed her in the hands of the English and left her in a most strong tower, to wit in the Castle of Rouen, although by many worthy and lettered men summoned by the same bishop for the consultation and direction of the trial he was oft-times admonished and advised to place her again in the hands of the Church. Which nevertheless he did not do; nay, he consented that she be kept in fetters and iron manacles and, as is reported, in a certain iron cage (1); nay, the bishop himself, feeling that he was in no wise proceeding juridically, willed to have letters of warrant, indemnity, permission, expense and defence to be undertaken for him if the case should happen, from the secular English princes, before he should proceed to the execution and examination of the said trial; to wit, as the promoter himself said was established by the letters of warrant communicated to him. The promoter himself said also that they should attend to how it was voiced and famed in the town of Rouen that, straightway after the said Joan was brought into the Castle of Rouen, the said Joan, by the ordination of the Duchess of Bedford and of the same Bishop of Beauvais, was visited by matrons, that certitude might be had of her virginity and chastity; and at last being found a virgin and intact, yet the visitation itself was not inserted in the trial. Nevertheless the visitation itself came to the ears of certain counsellors, who afterwards refused to take part in this trial, asserting that such integrity could not be in the same without other virtues, regard being had to her long converse with armed men.

And concerning the trial in itself, the promoter himself said that several things ought to be attended to. For in the exordium of the trial, when the said Joan was summoned to judgement, she answered that she would willingly appear; but she required two things: first, that certain clerks of the obedience of France should be called; secondly, that she might hear mass. Which requisitions, namely regarding the first, of calling clerks of the party of France, he utterly passed over in silence. And the second indeed, of hearing mass, he was unwilling to put in deliberation; but said that he had from certain ones that she ought not to hear mass. Item, that after this summons there were several meetings which are designated in the trial as sessions; and in many of those sessions the same Joan is seen implicitly to refuse the bishop himself. And the Inquisitor was not present at the beginning of the trial; for the trial was begun on the fourteenth day of January, and he was only summoned on the nineteenth day of February, albeit unwilling and refusing; upon whom, as is reported, many threats were wrought, because he refused to take part in the trial on account of the manners which were kept in the trial. Also after she had been interrogated during some sessions and outside the prisons, and before many notable men, it was ordained that thenceforth she should be examined in the prison and before fewer, because many of those standing by were not content with the manner of proceeding. For certain counsellors made captious interrogations to the same Joan, sometimes translations and inculcations of impertinent matters, and sometimes very seditious ones; whereof not only the said Joan but also some of the counsellors complained. She nevertheless answered them most wisely; as when she was asked whether her king had done justly in slaying the Duke of Burgundy: she answered that the death of princes was a great loss; but whatsoever there was between the lords of France, she was sent to the King of France on the part of God. Item, whether the sacred Scripture proceeded from God; and she answered that it is good to know that it is so. Item, to which of the Roman Pontiffs obedience was to be rendered; she answered, to him who was in Rome. Item, whether she was in a state of grace: she answered that if she was, may God maintain her in it; and if she was not, may He deign to place her in it. And they made many other impertinent interrogations, as could be established concerning these things by the trial. The same Joan was also infirm at the time of this trial, and during her infirmity required to confess, to receive the Eucharist and to have ecclesiastical burial. And the English are asserted to have said to the physicians who visited her that they would rather lose twenty thousand salus than that she should die otherwise than by fire, and that they should take good care of her lest she die of that infirmity. And the guards injured her most often.

And the promoter also said that the same Lords ought singularly to attend to certain twelve articles put together and elicited from seventy other articles; for, as he said it appeared from the tenor of the same, many things serving for her justification and excuse had been omitted in them, and many things mendaciously and perniciously added of which she had made no mention; and that many threats were wrought upon many of those counsellors and deliberators, so that some were made exiles, others incarcerated; others in fear had left the city of Rouen, as is said to have befallen Master Jean Lohier, because he had rebuked the said trial of nullity. Item, that many illusions, deceptions and frauds are asserted to have been made upon the said Joan in the prison, that she should be induced to say or be silent upon certain things, and specially that she should render herself difficult in the submission to the Church; and this, as is said, by a certain Master Nicolas Aucupis (2), who feigned himself a prisoner of the parts of Lorraine, striving to deceive the same Joan.

Item, the promoter himself said it ought not to be passed over in silence that the same Joan is accused of being unwilling to submit herself to the Church militant; yet she in her interrogations and answers most clearly and very catholically answered concerning the said submission, since she most often said, and especially when the solemn admonition was made by Master Guillaume Evrard, that she willed all her sayings and doings to be remitted to the Roman Pontiff, to whom she referred herself. And they caused her to abjure certain things, induced, seduced and coerced by certain ones; for the fear of the fire and the presence of the torturer and the threats wrought upon her induced her to abjure things which she did not understand. And that she was also induced to take man’s dress after this abjuration, because her woman’s garments had been taken away; and her guards presumed to attempt upon her chastity; wherefore, being coerced and not having woman’s garments, she was compelled to take man’s dress for the protection of her chastity. Which notwithstanding, she was judged relapsed and rendered to the secular judgement and, without any other sentence, burned with fire, the sacrament of the Eucharist having first been received by her.

And many other things the promoter himself said and put forth to move the mind of the said Lords; asking that diligent inquiry be made of and upon all the premises, and that justice be ministered to each according to the exigency of the case; asserting further that it was useful to the same trial

(1) Cage.

(2) The Notre-Dame manuscript reads: Loyseleur.

to make a certain inquest upon the life and manners of the same Joan, and the manner of her leaving (1) her country; asking from the same and by the Lords that commissioners be deputed to examine certain witnesses upon certain interrogatories to be given by him and inserted below (2).

Ordinance upon the inquests to be made in the place of Joan’s origin #

Then moreover the aforesaid Judges, willing to inquire the truth upon all things, deputed and ordained the venerable and discreet men Master Reginald de Chichery, dean of the collegiate church of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs, of the diocese of Toul, and Wathier Thierry, canon of the church of Toul, that upon certain articles or interrogatories sent to them they should inform the same. Which things being thus done and enacted, the aforesaid Judges pronounced their ordinance or appointment in this cause in writing, by the mouth of the lord Archbishop, in this manner:

Appointment made by the lords Delegates concerning the state of the cause #

The apostolic mandate having been seen and weighed, committed to us and directed on behalf of the honest woman Isabelle d’Arc, mother of the late Joan d’Arc, vulgarly called the Maid, and of Pierre and Jean d’Arc, sons of the said Isabelle and brothers of the said deceased, and of their kinsfolk and relatives, the plaintiffs, and by the same or by their procurator lawfully deputed for this, many times presented to us in the cities of Paris and of Rouen, to us Jean, Archbishop and Duke of Reims, first peer of France, and Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, with a certain colleague of ours, with that clause, etc., specially delegated by apostolic authority in this behalf, and to us Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, assumed by the same authority as co-judge; with the instant petition of the same for the due execution of the apostolic mandate according to its tenor;

The citations and summonses directed having also been seen, with the execution of the same and the authentic reports of the executors, both of those specially and by name and of those generally summoned and cited;

The petitions and requests having also been heard, openly, solemnly and judicially, before us, both by the plaintiffs themselves and their procurators and by our promoter, made and instantly required against and upon those specially cited, to wit the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume de Hellande, the present Bishop of Beauvais, the promoter of criminal causes of his court of Beauvais, and the procurator of the causes of the holy inquisition, and also against the lord Pierre Cauchon, formerly Bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, formerly pretended sub-inquisitor or vicar of heretical pravity in the same place, or their heirs and those having their cause, and against all and each believing themselves interested, generally summoned, the defendants in this cause of nullity and injustice and of purgation and innocence; and afterwards delivered and presented to us in writing, duly and in the manner of the Roman court, in the form of concluding articles; the procurator of the said plaintiffs and our promoter accusing the contumacy of the said defendants, generally and peremptorily summoned for this present day, and of others, formerly specially cited for certain days already past, and until this very present day awaited and prorogued of our grace, not appearing nor sending anyone for them:

We, at last, the apostolic Delegates, all and each things being weighed and digested with mature counsel, say and declare ourselves to be and to be competent judges in this instant cause, with its executions, dependencies and consequences, by the same authority. And moreover, justice requiring it, we have reputed the said defendants, whom we caused to be summoned aloud after the wonted manner, since they did not appear nor sent anyone for them, contumacious, as we also do repute them; nevertheless, of abundant grace and good caution, ordaining, on account of the arduousness of the cause, that the same contumacious ones be again summoned by our peremptory citation or edict, both specially and generally, both to the place, city and church of Beauvais and to the doors of the church of Rouen, for the day, to wit the first juridical day after the first Sunday of Quadragesima, on which in the holy Church of God shall be sung Invocavit (3), in the present hall, at the ninth hour of the morning, to appear peremptorily before us or one of us, or a subdelegate or subdelegates, by themselves or by a fit and instructed procurator, with all their writings, allegations and muniments, ready and instructed; and to say and propose all that and whatsoever they shall will to say or propose against the articles of the said plaintiffs exhibited before us this day; and to see further canonical and juridical proceeding in this cause; and to act and do whatsoever shall be of necessity and congruity against this petition and articles and the other things exhibited, to be exhibited and to be produced, their absence notwithstanding. Decreeing also, the procurator of the said plaintiffs and our promoter insisting, that a copy of the trial formerly made against the said deceased by the defendants themselves or some of them be ministered to them for due ends; upon the adjunction of our promoter required by the plaintiffs, purposing to deliberate and dispose after the manner that shall be reasonable.

It was pronounced by the lord Archbishop of Reims, his co-judges the Bishop of Paris and Brother Jean Bréhal the Inquisitor standing by; there being present the reverend father the lord Jean, Bishop of Demetriade; the lords Jean (4), Abbot of Saint-Ouen, and Jean (5), Abbot of Sainte-Catherine du Mont of Rouen; Masters Hector de Coquerel, vicar-general of the lord Archbishop of Rouen, Nicolas de Bosco (6), dean, Jean de Gouys, Jean Bec (7), canons of Rouen, with many other doctors, licentiates and a copious multitude of the people.

Which ordinance or appointment being thus made, they ordained that letters of citation be made for the said plaintiffs or their procurator in the form required by them, decreeing that further proceeding should be had in this cause. Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid.

The tenor moreover of the things thus produced follows, and is this (8).

First, the tenor of the citation:

Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this behalf, etc.; to all and each priests, vicars, curates and not curates, etc., health and eternal direction. Among the catholic works of the faithful shines the embrace of charity, by whose most pure ardour the tearful complaints of the oppressed oft-times obtain opportune remedies for the ministry of truth and of justice. Now, a few days ago, with mournful voice, loving insinuation and grave bitterness of heart, prostrate before our sight, by repeated turns, the honest woman Isabelle d’Arc, mother, and the renowned man Pierre d’Arc, knight, brother, both in their own name and in the names of the other kinsfolk of the deceased Joan d’Arc, constantly asserted and offered that they had obtained a certain open mandate of the apostolic See, directed to us under the apostolic bull; and instantly petitioned that we should receive it. And because with provident gravity a solid foundation must be established in things discreetly to be conducted, we assigned a day and place to the same complainants and afflicted, that they should lay open the causes of their supplication, difficult of approach, and should solemnly demand that the presentation of the pretended mandate be admitted, the patronage of counsel being distributed to them. Who again, at the term assigned to them, to wit on the seventeenth day of the present month of November, in the episcopal hall of Paris, a copious multitude of certain prelates and venerable masters, professors of both laws, licentiates, bachelors and others regular, secular, ecclesiastical and lay being convoked and assisting; ourselves being solemnly seated for the tribunal to this end; with sonorous voice by the mouth of their counsel they tearfully set forth that, some time since, Joan d’Arc, the natural and legitimate daughter of Isabelle and sister of Pierre and Jean, the same complainants, was offended and enormously hurt by a grave mark upon her fame and the loss of all her kindred; chiefly from this, as they said, that certain of her rivals, etc. Subjoining with mournful desolation, etc., to have had recourse to the holy apostolic See, to which also the Maid herself oft-times, while the judgement was thus conducted, sought to have recourse (9); where also her tears and her complaints being heard and received, provision at last, in the form of justice decreed, etc. (10)

Then follows the report:

To the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, judges, etc.; your humble subjects Socius Voles, priest of the diocese of Rouen, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, and Gérard de Sale, of the diocese of Reims, sworn notary by the same apostolic authority, reverence, etc. (11)

Chapter IV #

Tenor of the articles presented by the plaintiffs #

The sacred sanctions have said: He is to be blamed who neglects his fame, and who does not defend the innocence of his parents oppressed by deceitful fraud. Therefore, that by you, most renowned and in Christ most reverend and reverend fathers, the lords Archbishop and Duke of Reims, first peer of France, and the illustrious Bishop of Paris, eminent doctors of both laws, and the most venerable Bishop of Coutances (12), and the venerable and famous doctor of sacred theology Brother Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, inquisitor of heretical pravity, judges and commissioners in this behalf specially delegated by apostolic authority; to the honest persons Isabelle d’Arc, mother of the late Joan d’Arc, vulgarly called the Maid, and Pierre and Jean d’Arc, german brothers of the same deceased and sons of the said Isabelle, both in their own names and in the names of their kinsfolk and relatives or kinsmen, or their procurator in their name, and for them, both conjointly and severally, the plaintiffs in this cause; against and upon the Sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, and also against the promoter of the criminal causes of the episcopal court of Beauvais, and a certain

(1) The manuscripts read aggrediendi — approaching. Should we not rather read egrediendi patria sua — leaving her country?

(2) See below, in Chapter V of the Trial.

(3) That is, the first Sunday of Lent, 15 February 1456.

(4) Jean de Corguilleray, Abbot of Saint-Ouen since 12 October 1455. He was counsellor of Louis XI, who made him Bishop of Lodève in 1462.

(5) Jean Lefrançois, Abbot of Sainte-Catherine, from 1453 to 1465.

(6) Nicole Dubois, called Dubosc, dean of the chapter of Rouen, protested vigorously against the appointment of Guillaume d’Estouteville in 1445; he was compromised in the war of the Public Weal and lived until 1491. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 119.)

(7) Otherwise Du Bec. In 1449 he sustained a long suit against Jean de Castiglione, Bishop of Coutances, for a prebend in the cathedral of Rouen which the Archbishop had conferred upon a certain Guillaume de Châtillon-sur-Marne. The affair was made void by decree of the Parlement, dated 14 February 1450. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 892.)

(8) Here is a quite useless repetition, for the two pieces which follow have already been given above, pp. 113 and 123, which was their true place. Nothing in what precedes indicates that they were produced anew at the audience of 20 December. Their presence here must therefore still be attributed to the negligence of the clerks. For our part, if we reproduce something of them, it is because this new text, more complete than the first in divers places, may facilitate the understanding of the document.

(9) Although the phrase is more complete than that of the first transcription, it still halts in this place. See above, p. 115.

(10) The rest as above, pp. 110–123; same date, same subscriptions, with the difference that the signature of the last clerk is given in French: P. Roche, instead of P. de Rupe.

(11) The rest as above, pp. 123–125.

(12) The Bishop of Coutances is named here although he did not sit in the proceedings.

Guillaume d’Estivet, and the formerly reverend Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, formerly pretended inquisitor or vicar of the same pravity in the same diocese, if they survive, or their heirs and those having their cause, if need be and they have said that it concerns them; against the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume de Hellande, the present Bishop of Beauvais, and all and each others believing themselves interested in this behalf, and each of them respectively, both conjointly and severally, the defendants; upon the reparation of the underwritten molestations, infamy, injuries and losses and of the unjust condemnation and destruction of the said Joan, and of the declaration of the iniquity, falsity, deceitfulness and nullity of the proceedings, sentences, censures and executions infected with every deceit, falsity and subreption and obreption and iniquity and pravity, made or attempted by the said defendants or their accomplices, or by some one or ones of them, and uttered and executed, with all their dependencies and consequences, or at least the cassation, revocation, annulment and annihilation thereof; and also upon the promulgation of the purgation and innocence of the said deceased Joan d’Arc, called the Maid, and to the ends here at last to be expressed below; that justice be ministered for the causes, means, deeds and reasons, and with the protestations presently to be inscribed, and that what is just be decreed: the plaintiffs themselves affirm, say, propose and exhibit in writing the petitions, articles, deeds, causes, reasons and the things which follow.

I. First they protest that they intend maliciously to injure none, nor in any wise to inveigh or detract to the prejudice of his fame and honour; but specially to say and prosecute the things which make for the truth and elucidation of this their just cause and prosecution. And the plaintiffs themselves likewise protest that, against those and each of them who were present in the trial made against the said Joan, or gave counsel or opinion thereupon, since, the false, mendacious, corrupt and evidently extracted character of the articles communicated to them for giving counsel being seen and weighed, of which it will be said below, they are held excusable: they do not intend to say aught to the prejudice of their honour and fame or to the loss whatsoever of their honours, the judges and promoter nevertheless excepted. And nevertheless they submit the things to be said and done alike to the correction and reparation of the holy apostolic See and of your most renowned paternities and of the others whom it befits, if aught be to be corrected or repaired.

II. Item, these things being presupposed and hitherto held and reputed as repeated in the pleading, the plaintiffs themselves say and assert that both they and the same Joan the Maid, their kinswoman, are and were, and intend to be, in the company of their life, of good name, good fame and conversation, peaceable and quiet, living honestly and, the Lord leading, without infamy or perverse mark of deceit or crime; passing the course of their days in faithful and catholic communion; and they are and were reputed and found such openly, publicly and manifestly by all their known compatriots and neighbours and others.

III. Item, that the said Maid, while she lived among men, detested every heresy, nor did she believe or affirm or assert aught which should savour of heresy or stand in the way of the catholic faith and the traditions of the holy Roman Church. And so it was, and is true.

IV. Item, and verily, as a good and faithful catholic, the said Joan while she lived faithfully worshipped God; frequented churches and the divine offices, devoutly hearing masses; oft-times received the sacraments, especially of penance and the Eucharist, and piously exercised works of mercy, bestowing alms upon the poor of Christ, never swearing but rebuking and chiding all swearers, especially blasphemers; and in nothing ever departed in any wise from the rite of the catholic religion and the worship of the Christian faith, the articles and the unity of the Church. And so it was, and is true.

V. Item, and neither against the said Joan, since she was faithful and catholic, did any mark of ill-fame or suspicion, error or heresy precede; nor against her upon rumour of such ill-fame or public voice did any inquisition, the accustomed prelude of a process of faith, precede; as she was never suspect of doubtful faith or of error. And so against her a process in matter of faith could not nor ought to have been begun or conducted, save nullly and in fact, since whatsoever is done in a process of faith or of heresy, the said previous inquisition being omitted, is void and null; at least to be quashed by the law itself. And so it was, and is true.

VI. Item, and nevertheless the said judges and promoter, led by their own passions and inestimable hatred of the said Maid, or by too great favour of her rivals and of the adversaries of our lord the King and of his counsel at that time, no order of law being kept and no legitimate inquisition preceding, apprehended the said innocent Joan, of the age of nineteen years or thereabouts and ignorant of all law and worldly science, and as if besprinkled with heresy inscribed her upon a process of faith or of the office of heretical pravity; and proceeded against her as such, contrary to the doctrine of the law, falsely imposing upon her crimes and errors against the faith and the Church and striking into her the penalties of the law in matter of notoriously contrived heresy. And so it was, and is true.

VII. Item, and that, although the said Joan, when she was first cited in the cause of faith, required in her prison that lettered men of the party and obedience of France as also of England should be called and admitted, and also that she might hear mass; yet the aforesaid Pierre Cauchon refused these things and was unwilling to put them in deliberation before the counsellors, saying in the presence of the counsellors called that the said Joan required to hear mass, and that he had it from certain others that he ought not to grant her to hear mass; utterly passing over in silence the other requisition. And this was, and is true.

VIII. Item, and especially the said Magistri, then pretended vicar of heretical pravity, then incurred the penalty of excommunication, and Cauchon himself, then Bishop of Beauvais, the suspension and censure pronounced by the law, by thus imposing the false mark of heresy upon the said Joan the Maid and thus unduly beginning the process of inquisition without legitimate cause. And so that trial of theirs, from that head of excommunication, with its dependencies and connexions, was thenceforth infected with nullity, since, an excommunicate or suspended judge abiding, jurisdiction cannot be exercised save nullly and in fact. And so it was, and is true.

IX. Item, and the said Cauchon and Magistri and their accomplices or the said defendants straightway, from the beginning of their trial, delivered the said Joan, a young and tender girl, to a hard prison, ordained rather for punishment than for custody, against the form of the law, and burdened and bound her with iron fetters and chains, impiously and unjustly; and thrust her into a strong prison then, to wit of the Castle of Rouen, a prison not of justice but of wickedness and violence, and not ecclesiastical but secular; and placed her to be guarded into the hands of armed laymen and of her capital enemies, to wit armed Englishmen, pursuing her assiduously with capital hatred in words, menaces, terrors and derisions. Which young Maid nevertheless, delivered into the hand of the Church, committed to an ecclesiastical prison not penal, associated with honest women, ought, competent liberty being granted, to have been humanely treated, at least while the course of the pretended trial stood, as the laws will and all equity demands. And so it was, and is true.

X. Item, and it is true that the said bishop and vice-inquisitor, by their judicial ordinance, decreed that the said Joan, a girl and virgin, should be visited by matrons and ladies upon the integrity of the virginity pretended by her; as she was visited, in the part of the womanly sex, by many fit women, very noble and many ladies assisting. Which Joan, being carefully visited, was found a virgin and intact; and this visitation, albeit judicial, the said judges deceitfully kept silent, lest they should express aught to the praise or excuse of the said virgin Joan; nor did they make or will mention to be made of it in their trial, nay they forbade it; and those who saw the said visitation and knew the things found in the same they bound by solemn oath that they should utterly conceal them and should never in any wise reveal to anyone that the said Joan had been found a virgin and intact. And from this beginning, with the taint of deceit, fraud, mendacity and false truncation, they stained their trial, which is worthy of note. And so it was, and is true.

XI. Item, and the said Joan abiding in the aforesaid prison, state, place and company, a girl of the aforesaid youthful age, nay and thus afflicted by the terrors, fear and violence of the hostile presence and hard prison; the said defendants did not blush to proceed to many interrogatories, even difficult, very seditious, captious, pernicious and impertinent, against the same Joan, approaching divers matters, even theological, to which lettered men also, enjoying liberty, might sometimes have failed to give answers. With which manifold and repeated interrogatories, often with threats, they oppressed the same Maid with so great vexation that she fell into a grave bodily weakness or infirmity, even near to mortal; whereof not only the said Joan but also very many of the counsellors themselves and assistants oft-times complained, and some withdrew utterly from the trial itself, seeing the manner of proceeding, others were repulsed. And so it was, and is true.

XII. Item, and that the said defendants, that they might the more easily fulfil what they had conceived against the said Joan and at their nod, and might seclude all the directors and consultants having God and justice before their eyes from the examination of the same Joan, changed the place and time of the examination, and constituted that the same Joan should thenceforth be examined in the place of the prison, in the presence of the English and the guards, by few counsellors and with few, whom they changed almost at each examination, and appointed divers persons, both for interrogating and for being present, according to the variety of the days, and in small number; whereof no small question was made among the experts and consultants. And this was, and is true.

XIII. Item, and since the said defendants — to speak without any injury, led by their own or their rivals’ wickedness — tended not only to the natural or honest consummation of death of the said Maid, but rather had conspired her immortal destruction of public infamy: that the same Joan might be cured of that infirmity, her service being reserved, they employed the greatest solicitude of several physicians about her; certain also of the greater of her adversaries, under and by whom she was detained, frequently saying that they would rather lose twenty thousand nobles than that the said Joan should so die, save by fire, a condemnatory and ignominious sentence preceding against her.

XIV. Item, and straightway when she recovered, the said judges vexed her again with many interrogatories, especially interrogating her of certain things touching visions or apparitions of good spirits and the unity of the Church and the heights of the faith; and asked many difficult things of her, to which she gave faithful, catholic and competent answers, honest and congruous, her youthful age, the condition of her sex and her ignorance being especially weighed and attended to. And so it was, and is true.

XV. Item, and among the other answers honestly, quietly and prudently given by the said Joan the Maid, afflicted by the manifest passions and rivalries of the said defendants and by hatred, vexation and trouble, she oft-times declined the forum of the judges themselves. Which is openly established chiefly from two things: first, since she expressly refused the judges as her capital enemies, and from this her lawful refusal, by most known law, all their jurisdiction is suspended, in which if they proceeded further, especially the article of the refusal being undiscussed, they manifestly proceed nullly; the second is, since the same Joan oft-times required the judgement of the Roman Pontiff, where an equivalent lawful appeal is pleaded (1); for the Apostle said for an appeal: I stand at the tribunal of Caesar; especially since such arduous businesses are known to pertain to his supreme See by the law itself. Whence and thence all the proceedings of the said defendants, with their consequences, are infected with nullity. And so it was, and is true.

XVI. Item, and similarly upon the visions themselves the same Joan gave answers holy and not dissonant from salutary truth; since she both believed the visions themselves to proceed from a good spirit, as it is so to be piously and catholically esteemed, the integrity, humility and simplicity of the same Maid, and the necessity of the commonweal to which she was sent, and her most just cause and end, being duly and without malign affection weighed, with other opportune circumstances; nor did the same Joan err herein or in aught deviate from the truth of the faith. And this was, and is true.

XVII. Item, and the same Joan, although at last counsel was denied her unfittingly, yet faithfully led, as is believed, by the direction of the divine spirit, submitted all her answers, sayings and assertions, by repeated turns also, to the holy Church, not departing from its unity; and in express words instantly required many times that all things be visited by clerks not suspect or affected, nay and that all things be referred to the judgement of the Pope and of the sacred Council. And so it was, and is true.

XVIII. Item, and since certain lettered men, moved by loving compassion, wished to admonish the said ignorant Joan upon the things which were said, counselling her to submit herself to the sacred Council of Basel in which clerks of both obediences were present: such were contumeliously expelled by the said bishop. Nay, to one of them the bishop said: Be silent in the name of the de-

(1) So the text. Read rather: is esteemed lawful.

vil! Nay, upon very many counsellors and notable men, doctors and licentiates, manifold threats and terrors were wrought, and some were proscribed from the city of Rouen, even in peril of their lives; of whom some will be named below; nor did they afterwards dare to appear or take part in the said trial. In which things the sinister affection of the said judges lucidly appears. And so it was, and is true.

XIX. Item, and nevertheless the said plaintiffs, seeking to terminate the same Maid in a judgement of ignominious death, although she stood free and innocent of all the crimes imputed to her, as will be openly manifested below; nevertheless for the continuation of their iniquitous trial they straightway descended thereto after her said infirmity, the aforesaid promoter of Beauvais prosecuting the business.

XX. Item, and the same Joan oft-times interrogated and vexed by them, at last certain articles were composed by the said defendants and by their command, which they said were excerpted or extracted from the confessions of the said Joan, beginning A certain woman, etc., which they transmitted to many notable and lettered persons; and upon the same they had very many opinions and votes.

XXI. Item, and verily the said articles were falsely extracted and iniquitously composed, nor are they conformable to the confessions of the said Joan, nor do they contain the refusals, submissions, excuses, appeals, or the true understanding of the said Joan and of her confessions; nay, the consultants ought verily to be said deceived and seduced herein, nor ought any mark thence to be ascribed to them, the seducers themselves and the defendants and their accomplices nevertheless excepted.

XXII. Item, and although in the said trial there had been assumed public notaries, worthy of faith, who openly in French words registered the trial and acts of the said Joan, yet certain other suspect notaries lay hid in a hidden and neighbouring place, who willed to write many false things, and by whom hidden notaries, or from their writings, the said false articles are believed to have been put together. Nay, and a certain other trial was put together in authentic form, very distant and dissimilar from the said former trial. And this was, and is true.

XXIII. Item, and although the said judges, by such iniquitous writings, false reports and confessions and contrived articles, the premises being weighed, ought not to have proceeded further, especially in matter of faith, as neither could they save nullly and in fact; yet straightway, after the cured infirmity of the said Joan, she being thus thrust into hard prisons forthwith, neither the evidence of the deed nor the vehemence of suspicion nor the clamour of fame requiring it, although it was not established to them, as neither was it, that she had been besprinkled with any heresy or had committed any excesses or crimes contrary to the faith, or had adhered to any errors contrary to the faith, as they pretended; and although she had required the same bishop and Inquisitor that, if they pretended she had said or done aught which should savour of heresy or be contrary to the faith, they should remit it to the examination of the apostolic See, to whose judgement she was ready to submit: against the same Joan, all defence of her innocence being taken from her and the order of the law being pretermitted, proceeding nullly and in fact in this pretended business of inquisition forbidden to their will, they uttered two manifestly iniquitous sentences. And this was, and is true.

XXIV. Item, and by whose beginnings the said defendants, narrating certain articles in great number which, albeit falsely, they pretend to have emanated from the spontaneous confession of the said Joan, and by which they intend that she was, concerning the crimes pretended by them, not only culpable but confessed: proceeded in fact to a certain premeditated abjuration, that nothing should be wanting to their malice, although, as is aforesaid, matter of faith was in nothing offered; and at last, a certain schedule of this pretended abjuration, of difficult terms, and which the said Joan verily did not understand, being read through, they nevertheless, cruel in inhuman austerity, definitively condemned the same Joan, of youthful age, although stained with no crime, nay utterly innocent of the errors imputed to her, and although returning to the bosom of the Church, as they said, nay and by them absolved from the pretended censures, without mercy, to perpetual prisons, on the bread of sorrow and the water of sadness, albeit iniquitously, deceitfully and in fact. And this was, and is true.

XXV. Item, and although in this their iniquitous sentence the iniquitous judges set forth certain previous contrived words wherein they might pretend their grace and moderation were preserved; yet straightway they delivered and placed the said Joan, utterly desolate, not in an ecclesiastical prison, not into the hands of the Church, not in the company of honest women, although she had received her woman’s dress and it had been so promised her; but into the hand and custody of her capital enemies, the English, in the fortress and prison of a secular (1) lord, alone, without woman companion, burdened with fetters and iron chains, against the precepts of charity, against the form of the Church, and that, as is likely, they might seclude from her all matter of good perseverance and afford occasion of maligning or falling. And this was, and is true.

XXVI. Item, and thenceforth the defendants themselves, or their accomplices, tempting the said Joan with a stronger goad, in the Castle itself, while she lay at night in bed and had laid her woman’s garments upon the bed that she might resume them on the morrow; the woman’s garments were taken away by them and man’s dress placed, so that even for the necessity of nature, for the purgation of the belly or other things, no woman’s garment was left her to cover her nakedness. And so it was, and is true.

XXVII. Item, and what is far more pernicious, there was afterwards afforded to the bed of the same sleeping (2) Joan the Maid the personal or permitted access of a certain one of the said adversaries, who, with violence of deed, endeavoured to attempt upon her chastity; so that she, impelled by the necessity of her own defence and of preserving her virginal honour, resumed man’s dress, not having wherewith else to cover her limbs or to repel the said invader from the instant violence. And so it was, and is true.

XXVIII. Item, and thence, deceit, malice and fraud cooperating, the said defendants endeavoured to plead, accuse and interrogate Joan upon the relapse into the heresy or error pretended by them from the beginning. Who, although to the things interrogated she gave congruous and catholic answers, and, being disquieted upon the pretended relapse itself, manifested that she had abjured nothing, since she had first fallen into no species of heresy, as will be said below; moreover the same Joan manifested that she had in no wise understood the schedule of the pretended abjuration aforesaid by them; so that thence it must needs be said and inferred that the same Joan could have been accused of no relapse, save nullly and in fact: yet the defendants themselves, against God and justice, falsely concluded that the same Joan had relapsed into heresy. And so it was, and is true.

XXIX. Item, and although such a conclusion did not result from the votes of the many deliberating, even far exceeding the others in number, nor could or ought to have been collected from the many or greater part, as will be established from the tenor of the trial: yet the defendants decreed that the same should come to be condemned as relapsed, thirsting for the final destruction of the same Joan to be consummated by public death and infamous commerce. And so it was, and is true.

XXX. Item, and thereupon the defendants proceeded swiftly to the utterance of the second more damnable sentence for the final long-desired extermination of the said Joan, a short space of six or eight days being interposed between the two sentences; so that, in a public place of the city of Rouen, wont to be deputed for the extermination of criminals, the said Joan being led forth, was iniquitously condemned and unjustly declared relapsed into heresy and abandoned to the secular arm. And by a solemn preaching also, albeit woven of false propositions, iniquitous accusations and answers, and besprinkled with opprobriums and injuries, the said Joan was greatly defamed before all the people of the same city, there publicly assembled and convoked. And so it was, and is true.

XXXI. Item, and (a thing which with loving, lamentable and most sorrowful compassion must be wept in eternal memory!) delivered and abandoned by the arm of secular justice, and more verily by the defendants themselves, her capital enemies, the same innocent virgin, openly, publicly and under ignominious title of heresy straightway apprehended, no form of further judgement, deliberation or sentence, or delay being awaited, was delivered to the last punishment and cruelly deputed to the vehement combustion of a great fire, and finished her life. And so it was, and is true.

XXXII. Item, and with what ineffable patience, with what catholic confession of the divine majesty openly made, and with what most devout imploration, oft-repeated, of the name of Jesus our Lord and of the Saints, most especially of Saint Michael and Saints Catherine and Margaret, she sustained the torments of the burning; with how clear a voice, deliberate mind and virginal sincerity she manifested the catholic end of her consummation with persevering constancy, the multitude of hearers and seers standing by (3), of friends and also of enemies bursting forth into tears on every side, openly made and attested, as the informations drawn up upon these things, clearer than light, will openly demonstrate. And so it was, and is true.

XXXIII. Item, and thence, according to the faithful doctrine of the Church, it is to be inferred that the same Joan led her days without stain of heretical pravity or other grave crime, as a catholic, and faithfully passed the term of life conformable to the Christian religion, to attain unto the glory of the divine (4) inheritance under the grace of our Redeemer; so that, until the term of her life, she is to be esteemed and said to have been comforted and accompanied by the good spirit. And this was, and is true.

XXXIV. Item, and since by such damnable proceedings and sentences and their cruel execution, albeit null, deceitful and iniquitous, the innocence of the said Joan is believed by many to have been contaminated, albeit unjustly, and the fame of her kinsfolk to have been greatly hurt and scandalised: therefore not undeservedly, for the purgation of the same deceased, or more verily the declaration of her innocence, and for the reintegration of their own fame and of her kinsfolk, deservedly an apostolic mandate or rescript, obtained by the said plaintiffs, has been directed to your providences, most reverend and most discreet (5) Judges. Which rescript commanding, justice and truth cooperating, your reverend paternities will seasonably provide for the same plaintiffs, to the ends here underwritten; since this also is just and true.

XXXV. Item, and although the premises seem to suffice for founding the intention of the same plaintiffs and attaining their ends here inscribed at last; the proof and verification whereof also will be manifest, both by the iniquitous trials of the adverse parties and by the legitimate answers of the said deceased, comparison being made according to the truth, and by the greater informations and depositions of all the witnesses made and to be made, if need be; and again although the deceit, iniquity, fraud and odious and pernicious intention of the adverse parties, to speak without any injury, likewise become known, and the manifest nullity, prevarication and falsity of their proceedings, sentences and consequences: yet, for the elucidation of the premises concerning the nullity and iniquity of the said trial and of the sentences thereupon, in which the edifice of the defendants is founded, certain things are to be said in brief series of words, that so all things which followed thereupon may be esteemed null, iniquitous and invalid; since so it was and is true.

XXXVI. Item, and since in judgements form and matter, ordained with truth, are to be presupposed; it will forthwith be manifested clearer than light by the things which follow, first that by reason of the form, with the fault of nullity, the aforesaid proceedings and sentences, such as they are, are subject at least to the judgement of cassation; and then that, by reason also of the matter, the said proceedings and sentences are infected with deceit, falsity, prevarication and the stain of manifest iniquity. And this was, and is true.

XXXVII. Item, and since form is that which gives being to a thing, and the things which are contrary to law ought indeed to be held as not done; and the rule of law, that an impediment which does not take effect by law is no impediment (De re judicata, in VI), does not stand in the way: it is consonant enough to reason that, in the first place, the very nullity and instability, at least the future cassation, of the said proceedings and sentences be deduced by the causes, means and reasons which follow; since so it was, and is true.

XXXVIII. Item, and since proceedings, sentences and judgements of this kind are infected with nullity manifoldly, or are duly quashed and retracted; of which by Henry (6), after other doctors (in ch. i, De sententia et re judicata), and by Hostiensis (in the Summa, same title, § Qualis, v. Juxta), and by Guillaume (in the Speculum, title De sententiarum prolatione, § Juxta ea), and in causa xxxv, quæst. 9, § In summa, and in the chapters Cum inter vos, De sententia et re judicata, and Multis sum: the plaintiffs themselves say and propose that such sentences and proceedings, presumed by the said defendants against the same deceased woman, are infected with nullity or invalid, by reason of the form, especially for the causes which follow. And so it was, and is true.

(1) So the text. Read: sæcularis — secular.

(2) Manuscript 5970 reads documentis — at the documents.

(3) Both manuscripts read assisti — that she was assisted.

(4) Thus written in full letters. Read rather: divinæ — divine.

(5) Manuscript 5970 reads disertissimi — most eloquent.

(6) Henry of Segusio, called Hostiensis; the reference is to the doctors on the nullity of sentences.

XXXIX. Item, and first, since by law most known to you a judgement is rendered well-nigh null by reason of the incompetent judge, by reason of the unfitting jurisdiction and by reason of the litigants (in ch. At si clerici, De foro competenti; Code, Si a non competenti judice, l. fin.). And it is so that the Bishop of Beauvais was not the competent judge of the aforesaid Joan, nor was she subject to him; for each one draws his forum by reason of the offence or of the domicile; but she neither kept her domicile within the jurisdiction of the said bishop nor was she there accused of having perpetrated the crimes imputed to her, as is established from the trial itself. Wherefore, etc. (1) Ch. fin. De foro competenti and l. fin., Dig. De accusationibus, and ll. i and g, Code, Ubi de crimine agitur, with the Summa, make excellently for this. And so it was, and is true.

XL. Item, and as has been touched above, the Bishop of Beauvais himself being bound by the censures of suspension, and the said vicar of the Inquisitor by excommunication, since the one could not proceed to sentence without the other in the matter of the pretended heresy, they could decree nothing valid or exercise jurisdiction, save nullly and in fact. And that they were bound by the same censures is established; for they had falsely imposed the crime of heresy upon the innocent deceased, who had not committed it, as will be said below; and so they straightway incurred them. Of which in the Clementine Multorum, De hæreticis, book VI.

XLI. Item, and since the aforesaid Bishop of Beauvais was refused by the said Joan as incompetent, suspect and her capital enemy, the proceedings themselves and the aforesaid sentences are infected with nullity by the law itself, nor ought he to have proceeded further save nullly; and so hold Jean the Cardinal Archdeacon and Johannes Andreæ in ch. Legitima, De appellationibus, book VI; and especially since appeal, refusal and relation work alike as regards the suspending of the judge’s authority and office. And so whatsoever the judge shall have done thenceforth is null by the law itself; as in can. Multum stupeo, caus. iii, quæst. 6; and in ch. Licet, De officio delegati; and the Summa. And so it was, and is true.

XLII. Item, and if the things which are done by force or fear do not subsist in force, as in ch. Perlatum, De his quæ vi metusve causa, title XL, and through the whole title; since verily upon the said pretended vicar of the Inquisitor by the English then assisting at the trial a terrible fear of menaced death was cast, falling upon a constant man, unless he should pronounce sentence, as is aforesaid: it remains clear that the trial and the things following thereupon are either null by the law itself or at least to be utterly annulled. For it is expressed by the sacred canon that an unjust judgement and an unjust definition, ordained by the judges under royal fear or command, is not valid (caus. xv, quæst. i). And indeed every human judgement is perverted in four ways (caus. xi, quæst. 3, § Quatuor modis). Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

XLIII. Item, and if the laws will that jurisdiction be suspended by a lawful appeal; since the same deceased appealed from the judges themselves, her trial with the sentences following thereupon is infected with nullity. And that the same Joan appealed with sufficient expression is established; for from the moment when anyone submits himself to the protection of a superior, and most of all of the Pope, albeit from simplicity or for another cause he does not express the word of appeal: yet he is esteemed to have made a lawful appeal, and the trial thence made against such an appellant is null (in ch. Ad audientiam, De appellationibus). And this is indubitably true, especially when a grievance has preceded, from which one veritably fears to be further aggrieved by the judge. And so it is in the proposition, since the same deceased, who already abhorred the refused judge as a capital foe, asked to be remitted to the judgement of the Pope, and oft-times submitted herself to the same. And these words are equivalent to words of appeal, even though this word I appeal be not expressed, as in the alleged ch. Ad audientiam; for appeal is made by deed without words, in ch. Dilecti filii, De appellationibus; and Paul appealed from the hostile governor to Caesar, saying I stand at the tribunal of Caesar (Acts xxv).

XLIV. Item, and most of all, since concerning arduous and obscure things, to wit secret and hidden revelations, which those judges willed to treat, and which are esteemed unknown to us, and concerning which it is very difficult to judge, since they are of the greater, nay of the greatest matters, all cognisance and determination pertains to the apostolic See and ought to be remitted thither; of which kind was the cause of the said Joan herself. For, according to the canons, arduous causes are to be remitted to the apostolic See (caus. xv, quæst. i, can. Frater noster); title De baptismo, ch. Majores), and as often as a reckoning of faith is ventilated, all bishops ought to refer the cause to the See of blessed Peter, that is to the authority and successor of his name and honour (caus. xxiv, quæst. i, can. Quotiens). And this was, and is true.

XLV. Item, and otherwise the nullity or iniquity of the said proceedings and sentences is manifestly to be prepared, to wit by reason of the bonds, the hard prison assigned and the terrible custody of the said deceased Joan; since, albeit very young in age, as has been said, an austere prison, the custody of her capital enemies, cruel injuries, torments and terrors assiduously stood by her; so that she asserted she would rather die than live longer in such honour or remain there further. Whom, the fragility of her sex and the tenderness of her age being weighed, it behoved to be succoured, and at least committed to an ecclesiastical prison, associated with honest women: it is to be reputed, against the sanctions of the laws, a great injury and violence wrought upon her that she was shut up in a profane prison, not deputed for laymen or public criminals, but in the strong hand of her enemies, against the things read and noted in the Authentic Ut nulli judicum liceat, § Necessarium; whence is taken the Authentic signed in the new law, upon l. Quoniam in unum conclave, title De custodia et exhibitione reorum. And it does not seem worthy of silence that her guards and armed enemies oft-times with violent hand endeavoured to attempt upon the modesty of her virginity. And this was, and is true.

XLVI. Item, and such cruel injuries, prisons and terrors are well-nigh equivalent, nay and are equalled, to questionings and torments; so that, the same enduring, whatsoever the same Joan confessed against herself is to be ascribed to the trouble and torments; and such a confession does no harm, as is read and noted in ch. Cum in contemplatione, De regulis juris, in the old law. And so the trial itself with the aforesaid sentences founded thereon are of no efficacy and vigour. For it is ordained by law that by the word questioning we ought to understand not only torments applied to the body, but also other pain, to wit hunger, the straits (1) inflicted upon the detained until they should confess the objected crime. Also to be understood by the word questioning is that which we call the evil dwelling, to wit the sordid, most foul prison (Dig. De injuriis, l. Item apud Labeonem, § Quæstionem; and § Quæstionis, Dig. Ad Silanianum Senatusconsultum (2), l. i). Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

XLVII. Item, and for another reason that trial with its consequences is to be said altogether iniquitous, since to the same Joan, of so great youth, ignorant of the law and inexperienced in the things upon which she was interrogated, counsel was denied, a director and interpreter of terms was denied through well-nigh the whole trial, whom she oft-times sought, although she was smitten with the heights of the faith and arduous questions. And such a denial is rather to be esteemed inhuman and the enemy of justice. Nay, as is established from the trial itself, if anyone wished to direct her or expound the things asked of her, he was driven from the company of the others, afflicted with threats and opprobriums. And the laws fight to the contrary (Dig. Ad legem Juliam de adulteriis, l. Si postulaverit, § Quæstioni). And if an advocate be employed in civil causes, by greater reason he ought to be admitted in criminal causes also; for where the state and life of a person are in question, since there the greater peril impends, the more cautiously it is to be proceeded (Code, De episcopali audientia, l. Addictos, and in ch. Ubi majus, De electione, lib. VI). And to this Guillaume in the Speculum well makes, title De depositionibus, § Septimo videndum, v. 17; and title De adversariis, § Utriusque, v. Sed nunquam potest. And this was, and is true.

XLVIII. Item, and from another head the nullity of the proceedings and sentences themselves is declared; for it is ordained by law most known to you that proceedings and a judicial sentence emanating against minors under twenty-five years undefended are not valid by the law itself, nor is it needful to appeal (Dig. De re judicata, l. Acta), nor is restitution in integrum to be sought (Code, Si adversus rem judicatam, l. Cum minores). But these proceedings and sentences were made against the said Joan, a minor under twenty-five years, undefended, comforted neither by the aid of a curator nor an advocate nor a consultant nor a director, but utterly undefended and destitute of all aid save herself. Therefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

XLIX. Item, and although by the benefit of the law succour be brought at least to this, to youthful and minor age, that compassion for age lead the judge to moderation and a remisser (3) penalty, as Dig. De minoribus viginti quinque annis, l. Auxilium, § In debitis; although offences be also the sharper, albeit succour be not wholly brought to minors themselves in crimes committed of set purpose: yet in this cause to the same Joan, a minor, not even offending of set purpose, no compassion is extended, no moderation is imparted, as is established from the rigour of the sentences; and so, from excessive severity, the judgement is infected with nullity, or the trial itself is at least worthy of cassation, with its consequences, etc. Wherefore, etc. And this is true.

L. Item, and otherwise the iniquity and nullity of the said proceedings and sentences are manifest, since it is also ordained by law that all acts in a trial be faithfully set down in writing by a public notary or by two fit men, nor otherwise is the judge believed, but he himself is punished, nor is credence presumed for his trial save in so far as it shall have been established by legitimate documents, as in ch. Quoniam contra falsam, De probationibus. But it is so, and the said plaintiffs propose in fact, that the said pretended judges in the trial of Joan, especially the Bishop of Beauvais, were not only negligent to keep this constitution of the law, but were adversaries of the same and prevaricators; since they both commanded the confessions of the said Joan to be mutilated and forbade her excuses to be inscribed. And so the things done by the judges themselves do not subsist in force; nay, the whole trial is to be esteemed faulty, false and suspect and useless. And to this makes ch. Cum dilecti, De accusationibus, with the things there noted. And this was, and is true.

LI. Item, and verily this trial with its consequences is blamed with manifest falsity; for, since mendaciously, imperfectly and calumniously there were elicited from the aforesaid trial and confessions of the said Joan articles, upon which the consultants of the judgement and of the aforesaid sentences were consulted, sometimes omitting what the same Joan had expressed for the limitation of her excuse or the determination of her confessions and the submission to the Church and the apostolic See; and cruelly, deceitfully and truncately expounding the things confessed by the same Joan which could be burdensome to her; sometimes adding false and aggravating things; and since thus the judgement proceeded from those opining upon falsely elicited articles: it is clear that the sentences are iniquitous and the trial likewise, nay utterly null and mendacious, to speak without injury, as lucidly appears from the comparison of the said articles and the confession of the said Joan. And to this excellently makes l. Si petitor, Dig. De judiciis; and the things read and noted in ch. Cum Bertholdus, De sententia et re judicata, with the Summa. Since nevertheless in matter of faith the whole trial ought to be set forth wholly and in series, by the final chapter De hæreticis, lib. VI. And so it was, and is true.

LII. Item, nor is the iniquity and deceit of the said sentences and trial to be passed in silence, fabricated with the consent, as is verily presumed, of the judges; for deceitful counsellors were sent to the devoted Joan, who feigned themselves faithful Frenchmen and promised to counsel and direct her wholesomely, and persuaded and counselled the same that she should not submit herself to the Church. It has also now been touched that her woman’s garments were taken from her and man’s dress placed in their stead, which she thus resumed; or if perchance she did not plainly submit herself to the judgement of the Church, the cause of this would be that deceitful and calumnious counsel thus suborned and induced upon her. And since fraud and deceit ought to avail none, it is esteemed clear that the aforesaid sentences founded thereupon are void of force; and l. i, Code, De advocatis diversorum judiciorum, makes well for this. For since the same Joan of her own spirit had submitted herself to the apostolic See and had previously asked instantly to be led thither, as is established by the trial; the sentence of the pretended relapse of the same Joan seems to have arisen from such a feigned and prevaricating counsel, which on this occasion is manifestly null. And that such a sentence is null, Jacques de Ravenne and Thinus (4) hold, in the said first law alleged, De advocatis diversorum judiciorum. And so it was, and is true.

LIII. Item, and from the premises, articulated facts, reasons and causes, the open iniquity, deceit, fraud and prevarication and the nullity of the said trial and of the sentences published against the said Joan seem sufficiently manifested, to be declared at last by your judgement; at least the cassation and annulment, as regards those specially which render the form of this trial null and

(1) The conclusions are thus replaced by an etc. in the manuscripts.

(2) In the manuscripts, fuerit, deberet.

(3) The manuscripts read remissionem — remission.

(4) The manuscripts read adsilley. sena. consul.; but there is no such title in the Digest. Moreover, paragraphs 25 and 27 of law 1 upon the senatus-consultum of Silanianus contain the definition alleged by the plaintiffs (Dig. lib. XXIX, tit. 5).

invalid. Therefore enough has been written upon the things which manifest the trial and the sentences themselves to be exorbitant in form.

LIV. Item, and it remains consequently to manifest by the things which follow, as is needful, under few articles, that the said proceedings and sentences alike are infected with deceit, falsity, prevarication and the stain or fault of manifest iniquity by reason of their matter. Which matter is to be said nothing else than the very crimes, excesses, offences and relapse wherewith the said Joan was falsely marked by the adverse parties; which were treated and expressed in the trial and sentences themselves; which verily were not committed or perpetrated by the same Joan, under the pretended qualification of the adverse parties or otherwise, nor can they be elicited as such from her deeds, sayings and confessions. Nay, it will be established clearer than light from the things to be said that the things confessed by the same Joan in the said trial do not deviate from the catholic faith and the determination of the Church; nay, interpreted in a better and surer sense, they can stand and be defended, according to the series of the sacred Scriptures and the doctrine of the approved masters; under the aforesaid protestations also, and with all reverence, and always speaking without injury.

LV. Item, and in the first place, since the adversaries strive to accuse and mark the said Joan upon the vision, revelation and adoration of spirits, whom they say are malign, and thence feared not to plead her an idolater, an erring one or a heretic, or an invoker of demons and such like: the plaintiffs themselves say and propose to the contrary that the visions and revelations themselves were not of malign spirits but of good, as is verily to be esteemed, nor could or ought they otherwise to have been determined by human judgement by the pretended judges themselves, nor that she herself said aught contrived or mendacious, as is likely, in the aforesaid, or fell into any error, or heresied or idolatrised in any wise. And so it was, and is true.

LVI. Item, and since the said adversaries would not or could not understand the aforesaid visions and revelations if they were of God, suffocated by their own sinister affection: since they were not ignorant that these things were at least hidden and concealed from them, they ought in no wise to have judged to the other part. For hidden revelations of this kind, whether they proceed from God or not, are open to God alone, who is the knower of secrets, nor can any inferior give a certain sentence concerning these. For God alone judges of things utterly hidden and secret (in can. Si omnia, caus. vi, quæst. prima; in can. Erubescant with its gloss, dist. xxxii; and in can. Christiana, caus. xxxii, quæst. 5); for the Church does not judge of hidden things (in ch. Sicut tuis at the end, and in ch. Tua nos, De simonia). Nay, Paul also, full of the Holy Spirit, could not discern the secrets of the divine counsel (in can. Beatus, caus. xxii, quæst. 2). And in these things the judgement of the Church can oft-times deceive and be deceived (ch. A nobis, De sententia excommunicationis, with its gloss). And so it was, and is true.

LVII. Item, the plaintiffs themselves say and propose that the revelations and apparitions themselves verily proceeded from Angels of light and good spirits, as is to be said from every pious and likely credence and conjecture, for the reasons which follow. First, since the same Joan was a virgin intact in flesh, as she herself also constantly asserted and offered herself to be visited by matrons; who being inspected and visited, very many noble women also being present, was at last found an intact virgin, as has been said above. In such a virgin moreover, most pleasing to God, innocent and pure, the inspiration of the Holy Spirit is fitting; since virginity itself is the temple of God, Ambrose witnessing (in can. Tolerabilius, caus. xxxvii, quæst. 5). Secondly, since she was humble and simple, as appears in her assertions, nor ever sought worldly honour but the salvation of her soul, nor ever answered proudly to those interrogating her; and virginity and humility joined together are praised with admiration in can. Hæc diximus, dist. xxx; and most pleasing to God, and upon these the Holy Spirit of the Lord rests. And this was, and is true.

LVIII. Item, and since the same Joan was of laudable and honest life, loving to the poor, exercising fasting, visiting the church, frequenting mass and church and the sacrament of penance and of the Eucharist; and such an one is to be esteemed worthy of good apparitions. And this was, and is true.

LIX. Item, and the especial sign of good spirits is that they ever persuade good works. And the spirits appearing to Joan induced her to frequent the church and confession, to govern herself honestly, to keep the virginity of soul and body, and that so she should attain eternal beatitude; which are signs of good spirits: For by their fruits ye shall know them. Again, when the spirits themselves appeared, Joan signed herself with the sign of the cross, and the spirits did not depart, as the malign spirit is terrified and departs; concerning which can. Postea signatur, De consecratione, dist. iv. Item, and when the Angel appeared to the said Joan, she was terrified at the beginning, and in the end consoled with gladness; which is the sign of a good Angel, as is known of the Angel appearing to Mary and to many others. Also, as the said Joan asserted, the spirits gave voice with clear voice and open understanding; but the malign spirit speaks involvedly and obscurely, that by the evil interpretation of the obscure word he may retain his authority among his worshippers (in can. Sciendum, caus. xxvi, quæst. 4). And this was, and is true.

LX. Item, and another sign of good spirits is that catholic end of the said Joan, who died religiously; for she first received the sacrament of the Eucharist with the greatest tears and highest devotion, and in the midst of the flames, at the hour of death, cried aloud with clear voice the glorious name of the Lord Jesus; but malign spirits lead down their worshippers with an evil (1) end to hell, as Augustine says, giving the example of Saul who adored the devil raised by the Pythoness in the form of Samuel (can. Nec mirum, caus. xxvi, quæst. 5). And this was, and is true.

LXI. Item, and a further sign of the goodness of the spirits, revelations and apparitions, and most worthy of note is this, that the same Joan announced the truth in many things (2), and the things which she foretold obtained an almost miraculous effect. For what is found more to have the truth than that foreannounced by her, at the time when no appearances impended, at the time when the English most flourished in strength and prosperous successes, at the time when the greatest part of the realm lay open adverse or taken from the King: namely, that our lord should recover his realm, should expel the English, should be crowned king, should raise the siege of Orléans, etc.? All which things came to pass in truth thence; nay, the said expulsion of the siege is to be esteemed well-nigh miraculous, where in so great strength and multitude the said Joan with few expelled the besetting enemies and openly raised the siege. Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

LXII. Item, and such foreannounced truth is to be esteemed to proceed not from a malign spirit and the father of lies, but from God, who is Truth, the Lord saying: It is not yours to know the times, etc., and it follows: But to whom the Father shall will to reveal; and that: Announce to us the things which are to come, and we will say that ye are gods. And according to blessed Bernard, it is ascribed to the greatest miracle of Christ the Lord that he subdued the whole world to his Christian law in a few poor and simple ones, as Hostiensis and Johannes Andreæ relate in ch. Venerabilis, De præbendis. So also we can say that if one girl of eighteen years, untaught in arms, of the humble commonalty, at the time when the condition of the realm was desolate, raised the spirits of all, and by her courage exercised, put to flight and overcame the enemies; if cities and towns occupied by enemies lay open to her with open gates: this is to be esteemed to have been done by divine miracle, and by true preannunciation and a good spirit, not a malign. Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

LXIII. Item, and verily thence the same Joan comes to be excused if she mingled herself in wars in aid of her king and our lord; first, since the war itself was meritorious against the enemies and most just, and had all the conditions of a just war. (Of which in can. Si nulla, caus. xxiii, quæst. 8; in can. Quoniam culpatur; in can. Apud veros; in can. Non, caus. xxiii, quæst. i; in can. Justum, same causa, quæst. 2.) And that the war made against the English is just, Baldwin de Perusio notes and expresses in l. prima, Dig. De vi et vi armata, item nota. Secondly, the same Joan is to be excused since, as she oft-times constantly asserted upon her oath, she did it at the command of God, nor would ever have done it otherwise; and at the command of God commanded the English that they should return into their own region; and those who are moved by the spirit of God are not under the law. For she thus followed the law of inspiration, which surpasses every law (the manifest signs whereof are the conjectures of the events already said), she ought not to be blamed in these things, according to the things read and noted in ch. Ex parte, De conversione conjugatorum; in ch. Licet, De regularibus; in can. Duæ sunt leges, caus. xix, quæst. i; and in can. Dixit, caus. xiv, quæst. 5. For this law excused Samson from homicide, Jacob from lying, Abraham from adultery, David from plurality of wives, as is much expressed in the Scriptures and laws, and many like; of which in ch. Gaudemus, De divortiis. The same Joan therefore is deservedly to be excused. And so it was, and is true.

LXIV. Item, and it being supposed suppositively and not granted, since the contrary is sufficiently established, that such apparitions were of evil spirits, and that the said Joan was deluded or deceived by error: yet she would nevertheless be excusable, since she both believed them to be good spirits appearing in the form of Angels of light, and thought she was adoring and reverencing Saint Michael and Saints Catherine and Margaret; whence this error is not perilous to her nor harmful, nor is she thence to be esteemed an idolater (caus. xxix, quæst. i, verse Aliter); and especially since in her opinion she was at last unwilling to persist with stubborn mind, nay submitted herself to the judgement of the Church, as will be said below. And the notable text in the said verse Aliter has: The devil sometimes transforms himself into an Angel of light; nor is the error perilous if he is then believed to be good, when he feigns himself good, etc. And let the whole text be seen consequently, as far as there: which that heretic feigned himself to have, for it much makes to the purpose. And this was, and is true.

LXV. Item, the adversaries strive to burden the said Joan thence that she wore man’s dress, forbidden in can. Si qua mulier, dist. xxx, and Deut. ch. xxii. To which it is answered that the same Joan could lawfully wear such dress, the circumstances of the things to be done by her being weighed, for the causes and reasons which follow. And this was, and is true.

LXVI. Item, and the first reason can be assigned, since she took the dress for a reasonable cause. Since she was instructed by all divine inspiration, she is not culpable; for where the spirit is, there is liberty (in the alleged ch. Licet, De regularibus, and the other laws alleged). Secondly, since the laws alleged by the adversaries say that it is not lawful for a woman to use man’s dress by reason of luxury or lust, as the doctors say there; but Joan took this dress for the contrary cause, to wit to avoid lust and the provocation of men to luxury, with whom it was needful to consort in the army. For the most part the change of dress is permitted to clerks, as in ch. Clerici ulterius last, De vita et honestate clericorum. Nay, the same Joan used man’s dress for conserving her virginity and for the defence of her chastity, which the English sometimes attempted to violate, as is established both by her confessions and by legitimate proofs, and will be able to be established more widely. And so she is lawfully excused; for far be it that the things which we do for good should be imputed to us as fault (caus. xxiii, quæst. 5, can. De occidendis). And this was, and is true.

LXVII. Item, and especially since the same Joan oft-times offered to take woman’s garments, if she were placed in the company of women, in an honest prison of the Church, or elsewhere than among enemies. Nay, and at last she resumed the wonted woman’s garments, obeying the persuasions of the pretended judges, and left them off of necessity, they having been taken from her by hostile deceit and fraud, and for the repelling of violence, as has been said above. Wherefore, etc. And so it was, and is true.

LXVIII. Item, nor is it true that the same Joan set aside hearing mass lest she should resume woman’s dress; nay, it is true that she instantly required to hear mass and to receive the sacrament of the altar; and she required that the dress of a woman be given her, after the manner of the daughter of a burgher. And if it be said that she confessed she had sworn to the king not to lay aside man’s dress, the contrary is to be presumed. Even by the things already said, if she had sworn this, it is to be presumed that she had it from that law of inspiration which is not subject to law, as is aforesaid. Nor is it to be marvelled if she was perplexed in the opinion given her that she should choose either not to hear mass or to wear man’s dress, since she was unwilling to derogate from her revelation which she knew or thought to be of God, and desired to hear mass. Yet at last she resumed woman’s dress, and so it appears that she presumed to do nothing against the exhortations of her pretended judges, or to decline from their commands. And so it was, and is true.

LXIX. Item, and from the resumption of the dress she did not deserve to be called relapsed, since she was necessitated to do it by the deceit, malice and violence wrought upon her, for the protection of her body and the conservation of her virginity, as has oft-times been said, and for the other causes touched above. Where-

(1) Or maligno — malign?

(2) So the text.

fore, etc. And so it was, and is true.

LXX. Item, and the adversaries again strive to argue against the said Joan in this, that she is said to have confessed she departed from her parents without paternal licence, etc. To whom she answered opportunely that she departed obeying the divine command, or believed she had departed with good zeal; and that God must be obeyed rather than men. Therefore, etc. And thence she also made sacramental confession, asked pardon of her parents and obtained it. Wherefore, etc. And so, since she corrected herself, it appears she cannot be blamed from this (caus. xxiv, quæst. i, can. Hæc est fides). And this was, and is true.

LXXI. Item, it is imputed to the same Joan that she caused the name of Jesus to be inscribed in her letters whereby she commanded evils to be done, etc. She answered opportunely also in this that she committed no sin, since the war was just; also her secretary did it; nor did she believe (1) it to be evil, since we ought also to bow the knees of the heart at the name of the Lord Jesus (in ch. Decet dominum, De immunitate Ecclesiæ, lib. VI); and all things ought to be done in the name of the Lord (dist. xxiii, can. In nomine Domini). Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

LXXII. Item, and it is frivolous to have blamed her that she leaped from the tower out of desperation, tempting God, etc.; since she also validly answered that, not moved by desperation nor otherwise iniquitously did she leap, but in hope of saving her life and succouring the oppressed, according to the counsel of Gregory (dist. xiii, can. Nervi). Nay, and in her this was the sign of the greatest charity, to be willing to lay down her life for her friends; and so she is well excused. And this was, and is true.

LXXIII. Item, and again the adversaries blame her, since she lied that an Angel bore to the King that precious sign with genuflection, etc. And this is the answer: since, albeit it is not lawful to lie, yet it is lawful, by feigning or cautiously answering, to conceal the truth in place and time. So Abraham spoke before Pharaoh (in can. Quæritur, § Ecce, caus. xxii, quæst. 2). Since therefore angel is the name of an office and is the same as messenger of God, according to that: Behold I send my angel, etc., speaking of John the Baptist; therefore also Joan could say of herself this, that the angel, to wit herself the messenger of God, bore to the King the crown, that is the palm of victory, which crown he should enjoy; nor in this did she lie, but spoke cautiously. And if she said that that angel was Saint Michael, this she could; since he who does a thing by another is seen to do it himself, and she did it by the precept of Saint Michael and believed she did it. Wherefore, etc. And so it was, and is true.

LXXIV. Item, and if Joan said she was certain and firmly held that she would be saved, indeed she could say this if her sayings be joined together wholly, namely if she kept what she promised to God, namely the virginity of body and soul. Which virginity of soul he keeps who in no wise sins, as in can. Si enim inquit, De pœnitentia (2), dist. ii. And so it was, and is true.

LXXV. And similarly, if she said she knew the future, in which she sometimes, as the adversaries say, lied, she does not come to be blamed if all things did not come to pass as she foretold, as concerning her liberation from the prisons; since this liberation could also be understood of her death; nay, the voices also which had foretold to her at last said to her that she should patiently sustain martyrdom and that she would be saved. And so she spoke the truth in all things. It is also found well enough that those having the spirit of prophecy did not always speak true things nor spoke by the spirit of prophecy, as Gregory says upon Ezekiel; and we have the text in can. Quærendum and in can. Potest, De pœnitentia, dist. ii. Wherefore, etc. And so it was, etc.

LXXVI. Item, and similarly she is falsely blamed for having said that Saints Catherine and Margaret love the French and hate the English; since she expounds that she said and understood that they hate whom God hates and love whom God loves; nor did she err in this. Nor did she say either that she had not nor had had sin; but she well said that she knows not whether she had mortally sinned, and that God would not will that she had done or should do aught whereby her soul should be burdened, which would be when she had sinned and had not done worthy penance. And so Joan offended not in all these things, and in these she is excusable. And this was, and is true.

LXXVII. Item, and the adversaries falsely and deceitfully said that Joan was unwilling to submit herself and her sayings to the Church; the contrary whereof must nevertheless be said in the judgement of right reason: first, since it is to be presumed by likely conjecture and judgement that she was not bound to do it; secondly, since she both truly did it and submitted herself to the Church faithfully and catholically. From the first head it is to be said that, if she did not do this, she is altogether excusable for many causes and reasons: first, since she acted by revelation from a good spirit upon the things done by her, by which, following the private law of divine inspiration, she was exempted from every common law, as has been sufficiently shown above. And this is granted to be done also in ch. Ex parte, De quær. con. (3); in ch. Gaudemus, De divortiis; in ch. Licet, De regularibus, and many others. And so in this she followed the Church; and if she had done otherwise she would have walked against a well-informed conscience, building unto Gehenna, as in ch. Per tuas, De simonia, and the Summa.

LXXVIII. Item, and the second reason is this, that, even standing in doubt whether such inspirations and revelations proceeded from a good or evil spirit, since that would be utterly hidden and known to God alone, the Church could judge nothing of these (in can. Erubescant, dist. xxxii; and in ch. Sicut tuis, and in ch. Tua nos, De simonia, with the Summa). Nay, the judgement of the Church reserves it to God alone and leaves it to the proper conscience (in ch. Inquisitioni, De sententia excommunicationis). And this reason is confirmed since, albeit in the things which concern the articles of faith we are bound to follow and hold what the judgement of the Church holds and follows, else we should be heretics (ch. i, De summa Trinitate et fide catholica, lib. VI), and similarly in the things which it expressly holds and teaches (as in can. Nolite, dist. xl, with the things there noted; and in can. Novit, dist. xii, with the Summa); yet in others liberty is given of holding what pleases, as whether king Solomon is saved or not; whether so many men are to be saved as have fallen, or as remain; since there is also contrariety between the doctors of the Church Augustine and Gregory. For in these secrets each one can follow his own opinion. So notes Johannes Andreæ, ch. i, De summa Trinitate, lib. VI, and Innocent in ch. Ne innitaris, De constitutionibus. Therefore to our purpose, to believe such inspiration is not of the articles of faith; nor does the Church hold or teach that it is of an evil spirit; nay, it leaves such arcana to the judgement of God, as has been touched above. Therefore Joan, following her opinion here, did not err. And this was, and is true.

LXXIX. Item, and for another reason the same Joan, a simple, young and ignorant virgin, is verily to be excused if, even speaking suppositively, she did not openly submit herself to the judgement of the Church, because she did not sufficiently understand what the Church was, as appears there when she said: I am not such that I ought not to go to church; also when she said: I make no difference between the Saints and the Church, and such like. For as will appear by the information of the witnesses, she from the beginning, in the judgement of all the assistants, knew not what the Church was; but after she understood and it was declared to her, she ever submitted herself to the Church. And it is most to be attended that such a virgin, young and ignorant, could not comprehend these subtleties of herself. She is deservedly therefore to be excused. And so it was, and is true.

LXXX. Item and, for the confutation of the judges and the elucidating of their sinister affections, it is not to be dissembled that, when certain lettered men assisting at the judgement, stirred by piety, charity and good conscience, wished to admonish the same Joan upon the obscure interrogations, to declare the things asked, or told her that the sacred Council of Basel of the universal Church was then sitting, in which worthy and chosen men from every catholic region stood by, even some of the obedience of her king, to whom she could submit herself and her sayings: such worthy men indeed were not heard; nay rather with the austere objurgation of the judges, and especially of the Bishop of Beauvais, with threats and injuries they were expelled from their company and straightway proscribed from the city of Rouen under penalty of death; nay, if they had not forthwith departed, they would not have escaped the peril of drowning prepared for them. Among whom there can verily be named, thus terrified and expelled, men of great letters and worth, Masters Nicolas de Houppeville, bachelor in the sacred page, Jean Lohier, licentiate in both laws, and Master Jean de Fons, licentiate in canon law and elegant masters of arts and solemn practicians; whom it behoved forthwith to return to their own, as will openly appear by the testimony of men worthy of faith. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXI. Item, and it will be proved that there were deceitfully led into the prisons of the said Joan certain deceitful hypocrites in feigned garb, who feigned with bland speeches to cherish and love the party of our lord the King; who, ministering deceitful counsels to the same, oft-times persuaded her that, if she would escape the prisons, she should never submit herself to the judgement of the Church in any wise. And the said Joan, seduced by this pernicious deceit, if she uttered aught sinister, it is to be imputed not to her but to those thus deceitfully acting, and she comes deservedly to be excused. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXII. Item, and the said plaintiffs propose that, if the confessions of the said Joan be seen profoundly and attentively and considered with sound interpretation, all the sayings of the same could faithfully be saved without the cause of error, stubbornness and offences perpetrated against the faith and the Church, as will be established from the trial itself and otherwise duly. Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

LXXXIII. Item, and the said plaintiffs further say and propose in fact that verily the said Joan, as is duly established and will openly be established by her confessions joined together and interpreted with good affection according to the ignorance of her capacity and the sincerity of her good mind and otherwise, verily the same Joan submitted herself to the judgement of the Church implicitly and explicitly. For first, albeit implicitly, she sufficiently submitted herself to the judgement of the Church when her confession expressed that she would do nothing against the Christian faith which the Lord established, and that, if she had done or said aught, or aught were upon her body, which the clerks should know to say was against the Christian faith, she would not sustain it but would cast it out. And by this it is sufficiently elicited that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Church, to wit of the clerks in the things in which the Christian faith and the Church will her to submit knowledge. And who wills the antecedent wills also necessarily the consequent; wherefore, etc. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXIV. Item, and the same Joan submitted herself also more openly to the judgement of the Church; for she also, in express words written in her confession, oft-times asked to be remitted to the Pope, who should hear her and to whom judgement in this behalf is known to pertain as concerning the greater causes, as in ch. Majores, De baptismo, and caus. xxxiv, quæst. i, can. Hæc est fides. Wherefore, etc. And this was, and is true.

LXXXV. Item, and further, and very explicitly, she submitted herself to the Church when she understood it expounded to her what the Church was and the submission to the Church. For she uttered in express words that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Church and of the general Council; nay, she asked also that her articles be deliberated by the Church before she should abjure; which nevertheless was denied her by those judges. And so it is to be said rather and better that the judgement of the Church was spurned and refused by the judges themselves, not however by the same Joan. And these things the plaintiffs themselves will prove by the contents of the trial and by the informations of the witnesses, if need be. And this was, and is true.

LXXXVI. Item, and the sign and insoluble argument of the said submission is that, after the said submission also, a little time before her end, the body of Christ was ministered to the same Joan by the ordination of the same judges. Which would not have been done if she had not submitted herself, since she also manifestly abiding in mortal sin, without such submission, the body of Christ would not have been ministered to the same, nor ought to have been ministered, as in ch. Si sacerdos, with the things there noted, De officio ordinarii, and in can. Quotidie, De consecratione, dist. ii; and in ch. Vestra, De cohabitatione clericorum et mulierum. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXVII. Item, and the plaintiffs themselves propose that the said Joan, from the contents of her trial, cannot be called relapsed; since relapse presupposes a fall; but she never fell into any heresy, by the things already said. Nay, the things she said can be sustained without offence, without hurt to the catholic truth. Therefore she is not esteemed relapsed. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXVIII. Item, and by the schedule of the pretended abjuration read to her she understood nothing of the things which were read to her; and it is clear that one who does not understand does not abjure. And that she did not understand the aforesaid schedule is sufficiently established from the last deliberation in the trial of the Abbot of Fécamp and of the others for the greater part there consulting, who all said that she should have been asked whether she had understood it. Yet nothing was done thereupon. Nay, she would never have said, if she had understood, that she was suspect of heresy, mendacious, and had at any time committed such perverse crimes there contained. If therefore she understood that she had abjured none of these things, she is not to be adjudged relapsed. And so it was, and is true.

LXXXIX. Item, and it will be proved most openly that the schedule inscribed in that trial is not the schedule then exhibited and read to the same Joan when they made her

(1) The manuscripts read credebat — believed.

(2) The manuscripts read de consecratione — of consecration.

(3) There is no such title in the Decretals.

abjure in their manner; nay, it was a certain little schedule, containing few things and far dissimilar. And so it was, and is true.

XC. Item and, if the words of Joan in her confession, reputed as for relapse (1), be well taken, she cannot be reputed relapsed. For the same Joan said that she had damned herself for the saving of her life. This is, to one well understanding the saying (2), that she had said she was a heretic, for saving her life, when she was not; and because she had understood nothing; and so had damned herself by her own voice unjustly and ignorantly; and she concludes that she did not intend to have revoked, save provided it should please God (she does not say, provided it should please the revelations or the voices). Whence, since she was not such as the schedule expressed, she could say that without relapse. And so it was, and is true.

XCI. Item, nor is it worthy of omission, for manifesting the falsity, deceit and iniquity of the said proceedings and sentences, that by the judges or their mandate there were extracted certain articles twelve in number, beginning A certain woman, which were transmitted to the University of Paris, at least to the faculties of Theology and of Decrees; upon which certain deliberations were transmitted. And this is the truth, that the said articles were falsely and mendaciously extracted from the same trial, since the same Joan did not confess the contents of the said articles; nay, they are dissonant and diverse from her confessions, and deceitfully composed and fabricated with false comments and interpretations, as evidently appears from the mutual comparison of the confessions and the articles. And since upon the articles themselves and the deliberation following thereupon the whole trial itself and the sentences depend, the manifest nullity, falsity and iniquity of the same trial and sentences remains patent. And so it was, and is true.

XCII. Item, and the deliberations made at Rouen cannot be without deceit, likewise also proceeding upon the mendacious excerption of certain articles thus placed, to speak without any injury. And not without mystery it is believed to have been done for bringing the deliberators to the intended end, that particular schedules and articles were thus sent severally to each of the canons and other lettered men and practicians being in the city of Rouen, that each should send in writing his deliberation signed with his sign; whereas nevertheless they could far better, being collected and congregated together, have deliberated more attentively and seriously, and heard the reading of the trial, and attended to the matter and the cause, the matter and form of the trial, and the circumstances. But this is presumed to have been done deceitfully, to speak without injury. And so it was, and is true.

XCIII. Item, and such a reason of caution seems most likely to be assigned, to wit that no one should thus severally know or hear the truth of the confessions and of the things done in the trial, otherwise than the said fallacious articles, put together at the nod of the judges and enemies, expressed; and that the deliberators themselves should regulate their opinions according to the intention and affection of the aforesaid, always speaking with all reverence. And so it was, and is true.

XCIV. Item, and verily the lords deliberating themselves are worthy of much excuse and utterly immune from all stain, if they had God and conscience before their eyes, as it is so to be esteemed; since according to the case limited to them, albeit iniquitous and false, they transmitted, as is believed, their right counsels, inferring judgement from the presupposed narratives; nor against them, the defendants themselves and their accomplices excepted, do the said plaintiffs intend or will to say, conclude or impute aught; since they so esteem it to be and to be true.

XCV. Item, and since from the said iniquitous, null, void, false and invalid trial, and the deliberations following thereupon which were founded upon the deceitfully extracted articles not containing the truth, the said iniquitous sentences at last emanated: it is established and must needs be concluded that the said sentences, infected with the fault of nullity and iniquity, deceit, fraud and falsity, do in no wise subsist in force, and that the same such, or even utterly invalid and void, or at least to be quashed, annulled and revoked, deserve to be declared. And this was, and is true.

XCVI. Item, and not only the said sentences or their cruel execution, to wit the deceitful, perverse, iniquitously and unjustly done burning of the said Joan; and the scandalous extermination and defamation of the same innocent Maid, presumed against law and justice; not subsisting in force and infected with like fault, it is established to be detestable to be sententially damned and openly and publicly repaired; since this also is just and true.

XCVII. Item, and likewise and conformably to the aforesaid apostolic mandate, it is needful to manifest the integrity, innocence and purgation of the said Joan the virgin; and to repair and reintegrate the fame offended by the aforesaid iniquity of the proceedings, sentences and execution, both of the said Joan and of her kinsfolk, is necessary, as also the apostolic mandate itself directed to you, justice persuading, is known sufficiently to express; since it is just that it be so done.

XCVIII. Item, and since from the premises the intention of the said plaintiffs is duly founded to the ends to which they tend, to be canonically obtained, for the causes, means and reasons expressed above, together with the others to be supplied of right by your dominions, most reverend Judges: the said plaintiffs ask and humbly demand that their conclusions be decreed to them by your providences, in the manner and form presently to be expressed.

XCIX. Item, and especially since, according to your ordinance, their said deeds, means, reasons and conclusions judicially sought are to be concluded in this form of articles containing the petition, positions and probatory articles: they offered in writing, as they also offer and exhibit and deposit before your most reverend paternities or your special notaries in this cause.

C. Item, and they judicially sought the adjunction of your promoter, as the said plaintiffs also still instantly ask and require against them, to all their other propitious and canonical ends, in and under the protestations expressed above.

CI. Item, and all and each the premises are true, notorious and manifest, and the said defendants knew them, and upon these things the public voice and fame labour.

From the causes therefore, means and reasons aforesaid, and others to be supplied of right by your most reverend paternities and most renowned providences, protesting as above, the plaintiffs themselves infer, conclude, supplicate and require by the way and better form whereby the laws, usages and observances can avail them through you, that your definitive sentence and irrefragable judgement be said, uttered, decreed and adjudged; that the said pretended process of inquisition or of matter of faith against the same Joan d’Arc, the oft-said Maid, and the pretended sentences ensuing thereupon, presumed and presumed, made and made and pronounced by the said Cauchon the bishop and Magistri the sub-inquisitor as is aforesaid, with their execution and all the things following thereupon, are subject to the taint of nullity, deceit, falsity, mendacity and manifest violence and iniquity; and the same and they, with the execution and the same consequences, be expressly declared null, deceitful, false, mendacious and infected with the stain of violence and manifest iniquity, void and of no effect by the law itself; or at least that ye would quash, annul, revoke and utterly annul it and them with their execution and dependencies whatsoever; decreeing, under grave penalties and ecclesiastical censures, that no faith whatsoever be henceforth rendered to them by the faithful of Christ, and forbidding it to be otherwise, under the sentence of anathema already pronounced, written in the termination, to endure perpetually; and nevertheless purging by the same your judgement and definitive sentence the innocence of the said Joan; most fully determining and decreeing that she remained faithful and catholic until her death, and was and is free and immune from every stain of heresy and perverse credulity or error of faith, or departure from ecclesiastical unity, and every other crime now imputed to her; and freeing the same and the said plaintiffs from every mark of infamy and guilt wherewith they could in any wise be argued or marked by occasion of the said proceedings, sentences and executions following thereupon, and pronouncing them free and most fully restored to their fame. And that the truth of your sentence and the innocence of the said deceased and the justice of the plaintiffs themselves and the iniquity of the preceding proceedings, sentences and executions may be manifest in memory to all present and future: that by the same your judgement it be decreed that the said iniquitous trial, sentences and consequences be burned with fire by the secular justice, openly and publicly, in the place where the same Joan closed her last day; that in the same place and in other notable cities of this realm, by solemn preachings, this your sentence and the execution thereof be made manifest and published; also with the erection of images and epitaphs in the city of Rouen itself and elsewhere where it shall be fitting; and, if any solemn foundation of a chapel can be erected, decreeing also it, for the perpetual instituting of saints to be besought there for the faithful departed (3). Moreover, that this your sentence and reparation be not blotted from the memory of men, if it shall please our lord the King, that it be inserted and laid up in memory in the chronicles of France and in the chamber of his Treasury of Charters, likewise decreeing; and lastly, for the injuries, amends, losses, damages and interest, likewise condemning the defendants themselves in grave sums of money to be paid to the plaintiffs themselves, such as your most provident paternities shall determine; decreeing that the adjunction of your promoter be henceforth imparted to the same plaintiffs; or at least that ye adjudge and decree to be executed with effect to the same plaintiffs such and so great conclusions, reparations and amends for the due, just and canonical ends, as the order of reason demands and the canonical sanctions decree: the plaintiffs themselves humbly imploring your office, offering to prove the premises so far as shall be needful, with express protestation also of adding, diminishing, declaring, correcting and interpreting, every other benefit of law being reserved to them, and with the other due and accustomed protestations in such matters.

Appearance of the procurators of the Bishop and of the Preaching Friars of Beauvais #

Item, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the sixteenth day of the month of February, which was the Monday after the instant Sunday on which was sung in the holy Church of God, for the introit of the mass, Invocavit; to which day, at the instance and request of Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the aforesaid plaintiffs Isabelle d’Arc, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, and Simon Chapitault the promoter aforesaid; there had been cited before the aforesaid lords Judges the aforesaid lord Bishop of Beauvais, the Sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all and each of whatsoever state, degree, sex, dignity and condition they be, jointly or severally, believing themselves interested: there appeared before the same, the reverend father and lord in Christ (4) the lord Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal the Inquisitor, the others, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Coutances, being absent, in the great hall or palace of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, the aforesaid Guillaume Prévosteau in the name aforesaid, and the venerable man Master Jean Le Rebours, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, procurator of the aforesaid Master Simon Chapitault, promoter in this behalf, as legitimately was and is established by the procuratorial letters inserted below and passed among the acts, on the one part; and the venerable men Master Reginald Bredouille, procurator, as he said, of the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Guillaume, Bishop of Beauvais, and also of the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais; and Brother Jacques Calciator, of the order of Preaching Friars, prior of the convent of Évreux, for and in the name of the convent of Preaching Friars of the city of Beauvais, on the other part. Which appearances being thus made before the Lords (5), they continued the said present day of their office until the morrow, accepting the present day for presentation. Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid.

The tenor of the procuratorial letters of the said Master Jean Le Rebours follows.

In the name of the Lord, amen. By this present public instrument let it be evidently manifest and known to all that, in the year of the same Lord 1455, the fourth indiction, on the thirteenth day of the month of February, in the first year of the pontificate of the most holy father and lord in Christ our lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope; in the presence of me, the public notary, another scribe of this cause, and of the witnesses underwritten specially called and required for these things, there was personally constituted the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter given and deputed in the cause to be spoken of below, appearing, saying and asserting: that he, in good manner and without his own greatest loss, upon certain assigned days and for accomplishing certain acts before the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop of Reims, and Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity constituted in the realm of France, or two of them or one of them, judges and commissioners, together with the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Richard, Bishop of Coutances (6),

(1) The manuscripts read relapsa — relapsed.

(2) Manuscript 5970 reads dictu — in the saying.

(3) The manuscripts read execrandas — to be execrated.

(4) Such is the redaction of the Notre-Dame manuscript. In manuscript 5970 the clerks wrote coram nobis — before us, by an inadvertence analogous to that already signalled at pp. 151 and 153.

(5) Manuscript 5970 reads coram nobis — before us.

(6) The Bishop of Coutances is here named among the delegates.

with that clause: Inasmuch as ye or two, etc., could not appear in the cause and causes of certain nullity of the proceedings and sentences formerly made against a certain Joan, vulgarly called the Maid, by the late lords Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, and Brother Jean Magistri, then sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais. Therefore, of his certain knowledge, by the better way, right, manner and form whereby he better could and ought, and can and ought, he made, constituted, created, named and solemnly ordained the venerable and circumspect man Master Jean Le Rebours, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, alone and in solidum, to wit specially and expressly, for appearing in the name of the constituent himself and for him before the abovesaid lords Judges or two of them, in the palace or greater hall of the lord Archbishop of Rouen, on all and each days already assigned and to be assigned; and for excusing him and his person; and for receiving certain interrogatories in deed and in writing for the witnesses already produced and to be produced, and for interrogating upon them; for producing and exhibiting; for choosing judges and commissioners, and consenting to them and each of them; for making whatsoever supplications and humble requests; and generally for doing and procuring all other things necessary concerning this, which the constituent himself would or could do if he were personally present and intervening; promising to hold and to hold for ever ratified, agreeable, stable and firm all that and whatsoever by his said procurator shall be done, said, made or transacted in the premises or otherwise procured in any wise, under the hypothec and obligation of all and each of his goods. Of and upon all and each which premises the aforesaid constituent asked that a public instrument or public instruments, one or more, be made and drawn up for him by me the underwritten public notary. These things were done at Paris, in the house of habitation of Master Laurent Potrel, situate in the street of the Nuts (1), under the year, indiction, month, day and pontificate aforesaid. There being present the venerable men Masters Jean Argot, priest, master of arts, Nicolas Gourdin and Pierre Ogier, clerks, public notaries of the dioceses of Séez, Paris and Nantes, witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

And I, Denis Comitis, priest of the diocese of Coutances, bachelor in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authorities and the other scribe of this cause, was present together with the forenamed witnesses at the constitution, creation, nomination and ordination of the said procurator, the giving of power and all and each the other premises, while, as is premised, they were said, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done. Therefore upon this present public instrument, faithfully written by another, I set my wonted sign, required and requested, in faith and testimony of all and each the premises. So signed: D. Comitis.

Reading of the articles before the parties cited, according to the petition of the promoter of the cause and of the procurator of the plaintiffs #

The morrow coming moreover, the seventeenth day of the month of February, as is premised, continued or awaited from yesterday; there appearing before the lords Judges, Guillaume Bishop of Paris and Brother Jean Bréhal, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Coutances themselves being in remote parts, the aforesaid Guillaume Prévosteau and Jean Rebours on the one part; Reginald Bredouille, both in the procuratorial name of the said reverend father the lord Bishop of Beauvais and in the promotorial name of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and Brother Jacques Calciator in the name of the convent of the Preaching Friars of Beauvais, the parties, on the other: the said Prévosteau and Rebours, for founding the judgement (2) and saying the summons made, exhibited before the lords Judges the letters of citation formerly decreed by them, with the report of the executor of the same, by which it was and could be established that the aforesaid reverend father, promoter and sub-inquisitor by name, and all and each others believing themselves interested, for the sixteenth day of the month of February, were and are cited, to say and oppose by word or in writing whatsoever they should be willing to say or propose against the positions and articles formerly given and produced in this cause, and to answer to the same articles or positions; asking and requiring from them and by them that the said cited and appearing be bound and compelled by them to answer, so far as it touches and can touch each of them, to the same articles or positions; and that the contestation of the suit upon them or another petition in their contumacy be given if need be; and also that the articles themselves be admitted by the Judges themselves for proving; and that the way of saying and opposing by word or in writing against these articles thenceforth be foreclosed to the same cited appearing and to the others not appearing and reputed contumacious in their contumacy, and be held foreclosed.

These things therefore being heard by them, they ordained first and before all that the articles of this kind ought to be read publicly and in the presence of the said cited appearing, as they also caused them to be read for the greater part by Master François Ferrebouc, the other notary of this cause.

Answers of Master Reginald Bredouille and of Brother Jacques Calciator #

Which things being read for the greater part and their conclusion wholly, and the said Prévosteau and Rebours asking with instance that they be admitted for proving and that commissioners in remote parts, both of Tours and Orléans and at Poitiers and elsewhere, be given and granted for examining the witnesses upon the articles themselves: the said Master Reginald Bredouille, both in the name of the said reverend father in Christ and in the promotorial name, these articles and the things contained in them being heard, which he had also already seen before, as he said, answered that he did not believe the contents of the same articles to be true, nor that it was so done by the same late lord Pierre Cauchon as is narrated in them; nay, the articles themselves and the things contained in them, in so far as he was and is bound to do, with mind of litigating, he denied and denies to be and to be true; referring himself wholly, and for all defence, to the trial made by the same lord Pierre Cauchon; and declared and was declaring that thenceforth he did not intend to appear in this cause, consenting also that the witnesses to be examined by them and their commissioners to be deputed wheresoever should swear, his name being summoned, referring himself wholly to their conscience; saying, in the name aforesaid, that in the defence of this trial he pretended no interest nor willed to oppose or say aught against these articles, save as he said above.

And Brother Jacques Calciator himself said and asserted that, since many citations and summonses have now been made in the said convent of the Preaching Friars of Beauvais, and by the same there was cited a certain asserted sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, whereas in the same convent from great times past there is not, as neither is there yet, any inquisitor or sub-inquisitor; and lest henceforth by such summonses or citations any scandal should arise in the same convent, he asked and required that they be no further made, since the friars of his convent were much troubled hereby.

Admission of the articles in judgement, the way of speaking against them being foreclosed to the defendants #

These things therefore being done, the aforesaid Judges themselves, upon the things proposed, answered and required on either side, gave their ordinance or appointment in these writings:

Your requisitions having been heard, and the citations both general and special having been seen; the answers, declarations and other things alleged by the venerable man Master Reginald (3) Bredouille in the promotorial name of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais being also weighed; the allegations and also the excuses presented by the venerable man the Prior of Évreux in the stead and name of the convent of the Preaching Friars of the city of Beauvais being also weighed; a certain declaration made heretofore before us in the stead and name of the heirs and executors of the late reverend father the lord Pierre Cauchon being also seen: we repute and declare all the others cited and summoned both specially and generally and not appearing contumacious. We decree that the articles long since, to wit on the twentieth of December, presented before us, the admission whereof we ordained should be deferred until the present day, decreeing that the said parties should be cited both generally and specially, as they were cited, a copy of the aforesaid articles being offered to them, as was and is legitimately established to us, are admissible and to be admitted, as we also do admit them; and we foreclose thenceforth to the same cited the way of saying and opposing aught against these articles and their contents; ordaining that your inquest ought to be made upon them consisting in fact; assigning to you the first juridical day after Quasimodo (4) for referring the inquest before us in this city of Rouen. Into the beginning of which inquest we intend to proceed personally on the first juridical day after the feast of blessed Matthias (5) at Paris in our episcopal house; which day, with the days following, we assign to all and each believing themselves interested for seeing the witnesses to be produced on behalf of the plaintiffs themselves sworn before us, and for giving interrogatories if they shall will to deliver any; ordaining that proceeding ought henceforth to be had in this cause by public edicts to be affixed only and solely upon the doors of the church and of Rouen, to all acts as shall be of law and reason.

Read by us the Bishop of Paris sitting for the tribunal. In the year and on the day aforesaid, there being present at these things the venerable and learned men Masters Hector de Coquerel, vicar-general of the lord Archbishop of Rouen; Nicolas de Bosco, dean; Guillaume Roussel, Jean de Gouys, Jean de Bec, canons of Rouen; Guillaume Fertin, Richard Viart, Guillaume Manchon, Jean Veteris, with very many other witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

The tenor moreover of the said letters of citation follows, and is this:

Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, judges delegated or commissioners, together with the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Bishop of Coutances, our colleague in this behalf, with that clause: Inasmuch as ye or two, etc., specially deputed by the most holy lord our lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope, of certain causes of nullity, iniquity and injustice of certain proceedings and sentences made and pronounced, nullly and in fact as is pretended, against a certain Joan vulgarly named the Maid, by the late lords of good memory Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, at the instance of a certain Master Jean d’Estivet, promoter constituted by the same bishop and sub-inquisitor; and of the purgation of the things falsely imputed to the said Joan by the same asserted judges and promoter: to all and each abbots, priors, deans, etc. (6). Know ye that we have heretofore received with that reverence which was meet the letters of the aforesaid lord Calixtus our lord, by divine providence the third Pope, by the venerable, learned and excellent man Master Pierre Maugier, doctor of the Decrees, expert in canon law, Pierre d’Arc the knight and Isabelle his mother instancing and requiring, and stipulating for Jean d’Arc, brother of the same Pierre d’Arc, of the diocese of Toul, described and named in the said apostolic letters; and by the vigour of the same apostolic letters have decreed a legitimate citation for a certain and competent day against and upon the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, Bishop of Beauvais, and the Sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, and the Promoter of the causes and criminal causes of the said court of Beauvais. And the same citation being demanded to due execution, we sitting for the tribunal at Rouen in the great archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, the venerable men Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter constituted by us in these causes, and also the venerable man Master Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the said Pierre, Isabelle and Jean d’Arc, of whose mandate it is established by legitimate documents in the acts of this cause, personally appearing before us: the said Master Guillaume, in the name aforesaid, reproduced the said citation together with its execution in fact, really and in writing; and accused the contumacy of the said Bishop of Beauvais, sub-inquisitor and promoter and of the others cited contained in the same citation; and in their contumacy asked of us and humbly required that we, competent judges in this cause of nullity and of the purgation of the said Joan, should decree, or at least be willing to continue the said day to another competent day for convicting the malice of the said cited, as we also did continue it. Which day coming, the abovesaid Master Simon Chapitault the promoter and Master Guillaume Prévosteau the procurator in the name aforesaid personally appearing before us in judgement in the said hall, accused the contumacy of the said cited not appearing nor sending anyone for them; which contumacy being accused, they asked and most instantly required us that we, competent judges in this cause, should be willing to decree and declare to them and to the same parties, for delivering their petition or libel by way of articles or

(1) Street of the Walnut-trees (Rue des Noyers).

(2) The manuscripts add nostrum — our, as above, p. 262.

(3) Jean in the manuscripts.

(4) This date corresponds to Wednesday 7 April 1456.

(5) Friday 27 February 1456.

(6) The rest of the formula as above, p. 120.

in the form of interrogatories or positions in writing, a certain and competent day to be assigned, as we also assigned it. Which term pending, the abovesaid parties judicially appearing in the said greater archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, and accusing the contumacy of the cited not appearing nor sending anyone for them, and they being reputed contumacious by us: we decreed ourselves to be competent judges in this cause, and so did as is more fully contained in a certain paper schedule which we the Archbishop then held in our hands and read through, and which is faithfully registered in the acts of this cause. Which being thus read through, the aforesaid Master Guillaume Prévosteau produced in fact, really and in writing certain articles, asking and requiring that a certain and competent term be prefixed by us to the said cited not appearing for saying and excepting by word or in writing whatsoever they should be willing to say or propose against the said articles (1). We therefore, attending the supplication and request to be just and reasonable, and willing to proceed in this cause of nullity and purgation according to God and justice and as shall be of law and reason: decreed the citation again repeated against the said cited and contumacious, by public edict and both generally and specially, both at the place, city and church of Beauvais and at the doors of the church of Rouen, to wit for the first juridical day after the instant first Sunday of Quadragesima on which in the holy Church of God shall be sung Invocavit, under the underwritten form. Hence it is that we straitly command and mandate you all and each, in virtue of holy obedience and under the penalties of suspension and excommunication which we shall pronounce upon you and each of you unless ye shall do what we command, that for executing this our mandate one of you shall not wait for another nor one excuse himself by another. Ye shall take care to cite peremptorily on our part, nay rather on the apostolic part, the same lord bishop and the sub-inquisitor of the said heretical pravity constituted in the said diocese of Beauvais and the promoter of the criminal causes of the said court of Beauvais, and all and each others of whatsoever dignity, state, sex, degree and condition they be, jointly or severally believing themselves interested; whom and each of whom we also cite by the tenor of the presents, that on the said first juridical day after the instant Sunday on which shall be sung in the holy Church of God Invocavit, when we shall sit for rendering right for the tribunal in the greater archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, or one of us or a subdelegate or subdelegates from us or one of us shall sit, by themselves or their fit procurators specially constituted for this cause and sufficiently instructed: they appear legitimately in judgement at Rouen in the aforesaid hall before us or one of us or our subdelegate or subdelegates, to say and oppose by word or in writing whatsoever they shall will to say or oppose against the positions and articles given and produced in this cause, in so far as they are articles, and to answer to the same in so far as they stand or are esteemed to be positions, in this cause of nullity and purgation; and also to see and hear our will or ordination, or of one of us or of the subdelegate or subdelegates, of and upon the admission or repulsion of the said positions and articles aforesaid; and to proceed in this cause according to the exigency of the case and the narration even unto the decision of the said cause inclusive, as shall be of law and reason. And if ye could not personally find the aforesaid bishop, sub-inquisitor and promoter of criminal causes, ye shall cite the same in the houses of their habitation if safe access to the same be open to you; otherwise in the cathedral church of Beauvais by the affixion of the presents or of a true copy of the same signed by the hands of the underwritten notaries; and also against all and each others believing themselves interested, at the doors of the church of Rouen, when in those churches the people of the faithful shall have come to hear the divine offices, and in other places of which ye or one of you shall have been required, and otherwise, so that this citation may and may verily be presumed to come to the notice of the bishop himself, the sub-inquisitor and the promoter of criminal causes and of all and each others believing themselves interested; certifying the same bishop, sub-inquisitor and promoter and all others believing themselves interested that, whether they shall appear before us or one of us or a subdelegate or subdelegates at the said term of citation or not: we shall proceed in this cause at the instance of the parties legitimately appearing before us, the absence or contumacy of the others notwithstanding. And what ye shall have done therein, ye shall faithfully write back to us. Given and done judicially before us sitting for the tribunal in the aforesaid archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, under the seals of us Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Jean Bréhal the aforesaid Inquisitor, in the absence of the seal of the aforesaid most reverend father the lord Archbishop of Reims. In the year of the Lord 1455, the fourth indiction, on the twentieth day of the month of December, in the first year of the pontificate of the aforesaid most holy father and lord in Christ our lord Calixtus the third Pope. There being present in the same place the reverend and venerable fathers and lords in Christ the Bishop of Demetriade; Jean, Abbot of Saint-Ouen, and Jean, Abbot of Sainte-Catherine-du-Mont of Rouen; Masters Hector de Coquerel, vicar-general of the lord Archbishop of Rouen; Nicolas de Bosco, dean; Jean de Gouys, Jean du Bec, canons of Rouen; with many other doctors and licentiates, witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

And I, Denis Comitis, priest of the diocese of Coutances, etc., was present together with the forenamed witnesses at the production of the said articles, the assignation of the term and all and each the other premises, while, as is premised, they were said, done and transacted before the said lords Judges, and saw and heard them so done. Therefore upon these present letters, faithfully written by the hand of another, I set my wonted sign together with the subscription of Master François Ferrebouc my fellow scribe, required and requested, in faith and testimony of all and each the premises. So signed: D. Comitis.

And I, François Ferrebouc, clerk of Paris, etc., who was present together with the forenamed witnesses at the said appearance, the production of the articles, the decree, the citation and all the other premises, while, as is premised, they were said, done and transacted, and saw and heard them so done. Therefore upon this present citation or edict drawn up in public form, faithfully written by the hand of another, I being legitimately hindered by other business, I set my public and wonted sign, required and requested, in faith and testimony of all and each the premises. So signed: F. Ferrebouc.

And on the back: In the year of the Lord 1455, on Monday the ninth of February, the present original letters, by the mandate of the lords Judges named in white, were demanded to execution by the affixion and leaving of them upon the doors of the church of Rouen while the divine offices were being celebrated therein and the people were there present to hear them; and also, after the removal of the same lest they should be lost, by the leaving of a copy or duplicate of the same from the said Monday until the eighth day following thereupon. So signed: Socius.

Then follows the tenor of the report:

To the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, the lord Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, etc. (2). With all reverence and honour let your most worshipful paternities know that I, Gérard Toussaint, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, on the twelfth day of the month of February in the year of the Lord 1455, by virtue of your letters of citation presented to me on behalf of the honourable men Pierre d’Arc, knight, Jean d’Arc and Isabelle their mother named in the same; went to the city of Beauvais and to the person of the reverend father in Christ the lord Bishop of Beauvais and also of the promoter of the same of the criminal causes of the said court of Beauvais, and cited the same according to the form and tenor of your said letters of citation for the day, place and hour more widely declared in your said mandate. Which lord bishop and promoter indeed answered me that they had no interest, as they had declared elsewhere, and further referred themselves to the arbitrament and good discretion of you (3), the lords Commissioners; further saying that, at the time declared in your letters of citation, the lord Pierre Cauchon was bishop, whom you, most reverend father, lord Archbishop of Reims, succeeded; and that, at the time of the trial made against the said Joan, the same Cauchon was absent from the town of Beauvais and in the other obedience. These things notwithstanding, I presented and really offered to the same and to each of them a copy of the citation and articles of which mention is made in your letter of citation; which they were unwilling to receive. There being present at these things Masters Jean de Frocourt and Guillaume de Grosmesnil, canons of Beauvais, witnesses specially called and required for the premises. And moreover, for ampler execution to be done, I set and left a copy of your said letters of citation, signed by the hands of the venerable men Masters Denis Comitis and François Ferrebouc, public notaries by apostolic authority and scribes of this cause before you, affixed to the doors of the greater church of Beauvais; there being present the venerable men the lords Jean Quignon, canon of Beauvais, Denis Clerici, Jean Vigier and Jean le Flament, chaplains of the said church of Beauvais, witnesses specially called and required for the premises. Then I demanded the tenor of your letters to execution as far as I could, and went to the church of the Preaching Friars of Beauvais, and in the same place inquired whether there was any sub-inquisitor, speaking personally with Brother German (4) de Morlaines, prior of the same church. Who answered me that he knew no sub-inquisitor in his church or convent. Yet the sub-inquisitor himself, if there were any, and all others believing themselves interested, I cited, as was commanded me, to the person of the said Brother German, openly and publicly. Who further answered me that he did not believe there was anyone whose interest it was, and that he had never seen nor known that inquisitor named in your letters; referring himself to your reverend paternities. Then I presented and really offered a copy of the citation and articles, which they were unwilling to receive. In testimony whereof I have written and signed this my present report with my hand. In the year of the Lord 1455, on the twelfth day of the month of February. So signed: G. Toussaint.

Subdelegation of Masters Thomas Verel and Guillaume Bourgeois in the stead of Brother Jean Bréhal #

In the year and on the day aforesaid, the aforesaid Brother Jean Bréhal the inquisitor, asserting that he could not be present at the examination of the witnesses where perchance it should be expedient, hindered by other business, since it is expedient that witnesses be examined in very many parts: therefore lest, through his defect, aught the worse should befall in this trial, in his stead and for him, by the ordination and good pleasure of the aforesaid lords Judges, he committed and ordained the venerable and religious man Master Thomas Verel, professor of sacred theology, as is more widely contained by the letters drawn up upon this containing the form which follows:

Brother Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, to our beloved brethren the venerable men of circumspection and great religion Brothers Thomas Verel and Guillaume Bourgeois, of our order of Preaching Friars and professors of sacred theology, health in the Lord. The burdens which are incumbent upon us we willingly commit to those whom a circumspect knowledge of letters and providence in things to be done commend. For lately, when the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Paris, judges deputed by the most holy lord our Pope Calixtus of certain causes of nullity of the proceedings and sentences formerly pronounced and made by certain lords Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, at the instance of a certain Master Guillaume d’Estivet, asserted promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, against a certain Joan d’Arc vulgarly called the Maid; following the tenor of the rescript presented to the same by our lord the Pope, assuming us to the deduction and examination of these causes with them, cited us (5) for certain terms in these judicial causes; and we have exercised certain judicial acts and there yet remain to be exercised in the city of Paris in the matter of a certain inquest to be made by the same most reverend and reverend fathers at the instance of the parties; in which, being hindered by certain other arduous businesses, we cannot personally be present; confiding in your and each of your fidelity, providence and circumspect knowledge, we subdelegate you and each of you in our stead in this cause, fully committing to you our offices until we shall have seen fit to recall them to us. Given at Rouen under our seal, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the seventeenth day of the month of February.

Continuation of the term assigned for referring the inquests, granted at the request of the plaintiffs #

Item, on the last day of March in the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, in the first year of the pontificate of the most holy father in Christ our lord Calixtus the third Pope, the aforesaid parties and promoter or their procurators instancing and requiring, the term assigned by the same Bishop of Paris and Brother Jean

(1) The manuscripts read præfigeratur — be prefixed.

(2) The formula of the preceding citation repeated in the dative.

(3) The manuscripts read vestrorum — your.

(4) Called Geremarus above, p. 177.

(5) The manuscripts read vocaverimus — we have cited.

Bréhal the inquisitor formerly assigned to the same for referring their inquests before them and for seeing them published and to be published, the Archbishop and Bishop aforesaid and Brother Jean Bréhal the inquisitor prorogued and continued until the Wednesday after the Sunday on which in the holy Church of God shall be sung Jubilate (1); willing that this their continuation, by their letters patent to be affixed to the doors of the church of Rouen, be intimated, insinuated and notified to all whomsoever believing themselves interested. Which continuation was notified and insinuated by letters patent, the tenor whereof is described below.

The tenor of the said letters of continuation and of their execution follows, and is this:

To all who shall inspect the present letters, Jean, by divine mercy Archbishop and Duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc., health in the Lord. Know ye that, since the first juridical day after the instant Sunday on which shall be sung in the holy Church of God for the introit of the mass Quasimodo is assigned to the venerable and circumspect man Master Guillaume Prévosteau, licentiate in civil law, procurator and in the name of procurator of the honest woman Isabelle d’Arc, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, plaintiffs in this cause, for proving his intention for the first dilation upon the articles produced in the said cause and admitted by us for proving; and there having been deputed to the same Master Guillaume Prévosteau, in the name aforesaid, certain commissioners, and to us the Archbishop and Bishop and Inquisitor, both in the cities of Clermont, Bourges, Poitiers, Tours, Orléans, Toul and Paris; and also for referring or publishing by us the sayings and depositions of the witnesses produced and to be produced if any should be produced, on the said day in the greater hall of the Archbishop of Rouen; which dilation so pending, certain witnesses were produced, received, sworn and examined before us the Archbishop on behalf of the said Isabelle, Pierre and Jean; and the said plaintiffs have and hold certain other witnesses in divers dioceses and places whom they could in no wise produce while the said dilation was pending: wherefore we were asked by the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter deputed by us in this cause, and by the aforesaid Isabelle d’Arc, personally appearing before us Jean the Archbishop in the town of Orléans, that we should be willing and should deign to give and grant another dilation to the said plaintiffs. We therefore, the abovesaid Judges, willing to proceed maturely, holily and justly in this cause, and unwilling that the right of the parties should perish through defect of proof, have granted, prorogued and continued, and by the tenor of the presents do prorogue and continue, the said dilation or prorogation from the said first pleading day after Quasimodo until the Wednesday after the instant Sunday on which shall be sung in the holy Church of God for the introit of the mass Jubilate, unless, etc., otherwise, etc., the said promoter and Isabelle aforesaid instancing and of our office; decreeing that the deputed commissioners can proceed, the said prorogation pending, to the reception, production and examination of the witnesses meanwhile to be produced, according to the form and tenor of the commissions formerly decreed and granted by us. Which all and each premises we intimate and insinuate to all and each believing themselves interested by the affixion of the presents to the doors of the church of Rouen, after the likeness of the public edicts which of old were written in the white of the prætorium. In testimony whereof we have seen fit to set our seals upon these present letters. Given and done at Paris, in the year of the Lord 1456 after Easter, the fourth indiction, on the last day of the month of March, in the first year of the pontificate of the aforesaid most holy father and lord in Christ our lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc. And on the back: Affixed on the fourth of April, by… (2). And elsewhere: Deposited on the twentieth day of April, another affixed; there being present Masters Simon de Mora, Brother Pierre Sohier, Jean Neel and Guillaume Merpelle.

Another continuation of the same term #

On the eighteenth day moreover of the month of April following thereupon, the aforesaid promoter and plaintiffs or their procurator instancing and requiring, the Wednesday after the Sunday of Jubilate assigned to the aforesaid parties for referring the inquest or inquests made and to be made and for seeing them published and to be published, the same Jean the Archbishop, Guillaume the Bishop and Brother Jean Bréhal aforesaid continued and prorogued until the Wednesday after the feast of the Ascension of the Lord (3), and granted to the same plaintiffs their letters of this prorogation under the underwritten tenor; which they willed to be insinuated and published by the affixion of the same to the doors of the church of Rouen.

The tenor of the same letters and of their publication and insinuation follows, and is this:

To all, etc. (4). Know ye that, since the Wednesday after Jubilate was and is assigned to the venerable and circumspect man Master Guillaume Prévosteau, licentiate in civil law, procurator and in the name of procurator of the honest woman Isabelle d’Arc, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, plaintiffs in this cause, for proving his intention for the second dilation and second production upon the articles produced in the said cause, etc.; we, etc., have granted, prorogued and continued, and by the tenor of the presents do prorogue and continue, the said dilation or prorogation from the said Wednesday after Jubilate until the Wednesday after the instant feast of the Ascension of the Lord, unless, etc., otherwise, etc., the said plaintiffs instancing and of our office; granting to the same plaintiffs a dilation for the third and last dilations and productions of witnesses; decreeing that the deputed commissioners can proceed, the said prorogation pending, to the reception, production and examination of the witnesses meanwhile to be produced, according to the form and tenor of the commissions formerly decreed and granted by us. Which all and each premises, etc. In testimony whereof we have seen fit to set our seals upon these present letters. Given and done at Paris, under the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, on the eighteenth day of the month of April, in the first year of the pontificate of the aforesaid our lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

And on the back of the same: This present letter was affixed by me, Socius Voles, public notary, to the doors of the church of Rouen, in the year contained in white and on the twenty-fourth day of the month of April. So signed: Socius Voles.

Continuation of the day for the presentation of the inquests accepted by the lords Delegates #

Item, the said Wednesday after the feast of the Ascension of the Lord coming, prorogued and continued as is premised from the first juridical day after the instant Sunday on which in the holy Church of God was sung Jubilate, and before that from the first juridical day after the Sunday on which in the holy Church of God was sung Quasimodo, assigned to the same parties for referring before the lords Judges, on behalf of the said plaintiffs, their inquests made by their authority and by them both at Paris, Rouen and Orléans and in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan; and for seeing and hearing the same inquests or depositions and attestations of the witnesses contained in them published by them; and to proceed further as should be reasonable: there appeared before the same Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal the inquisitor aforesaid, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Coutances themselves being absent and in remote parts, in the greater hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen in which they were wont to sit for the tribunal for the conducting of this cause: the venerable men the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau in the name of procurator of the plaintiffs themselves and for them, and Jean Veteris, master of arts and licentiate in the Decrees, in the name of procurator of the aforesaid Master Simon Chapitault, promoter constituted by them in this cause; and before them satisfying this assignation presented themselves, and accused so far as was needful the contumacy of the adverse parties and of all believing themselves interested, not appearing. And they, accepting this day for the presentation, continued it until the morrow, of their office and otherwise. There being present at these things the venerable and learned men Masters Hector de Coquerel, doctor of both laws, vicar-general of the lord Archbishop of Rouen, Robert Bonin, licentiate in canon law, and Jean Hugon, with very many others, witnesses specially called and required for the premises.

The tenor of the procuratorial letters of the said Master Jean Veteris follows, and is this:

In the name of the Lord, amen. By this present public instrument let it be evidently manifest and known to all that, in the year of the same Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, on the fifteenth day of the month of May, in the second year of the pontificate of the most holy father and lord in Christ our lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope; in the presence of me the public notary, etc. (5), there was personally constituted the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, saying and asserting that he, etc., could not appear, etc. Therefore, etc., he made, constituted, created, named and solemnly ordained the venerable and circumspect man Master Jean Veteris, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, etc., for, etc., for making whatsoever humble supplications and requests; for asking and hearing the publication of the witnesses; for producing witnesses, letters, instruments and whatsoever kinds of proofs; for speaking against the things produced against him; for concluding in the cause, imploring and stirring up the office of the judge; and generally for doing all things necessary concerning this, etc. (6)

The inquests being produced and received, assignation of the defendants for answering to the depositions contained in them #

On the said morrow following moreover, which was Thursday the thirteenth of May, assigned as is premised for referring the inquests before the lords Judges and for seeing them published by them; before the lords Judges Guillaume, Bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal the inquisitor aforesaid, the Archbishop of Reims and the Bishop of Coutances themselves being absent; the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau and Jean Veteris appearing in the names aforesaid. Which appearances being made before them, the procurators themselves, asserting that they had caused very many witnesses to be examined both in the place of origin of the same Joan and at Rouen, Paris and Orléans and elsewhere, feared nevertheless lest some witnesses propitious and useful to them had remained to be examined, either by reason of their absence or the shortness of the time, albeit this present day was assigned to them for referring and publishing; wherefore this publication (7) — if any witnesses should come to them anew, or any inquests already made in remote parts and witnesses to be examined in the cases permitted by the law; that, the publication itself notwithstanding, such witnesses or inquests should be received; asking and requiring from them and by them that the adverse parties and all and each believing themselves interested, summoned before them and not appearing, be reputed contumacious, and that in their contumacy the inquests already made by them or their commissioners, to wit formerly (8) in the place of origin of the same Joan, and by them both at Rouen, Paris and Orléans and elsewhere, and legitimately exhibited before them, be received and admitted, and the same inquests or the depositions or attestations of the witnesses contained in them be published and held for published; and that, the publication itself notwithstanding, if other inquests or witnesses should come in the cases permitted by the law, they would deign and be willing to reserve the reception and publication of the same, and would decree a copy of the same inquests to the same (9); and would prefix a day to the adverse parties and others believing themselves interested, by public edicts, for speaking against such witnesses or their depositions and attestations. Whence the aforesaid Judges and Commissioners themselves, these requisitions being heard and the inquests seen by them, made both by them and each of them and by their commissioners and exhibited before them; reputed and by the tenor of the presents do repute the adverse parties or the defendants named by name and all and each others believing themselves interested, summoned before them and not appearing, contumacious; and in their contumacy published the inquests or the attestations and depositions of the witnesses contained in them, and by the tenor of the presents do publish them and held and hold them for published; and in sign of this publication named and published publicly the names and surnames of the greater part of the witnesses by one of their notaries (10); decreeing that a copy of such witnesses (11) be given and granted to the said plaintiffs, to the adverse parties and to all and each others believing themselves interested if they shall will to have it (12); reserving of special grace to the same plaintiffs that, if any inquests shall already have been made or any witnesses reserved by reason of their absence or otherwise in the cases permitted by the law, that nevertheless, if they come before the conclusion of the cause, they be received, published and communicated to the adverse parties for saying whatsoever they shall will to say against the same; ordaining also that the aforesaid defendants expressly named and others believing themselves interested be and are to be summoned for the first day of the month of June next following by public edicts to be affixed on the doors of the church of Rouen, for speaking against such witnesses or their sayings and depositions or attestations, and for further proceeding as shall be law (13).

Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid; the aforesaid Masters Hector de Coquerel and Nicolas de Houppeville and Brother Raymond Conversus of the order of Preaching Friars being present, with very many other witnesses standing by (14).

(1) This date corresponds to 21 April 1456.

(2) The name is in blank in the manuscripts.

(3) That is, 12 May.

(4) See above, p. 28.

(5) See, for the formulas, the proxy of Master Jean Le Rebours, p. 263.

(6) The date and subscription as above, pp. 264–265.

(7) Here is an accusative governed by nothing, and the whole phrase is faulty. Supply: Wherefore they required that, beyond this publication, etc.

(8) The manuscripts read quamdam — a certain. The inquests of the Barrois were already old, having been made in the month of January 1456. See below, ch. V, § ii.

(9) The manuscripts read decreverint — have decreed. Eisdem refers to the adverse parties understood or omitted by the clerks. Finally, it seems that before decernèrent an infinitive would be needed, such as tradi or communicari — to be delivered or communicated.

(10) The mode of redaction followed until now would require: per alterum nostrum, notariorum — by one of us, the notaries.

(11) Rather testimoniorum — of the testimonies.

(12) These three words are wanting in manuscript 5970.

(13) Notre-Dame manuscript: in hujusmodi causa prout fuerit rationis — in this cause as shall be reasonable.

(14) Notre-Dame manuscript: There being present at these things the aforesaid Masters Hector de Coquerel, Brother Pierre Miget, professor of sacred theology, Nicolas de Houppeville, Brother Raymond Conversus of the order of Preaching Friars, with very many others, witnesses called and required for the premises.

Chapter V #

The tenors moreover of the informations, inquests and attestations made and received, both of mere office and at the requests of the promoter and of the parties, as has been said above, follow, and are these.

And of these informations, some were made in the place of origin of the oft-said Joan, upon her origin and conversation; others in the city of Orléans and the neighbouring places, upon her deeds and acts; others in the city of Rouen, upon the quality of the trial formerly conducted against the said Joan; others concerning the persons and the aforesaid trial. And some of these informations and inquests were made by the lords Delegates themselves; others by their commissioners, at divers places and times, as is written below in each inquest and information.

I. Preliminary Information made at Rouen in the year 1452 #

First, before the lord Cardinal d’Estouteville #

In the first place verily, since the most reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Guillaume (1), Cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, vulgarly named Cardinal d’Estouteville, by reason of the current fame and the many things which daily, during his legation, were reported upon the said trial conducted against the said Joan, having assumed with him the aforesaid venerable father Master Jean Bréhal the inquisitor, made and ordained to be made certain preliminary and preparatory informations in the city of Rouen and elsewhere; which informations indeed, since, his departure standing in the way, he could not proceed as he had hoped to the decree of citation and to the examination of the trial, he judged should be left with the Inquisitor himself and the notaries: therefore the aforesaid lords Delegates received the said informations, in the beginning of this trial, from the hands of the aforesaid Inquisitor and of the notaries who wrote them, we being present, and ordained them, as preparatory and preliminary, to be set first here among the other informations and inquests.

The tenor of the articles upon which the witnesses heard in the said information were interrogated.

There follow therefore the articles upon which the underwritten witnesses were examined by the aforesaid most reverend father in Christ the lord Cardinal d’Estouteville, Cardinal priest of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, Legate of the holy apostolic See de latere in the realm of France, and the venerable man Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, in the affair of Joan called the Maid.

I. First, that the late lord Pierre Cauchon, then Bishop of Beauvais, was moved by inordinate affection (2) in conducting the trial against the late Joan, vulgarly called the Maid; and that, since the same Joan had been in the army against the English, he persecuted and hated her, thirsting for her death in every manner in which it could be thought.

II. Item, that the said bishop also required of the lord Duke of Burgundy and the lord Count of Ligny (3), by summatory letters in which he requires that the aforesaid Joan first be delivered to the King of England, postponing the Church herein. And again he petitioned that she be given and delivered to him; and this, promising to those detaining or taking her six thousand francs to pay, then ten thousand; not caring how much he should give, provided he had her.

III. Item, that the said English vehemently feared her, and therefore sought by all exquisite ways to deliver her to death, that she should end her days and no more terrify them.

IV. Item, that the aforesaid bishop cherished the party of the English; and, before he should take cognisance of the cause, permitted (4) that the said Joan should be placed, even from the beginning of his trial, in the Castle of Rouen, in profane prisons and in the hands of enemies, although there were good and decent ecclesiastical prisons in which even the most criminal culprits in faith could legitimately be guarded and shut up.

V. Item, that the said bishop was not the competent judge, as the same Joan frequently protested, calumniating him.

VI. Item, that the said Joan was a simple girl, good and catholic, desiring frequently to confess her sins and to hear mass; so that from the end it could be established to the bystanders that she was faithful and Christian.

VII. Item, that the same Joan many times professed in the judgement that she submitted all her deeds and all her sayings to the judgement of the Church and of our lord the Pope; and that the things she said seemed rather to proceed from a good Spirit than from an evil.

VIII. Item, that the same Joan in no wise understood what the Church was when she was interrogated concerning submitting herself to the Church, nor did she affirm that word for the congregation of the faithful: but she believed and understood that that Church concerning which she was interrogated was those ecclesiastics who were there, favouring the party of the English.

IX. Item, wherefore she was condemned as relapsed, when she was willing to submit herself to the Church.

X. Item, that, after she was condemned to revoke and to assume (5) woman’s dress, she was compelled to resume man’s dress. Wherefore the pretended judges adjudged her relapsed, not seeking her reduction but her death.

XI. Item, that, although it was established to the judges that the same Joan had submitted herself to the judgement and determination of holy mother Church and that she was faithful and catholic; yet the judges nevertheless, too much favouring the English or unable to endure their terror and impressions, most unjustly condemned her as a heretic to the punishment of fire.

XII. Item, that of all and each the premises, to wit of the condemnation of the same Joan, of the hatred and inordinate favour of the judges, there was and is public fame and vulgar assertion, common saying and notorious, in the city and diocese of Rouen and in the whole realm of France.

The citation follows, by virtue whereof the witnesses were cited.

Guillaume, by divine mercy Cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, vulgarly named d’Estouteville, Legate of the apostolic See in the realm of France, the Dauphiné, the duchy of Savoy and all the provinces of Gaul; and Brother Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology, inquisitor deputed of heretical pravity in the realm of France by apostolic authority, co-judges in this behalf; to all and each priests, curates and not curates, and the other ecclesiastical persons, public notaries and scribes wheresoever constituted, to whom or whom our present letters shall come to be executed, health in the Lord. We command you and each of you that ye cite peremptorily before us in the archiepiscopal manor of Rouen, for a certain and competent day, not feriate, of which ye shall be required by the bearer of the presents, the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Bishop of Demetriade; Jean Autin; the lord Thomas Marie, prior of Saint-Michel near Rouen; the lord Pierre Miget, prior of Longueville-Giffard; Master André Marguerie, canon of Rouen; Guillaume de Bigars (6), esquire; Master Guillaume Fortin; Master Nicolas de Houppeville; the lord Jean Massieu; the lord Guillaume Manchon; Brother Bardin de la Pierre; Brother Martin Ladvenu; the lord Nicolas Taquel; Pierre Cusquel; Brother Jean Pasquerel; Richard de Grouchet and Jean Favé; to bear testimony of the truth in a certain business of inquisition touching the process of faith formerly conducted against a certain Joan vulgarly called the Maid by a certain late Bishop of Beauvais and the asserted Sub-inquisitor of the faith, and upon the articles given in this business on behalf of the promoter of the said business; with intimation that we shall suspend the Bishop himself from the entering of the church, and the others abovesaid, and shall excommunicate others, unless they appear before us. What ye shall have done therein, ye who shall have executed the presents, faithfully write back to us. Given in the year of the Lord 1452, on the Thursday after Jubilate (7). So signed: Socius.

Depositions of the witnesses #

There follows the preliminary information or preparation made by the reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Guillaume, by divine mercy Cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, vulgarly named d’Estouteville, Legate of the apostolic See in the realm of France and all the provinces of Gaul, and Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology, inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France deputed by apostolic authority, co-judges in this behalf, public fame reporting upon the things which were said to have been formerly done perversely and erroneously against a certain Joan vulgarly named the Maid in the trial conducted against her by the then Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor of the faith under the dominion of the King of England.

The lord Guillaume Manchon #

First the lord Guillaume Manchon, priest, notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, of the age of fifty-eight years or thereabouts, sworn and examined in the year of the Lord 1452, on Tuesday the second of the month of May.

Upon the first article he says, upon his oath, that the article is true, for he heard it and also understood it by letters; and this is notorious.

Upon the second article, which begins: Item that also, etc., he says upon his oath that it is true, since he heard that, after the said Joan was captured by one of the company of the Count of Ligny, she was led to the castle of Beaurevoir and there detained for three months; and then, by letters of the King of England and of the lord of Beauvais, was brought to Rouen and placed in a certain chamber.

Upon the third article, which begins: Item that the said English, etc., he says that he believes that if the said Joan had held the party of the English, they would not have proceeded so rigorously against the same Joan as they did. And he knows not else to depose.

Upon the fourth article, he says that the Bishop of Beauvais held the party of the English; and he saw that, before the said bishop began to take cognisance of the cause, the said Joan was already fettered, and then, after he began to take cognisance, the said Joan thus fettered was delivered to be guarded by four Englishmen deputed and sworn by that bishop and the Inquisitor of the faith that they should faithfully guard her. And she was cruelly treated, and torments were shown to her at the end of the trial (8). And she was then clad in man’s raiment, and complained that she dared not unclothe herself, fearing lest in the night the guards themselves should work some violence upon her; and once or twice she complained to the said Bishop of Beauvais, the Sub-inquisitor and Master Nicolas Loyseleur that one of the said guards had wished to violate her; to which Englishmen therefore, by the lord of Warwick, according to the report of the bishop himself, the inquisitor and Loyseleur, great threats were wrought if they should presume further to attempt it; and anew two other guards were assigned.

Upon the fifth article, he says that whether that bishop was the competent judge of the same Joan or not, he refers himself to the law; but it was said that she was taken within

(1) Guillaume d’Estouteville, son of Jean d’Estouteville, Grand Butler of France. Bred among the Benedictines, he was in turn prior of Saint-Martin-des-Champs, Bishop of Maurienne and then of Digne. Eugenius IV made him cardinal in 1437; in 1451 Nicholas V sent him as legate to Charles VII to try to make cease between him and the King of England a war which favoured the invasions of the Turks in Europe. It was during this legation that the Cardinal d’Estouteville undertook of his own office (ex officio mero) the revision of the trial of Joan of Arc, with the aid of Jean Bréhal. He did not assist at the hearing of the witnesses until 6 May. Departed from Rouen to go to Paris, he reformed there at the beginning of June the statutes of the University. On the 9th of the same month he decreed at Orléans indulgences for the observance of the annual feast of 8 May. Finally he went thence to preside over the assembly of Bourges held by the Gallican clergy for the observance of the Pragmatic. The Archbishop of Rouen having died in the meanwhile and the chapter being unable to agree upon the choice of his successor, the Pope transferred to Rouen the cardinal-bishop of Digne. Guillaume d’Estouteville returned a little time after to Rome, where he passed well-nigh all the rest of his life, and died dean of the cardinals in 1483. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 90. — Mémoires of Jacques Duclercq, book I, ch. 26. — Lenglet du Fresnoy, Hist. de Jeanne d’Arc, vol. I, p. 270. — Denifle, Hist. univ. Paris, vol. V, p. 562.)

(2) The manuscripts read effectu movebatur inordinate.

(3) Jean de Luxembourg. See vol. I, p. 3.

(4) The manuscripts read promisit — promised.

(5) The manuscripts read assumere — to assume.

(6) Guillaume de Bigars, lord of La Londe, was a Norman gentleman whose name appears often in the Chronicles of Charles VII. Despite the citation of the Cardinal, he did not depose in the information, nor did Guillaume Fortin, who is named after him.

(7) There is some error in the statement of this date, for Jubilate being the third Sunday after Easter (30 April 1452), the following Thursday would be 4 May, and consequently the citation would be two days after the appearance of the witnesses. See below.

(8) See vol. I, p. 399.

the territory and jurisdiction of his own, and that she was not of his diocese. And he knows that he proceeded against her even to the definitive sentence, as is contained in the trial, to which he refers himself.

Upon the sixth article, he says that he never saw that the said Joan did anything heretical or anything which was against the catholic faith; nay, he saw that she asked for the sacrament of confession and to hear mass; yet concerning the things propounded against her, concerning the dress, the visions of Angels and Saints, etc., and the other things which are deduced in the trial, he refers himself to the experts.

He says nevertheless that the fame was that she was judged out of hatred and enmity and not for truth; and the same witness saw very many weeping at her condemnation; and at the end of her days she committed herself to God, the blessed Virgin Mary and the Saints, with great devotion.

Upon the seventh article, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the eighth article, he says that concerning her answers it is established by the trial. He knows nevertheless that Master Jean De Fonte and two friars of the order of Preachers were, for six weeks before the pronouncing of the sentence, at the said Joan admonishing her that she should submit herself to the judgement of the Church, since, in the judgement of all, she seemed not to understand the affair of the Church herself. Which De Fonte indeed, for fear of the English and the threats wrought upon him, was compelled to flee away; but the other masters pursued their peace with labours.

He says moreover that Master Jean Lohier, at that time being in this city of Rouen, called to say his opinion upon the trial, seeing that it could not be safely judged by others, gave his vote that they proceeded not well, and departed, unwilling further to insist.

Upon the ninth, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the tenth article, he refers himself to the law. He says nevertheless that, after she was condemned to revoke and assumed woman’s dress, she, content with this dress as it seemed (1), asked that women be given to be with her and that she be sent to the prisons of the Church and be detained by ecclesiastical men; and afterwards she assumed man’s dress, excusing herself that, if she had been sent to the prisons of the Church, she would not have assumed that man’s dress, and that, in woman’s dress, she had not dared to keep herself among the English guards.

Upon the eleventh he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twelfth he says that, of the capture, trial, imprisonment, condemnation and execution so done, it is public voice and fame.

Item he says that the speaker himself, as notary, wrote the answers and excuses of the said Joan; and it happened that two other writers were secretly hidden near by, who in their writing omitted all the excuses; and the judges wished that the speaker should write in his manner, which he did not.

Brother Pierre Miget #

The venerable and religious man Brother Pierre Miget (2), professor of sacred theology, prior of Longueville-Giffard, of the age of seventy years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said Tuesday, the second of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says the article is true and notorious.

Upon the second article, he says that the said Joan was detained within the castle of Rouen.

Interrogated of the causes of his knowledge, he says that he saw her drawn forth.

Upon the third article, he says that, by the deduction of the trial, it sufficiently appears that the English proceeded rather from the tinder of hatred than from zeal of justice, and that they sought to prove her heretical that they might thereby defame the lord King of France; and, as he believes, this was their chiefest intention.

Upon the fourth article, he says that the Bishop of Beauvais cherished the party of the English. And he heard say that the said Joan was harshly treated in the prisons and that she had irons both on her feet and on her hands; this nevertheless he saw not, although he saw her in the examination.

He says moreover that, unless she had been harmful to the English, she would never have been so treated or condemned, since they feared her more than a great army.

Upon the fifth, he says that, of the competence of the judge, he refers himself to the law; yet he says that she was not born of the diocese of Beauvais.

Upon the sixth, he says that in the same Joan he saw not nor knew anything which was against the faith, and that the greater part of those who saw her execution lamented her, saying that it had been proceeded against her out of the tinder of hatred and unjustly.

Upon the seventh article, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the eighth, he says that in the answers of the same Joan he knew nothing which was not catholic, besides those revelations which she said she had had from the Saints and had for saying (3); but he heard from her that she had heart to God, and that she was willing to obey God himself and the Church.

Upon the ninth, he says that the judges took the occasion of condemning her as relapsed from this, that she had resumed man’s dress taken away from her.

Upon the tenth, he says that he does not repute it heretical for a woman to wear man’s dress; nay it seems to him that he who would judge her heretical for that occasion alone should be punished with the punishment of retaliation.

Upon the eleventh, he believes the article to be true.

Upon the twelfth, he says that, upon the things deposed by him, it is public voice and fame.

Brother Bardin de la Pierre (4) #

Brother Bardin de la Pierre, of the order of Preaching Friars, of the age of fifty-five years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on Wednesday the third of May.

Upon the first article, he says the article itself is true, for he saw her captured in the hands of the English.

Upon the second article, he says the article itself is true, for he saw her in the prisons of the castle of Rouen, in a certain chamber dark enough, fettered and shackled sometimes.

Upon the third, he says that, the trial and the other things which were done in the trial being seen, he himself believes and judges that the English themselves proceeded against her out of hatred and rancour, and sought nothing else save her death.

Item he says that he himself was at the first sermon made by Master Guillaume Erard, who took for his theme: The branch cannot bear fruit unless it abide in the vine, saying that in France there had never been such a monster as then the same Joan was, who was a sorceress, a heretic, a schismatic, and that the King who cherished her was such, and that he would recover the realm by such a heretic woman. And therefore he believes that they were moved, among other things, for the sake of defaming the royal majesty.

Upon the fourth article, he says that the Bishop of Beauvais held the party of the English; and he believes that the bishop himself, when he began the trial, ordered her to be kept in fetters, and the bishop himself deputed Englishmen to guard her, and the same bishop forbade that anyone should speak with her save by licence of himself or of the promoter called Benedicite (5).

Upon the fifth article, he says that he himself heard that the said bishop borrowed the territory here; but she was captured in the territory of the bishop himself. Of the rest he refers himself to the law.

Upon the sixth article, he says, for the first part of the article, that he believes that the said Joan was a good and true catholic, for the speaker himself was with her at the end of her days, among the flames, and she had always Jesus in her mouth, and said that she was not a heretic nor a schismatic, as was imputed to her in the libel delivered to her; and she supplicated the speaker that, when the fire should be kindled, the speaker should come down with the cross which he should show to her; which he so did. And afterwards, the speaker exclaiming, she cried out Jesus; whence the bystanders were provoked to tears.

Upon the seventh article, he says that in the trial she said many things; and, when she spoke of the realm and the war, she seemed moved by the Holy Spirit; but when she spoke of her own person, she feigned many things; but he does not believe that those things which she said should condemn her as a heretic. Upon the residue he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the eighth, he says that the bishop himself sometimes interrogated her whether she was willing to submit herself to the Church; who answered: What is the Church? So far as concerns you, I am not willing to submit myself to your judgement, for you are my capital enemy. And then, after it had been told her by the speaker that a general Council was being celebrated in which very many prelates were assisting, even of her own party, she answered that she submitted herself to that Council. Which heard, it was said to the speaker himself by the bishop himself that he should hold his peace in the name of the devil (6). And further she complained that the bishop himself was unwilling that the things which they said for her excuse should be written; but the things which told against her he willed to be written. And she was interrogated whether she was willing to submit herself to the judgement of the Pope; who answered that she should be led to him and that she was content.

Upon the ninth, he says that she was adjudged relapsed because she resumed man’s dress.

Upon the tenth, he says that he would not judge any woman heretical from this, that she should don man’s dress. And further he says that, after she revoked, she donned woman’s dress and asked to be led to the prisons of the Church: which was not permitted to her. Nay, as he heard from the same Joan, she was tempted to violence by one of great authority; wherefore, that she might be the more agile to resist, she said she had resumed the man’s dress which had been cautiously left in the prison beside her. Item that, after the resumption of the said dress, he saw and heard the said bishop, with other Englishmen, exulting and saying openly to all, to the lord of Warwick and others: She is taken!

Upon the eleventh article, he says that he believes as is contained in the article.

Upon the twelfth, he says that of the capture, the sermon, the condemnation, the execution and the invocation of the name of Jesus, it was and is public voice.

Pierre Cusquel #

Pierre Cusquel, citizen of Rouen, of the age of fifty-five years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said day.

Upon the first article, he says that he saw the same Joan being led up in irons by the English.

Upon the second, he says that he did not see her led to the prisons; but he saw her, twice or thrice, in a certain chamber of the castle of Rouen towards the back gate.

Upon the third article, he says that he believes that the English sought to procure the same Joan to die, out of envy and displeasure at the good which she did. And further he believes that the English themselves were moved, among other things, that they might defame the lord King of France that he had a heretic woman and a sorceress. And he adds that, unless she had been against the English and in the army, such a trial would not have been made against her.

Upon the fourth article, he says that the speaker himself, at the time of the trial, had great familiarity of entering the castle by favour of his master Master Jean Son, master of the works of the mint (7); and that, by permission of the guards, he twice entered the prison of the same Joan and saw her in iron fetters and bound with a long chain affixed to a certain beam; and in his own house was weighed a certain iron cage (8) in which it was said she was to be shut up; yet he did not see her enclosed in the said cage.

Upon the fifth article, he says that he heard that the same Joan was captured in the diocese of Beauvais, and that therefore the bishop took up the trial against her (9). Upon the rest he refers himself to the law.

Upon the sixth article, he says that, in the conscience of the said speaker, the same Joan was a good catholic, of a good and honourable life; and so the fame laboured, and all had compassion upon her.

Upon the seventh he refers himself to the trial and the law.

Upon the eighth he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the ninth article, he says that the people said that there was no other cause of her condemnation save the resumption of man’s dress, and that she had not worn

(1) Or rather ut videbatur — as it seemed?

(2) See vol. I, p. 6.

(3) Gallicism, et l’avoir pour dit — and had it for saying.

(4) This is the same who is called elsewhere Tsambardus de Petra.

(5) Otherwise Jean d’Estivet.

(6) Notre-Dame manuscript: quod taceret ex parte diaboli — that he should hold his peace on the part of the devil. This last reading better renders the French locution de par le diable.

(7) Cunagii — of the mint.

(8) Gabia — a cage.

(9) The manuscripts read cepit — he took up.

that dress, nor was wearing it, save to this end that she should not please the esquires with whom she conversed; and that, once in the prisons, he asked her why she wore the said man’s dress; who answered as above.

Item he says that he heard, on the day of the death of the said Joan, from Master Jean Tressart, secretary of the King of England, that one faithful Christian was dead, and that he believed her soul to be in the hands of God and all those adhering to her condemnation to be damned.

Upon the tenth he refers himself to the law.

Upon the eleventh he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twelfth, he says that of the aforesaid capture, imprisonment, condemnation and execution, it was and is public voice.

Brother Martin Ladvenu #

Brother Martin Ladvenu, of the order of Preaching Friars, of the age of fifty-five years.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article to contain the truth.

Upon the second, he says that it contains the truth, for he saw her many times in the Castle of Rouen, under the guard of the English, fettered in the prisons.

Upon the third, he believes the article to contain the truth in that form, and he believes that the English sought by the trial to defame the lord King of France, in that he retained a sorceress with him. And this he credibly believes from the end which followed.

Upon the fourth, he says that the Bishop of Beauvais held the party of the English and that he was of the councillors of the king himself; and that the said Joan was detained in irons; but he knows not whether by order of the bishop himself. He believes nevertheless that, the trial pending, the said bishop deputed the guards over the same Joan.

Upon the fifth article, he says that, upon the first part of the article, he refers himself to the law whether he was the competent judge or not; but he believes that they proceeded against her out of hatred more than charity; nor does he believe she would have been so judged had she held the party of the English or not been against them.

Upon the sixth article, he says that he heard the same Joan many times petitioning and requiring concerning confession; whom he found always and at the end of her days faithful and devout. Item, the common fame held her for good and catholic.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the eighth, he says that the said Joan was many times interrogated whether she would submit herself to the judgement of the Church; and she asked of the interrogators what the Church was; and, when it was answered to her that it was the Pope and the prelates presiding (1), she answered that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Supreme Pontiff, praying that she be led to him. Adding that the witness himself, by licence of the judges, before the sentence was given, heard the same Joan in confession and ministered to her the body of Christ, which she received most devoutly and with the most abundant tears, so that he knew not how to tell it.

Upon the ninth article, he says that the resumption of the said man’s dress was one of the causes of her condemnation. As to the residue, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the tenth article, he believes the article itself to contain the truth.

Upon the eleventh, he believes the article to be true.

Upon the twelfth, he says that of the premises deposed by him, it is public voice and fame.

So signed: Socius.

Delegation of Master Philippe de la Rose in the place of the lord Cardinal then departing #

Guillaume, by divine mercy Cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, vulgarly named d’Estouteville, Legate of the apostolic See in the realm of France and all the provinces of Gaul, to our beloved Master Philippe de la Rose, treasurer of the church of Rouen (2), health in the Lord. Since, by reason of our departure from this city of Rouen, we cannot attend in our own person to the reception and examination of the witnesses to be produced on behalf of the promoter deputed in the business of inquisition begun by us in the same city, touching the process of faith formerly conducted against a certain Joan, vulgarly called the Maid, by a certain Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor of the faith, perversely and erroneously, as it is said: hence it is that we, sufficiently informed of your knowledge, skill, probity and diligence, by the series of these presents commit and depute you, in our place, to receive, swear and examine all and each witnesses whom the said promoter in this business of inquisition shall will to produce before you and the Inquisitor of the faith our co-judge, with power of citing, compelling and constraining such witnesses by ecclesiastical censure if it shall seem expedient. Given under our seal, in the year of the Lord 1452, on the sixth day of the month of May. So signed: Socius.

Repetition of the information after the departure of the lord Cardinal #

There follow the names, surnames and depositions of all and each witnesses produced on behalf of the venerable and discreet man Master Guillaume Prévosteau, licentiate in the laws, promoter in the cause deputed by the underwritten judges; before us Philippe de la Rose, treasurer of the church of Rouen, for this committed and deputed by letters by the most reverend father and lord in Christ the lord Guillaume, by divine mercy Cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint-Martin-in-Montibus, etc., by reason of his departure from the said city of Rouen; and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc.; and by us the Treasurer and the Inquisitor, in the presence of the venerable men Master Jean de Gouys, doctor of the laws, canon of Rouen, and Brother Jacobus Calciator of the said order of Preachers, and of Socius Voles and Jean Dauvergne, priests, public notaries by apostolic and imperial authority and of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, diligently and severally received, sworn and examined, upon the articles of the said promoter given in this cause of faith before the aforesaid most reverend Father and us the Inquisitor, touching the process of faith formerly conducted by the Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor of the same faith against a certain Joan vulgarly named the Maid in the said city.

And first follows the tenor of the said articles, which is this:

Adding to the articles formerly produced in this cause of nullity and injustice of the trial and sentence made and given against a certain Joan vulgarly named the Maid, the Promoter deputed for this gives and exhibits the underwritten articles, upon which he petitions that the witnesses to be produced by him be examined by you, most reverend father in Christ, lord Legate and Commissioner, and you, venerable father Inquisitor of heresy.

I. In the first place, that the said Joan, since she had been in aid of the most Christian King of France and in the army against the English, the English themselves persecuted and hated her with capital hatred, and thirsted for her death in every manner. And so it was, and is true.

II. Item, since the said Joan inflicted many slaughters in war upon the said English, they vehemently feared her, and therefore sought by all exquisite ways in which they could to deliver her to death and that she should end her days nor be able to vex them more. And so it was, and is true.

III. Item, that, that they might seem to do this with some colour or palliation of justice, they brought her over to this city of Rouen, then abiding under the tyrannical dominion of the English; and against her, detained in the Castle in the prisons, they procured a certain pretended trial upon the cause of faith to be instituted by fear and impression. And so it was, and is true.

IV. Item, that both the judges, confessors and consultants, and the promoter and others intervening in the said trial, through the most grievous threats and terrors wrought upon them by the English themselves, dared not have free judgement; but if they were unwilling to do all things at the fear and impression of the English, they were compelled to avoid grave perils, even of death. And so it was, and is true.

V. Item, that the notaries writing in the said cause, from the same fear and threats wrought upon them by the said English, could not write according to the truth of the matter and as the said Joan truly spoke in her answers, nor make the acts. And so it was, and is true.

VI. Item, that the notaries from the said fear were not permitted — nay, were expressly forbidden — to insert in the acts the words uttered by the same Joan which told for her excuse; nay rather they were compelled to omit them and constrained to insert certain things telling against her which she had never uttered. And so it was, and is true.

VII. Item, that by reason of the same fears and terrors none was found who dared counsel the said Joan or promote anything for her in her cause, or excuse her, or instruct or direct her, or otherwise defend her; nay rather some who at times uttered certain words for her suffered the gravest peril of their life, since the said English wished to cast them, as rebels, into the river or to deliver them to other death. And so it was, and is true.

VIII. Item, that they kept the said Joan in private or lay prisons in iron fetters and with chains; and that none should speak to her, that she might in no wise defend herself, they forbade, English guards even being set. And so it was, and is true.

IX. Item, that the said Joan was a girl of the age of nineteen years or thereabouts, simple, ignorant of the law and of the rite of judgements, nor of herself, without a director or instructor, was she apt or able to defend herself in so grave and difficult a cause. And so it was, and is true.

X. Item, that the said English, thirsting for her death, went by night beside the prisons, feigning to speak revelations and exhorting her that, if she wished to escape death, she should in no wise submit herself to the judgement of the Church. And so it was, and is true.

XI. Item, that the examiners, that they might catch her in speech, assailed her with difficult and involved interrogations and questions, and for the most part interrogated her of those things of which she was wholly ignorant what they were. And so it was, and is true.

XII. Item, that they wearied her long with interrogations and examinations, that, at least affected by tedium, in that multitude of words they might intercept some sinister word from her. And so it was, and is true.

XIII. Item, that oftener in the judgement or outside, in her answers the same Joan said, asserted and protested that she would hold nothing against the catholic faith; and if aught were in her sayings or deeds which deviated from the faith, she was willing to repel it from herself and to stand to the judgement of the clergy. And so it was, and is true.

XIV. Item, that likewise the said Joan, both in the judgement and outside, many times professed that she submitted herself and all her deeds to the judgement of the Church and of our lord the Pope; and so it was, and is true; and that she would be ill content if aught were in her which impugned the Christian faith.

XV. Item, that the said words of submission to the Church the said English and those favouring them, although uttered by her oftener both in the judgement and outside, permitted not — nay, forbade — to be inserted or written in the acts or the pretended trial; and procured them to be written otherwise therein, albeit falsely. And so it was, and is true.

XVI. Item, that it was and is beside and without this, that never (3) did the same Joan assert that she was unwilling to be subject to the judgement of holy mother Church, even the militant. And so it was, and is true.

XVII. Item, and in the case and event in which it could be established that the said Joan uttered words of not submitting herself to the Church, the same Promoter says that she in no wise understood what the Church was, nor did she affirm that word for the congregation of the faithful; but she believed and understood that that Church of which the interrogators spoke was those ecclesiastics who were there, favouring the party of the English.

XVIII. Item, that the said pretended trial, originally first written in French, was the less faithfully

(1) The manuscripts bear here an abbreviation misread by the clerks: colum. The first deposition of Guillaume Manchon, reported above, p. 13, says: The Pope and the prelates who preside in the Church militant.

(2) Philippe de la Rose, treasurer of the cathedral of Rouen. A few months later he failed in the pursuit of the archiepiscopal see, to which a part of the chapter called him in competition with Richard de Longueil, the Pope, to make the contest cease, having transferred the Cardinal d’Estouteville to the church of Rouen. It is seen by the registers of the Exchequer that Philippe de la Rose was commissioned by the king to hold the assizes of that tribunal in 1451. (Gallia christ., vol. XI, col. 813. — Delaroque, Hist. de la maison d’Harcourt, vol. III, p. 322.)

(3) Nunquam — never.

translated into Latin, many things touching the excuse of the said Joan being cut away, and very many things added against the truth aggravating her deed; and so the said trial is found to differ from its original in many and substantial things. And so it was, and is true.

XIX. Item, that, the premises weighed, the said pretended trial and sentence would not deserve the name of judgement and sentence, since it cannot be called a judgement where the judges, counsellors and assessors have not, for fear, free arbitrament of judging. And so it was, and is true.

XX. Item, that, from the premises, the said pretended trial is in very many of its parts mendacious, vitiated, corrupt, not perfectly nor faithfully written; and otherwise vicious, so that no faith at all should be given to it. And so it was, and is true.

XXI. Item, that, the premises and others weighed, the asserted trial and sentence are null and most unjust, since, no due order of law being kept, they are found to have been held and made by judges not theirs nor having jurisdiction in this cause and person. And so it was, and is true.

XXII. Item, that from another thing also the said trial and sentence are subject to nullity and manifest injustice, since to the same Joan no faculty of defending herself was given in so grave a cause; nay, the defence itself which is of natural law was wholly denied her by many and exquisite ways. And so it was, and is true.

XXIII. Item, that, although it was established to the said asserted judges that the aforesaid Joan had submitted herself to the judgement and determination of holy mother Church and was faithful and catholic, and that they decreed the communion of the Lord’s body should be given to her as such: nevertheless, too much favouring the English or unable to endure their terrors and impressions, they most unjustly condemned her as a heretic to the punishment of fire. And so it was, and is true.

XXIV. Item, that, without any other sentence of a secular judge, in fact, the said English with a very great throng of armed men, raging upon her with a certain rabidness, led her to the punishment. And so it was, and is true.

XXV. Item, that the said Joan bore herself continually, and especially at the time of her end, in catholic and holy wise, recommitting her soul to God and acclaiming Jesus in a loud voice even to the last breath of life; so that she drew all the bystanders, even the English enemies, to a pouring forth of tears. And so it was, and is true.

XXVI. Item, that all and each the premises the said English, in fact and not juridically, through the said impressions, attempted or procured to be done against the said Joan, since they vehemently feared the said Joan sustaining the parts of the most Christian King of France and hated and persecuted her with capital hatred; and also that thereby they might defame the said most Christian king, that he used the aid of a woman so condemned. And so it was, and is true.

XXVII. Item, that of all and each the premises it was and is public voice and fame, vulgar assertion, common saying and notorious in the city and diocese of Rouen and in the whole realm of France. And so it was, and is true.

The aforesaid articles the same Promoter gives, exhibits and produces to all the better ends and effects whereto he knows and ought, saving the right of adding, correcting, etc., and of giving, in their place and time, other longer articles as the merits of the cause shall require. And he protests, etc., as was and is the custom.

Then follows the tenor of the attestations of the witnesses produced and examined upon the forewritten articles.

The lord Nicolas Taquel #

The discreet man the lord Nicolas Taquel, priest, rector or curate of the parish church of Basqueville in the diocese of Rouen, of the age of fifty-two years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on Monday the eighth of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the contents of the article, not only of her but also of all holding the party of our lord the King.

Upon the second, he says that he believes as above, and that the vulgar fame of the city was such.

Upon the third article, he says that, about the middle of the trial, he was called by the two notaries of the trial to assist with them, and that he saw the same Joan in the prisons of the castle of Rouen in a certain tower towards the fields. And the trial was made at the expense of the King of England, as was said (1); but of the fear and impression of which mention is made in the article, he perceived nothing.

Upon the fourth, he says that he neither saw nor perceived the impression or threats or terrors of which mention is made in the same article.

Upon the fifth, he says that he perceived not, as above; nay, it seems to him that the notaries wrote faithfully.

Upon the sixth article he says that he perceived no fear, nor saw the prohibitions or compulsions of which mention is made in the article.

Upon the seventh, he says that he does not remember that he petitioned or had counsel or that it was offered to him, for he was not in the trial from the beginning (2). Nor does he know aught else of the residue of the article.

Upon the eighth, he says that he well knows that the said Joan was in prisons as above; and he saw her sometimes in fetters, and sometimes notwithstanding her infirmity not; and that there was one Englishman who had the guard of the door of the chamber and the prison, without whose licence none could approach her, nor even the judges.

Upon the ninth, he says that it well seems to him that the said Joan was of the age of nineteen years or thereabouts, from inspection of her; and that she was simple as a woman of such age, sometimes speaking well in the matter and sometimes varying and not answering the things asked. Nor does he know aught else.

Upon the tenth, he says that he well heard through the town that the English by night, in the absence of the judges, troubled her, saying sometimes that she would die, sometimes that she would be dispatched; but whether it be true, he knows not.

Upon the eleventh, he says that he was present when some of the judges made her interrogations difficult enough; to which she answered that it belonged not to her to answer and that she referred herself to them. And some of the doctors assisting sometimes said to her: Ye say well, Joan.

Upon the twelfth, he says that the same Joan, sometimes wearied by many interrogations, asked for a delay until the morrow; and it was granted her. Upon the residue he knows nothing.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that he heard many times from the same Joan the contents of the article, and that she would say or do nothing against the faith. And he believes this is written in the trial.

Upon the fourteenth, he says that he believes he heard from the said Joan, in effect, the words contained in that article.

Upon the fifteenth, he says that he does not remember having seen any Englishman in the examination of the said Joan save the said guard; nor does he remember any prohibition made upon the things which made for the trial, although some things were forbidden to be written which, in the judgement of the speaker, did not make for the cause.

Upon the sixteenth, he says that he knows not that those words of the sixteenth article were inserted in the trial, nor does he remember the said Joan to have said in the whole trial that she was unwilling to be subject to the judgement of the Church, although he saw her sometimes perturbed; and then, as the speaker says, the doctors who were assisting there directed her; and she was dismissed sometimes until the following morrow.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that sometimes it was expounded by the doctors to the said Joan what the Church was; and then she said that she believed and submitted herself to the judgement of the Church. Nor does he know aught else of the contents of the article.

Upon the eighteenth article, he says that he believes that the notaries wrote faithfully, sometimes in French, sometimes in Latin, according as the matter and the words required. And of the translation, he heard that Master Thomas de Courcelles was charged with translating the trial from French into Latin; but whether aught was changed, added or diminished, he knows not.

Upon the nineteenth article, he says that he has deposed above whatsoever he knows; and of the residue he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twentieth, he says as above.

Upon the twenty-first, he says that the trial holds that the said Joan was captured in the diocese and territory of Beauvais. Of the residue he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, he answered as above in the seventh article.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that he was not present at the reception of the body of Christ, but it was notorious that the same Joan, before her death, on the same day received the body of Christ; and the speaker came after the reception into the chamber where the interrogations were made.

Item, he says that he never perceived in the same Joan aught save that she was a good catholic; and licence was given to the same Joan to receive the body of Christ, the speaker himself being present, although he was not present at the receiving. And after it was told her, a little before she came to the place of the said punishment, she made fair and devout prayers to God, the blessed Mary and the Saints, whence very many present were provoked to tears, and especially Master Nicolas Loyseleur, the promoter in the cause (3); who, when he departed weeping from the company of the said Joan and met a certain crowd of Englishmen being in the court of the castle, they rebuked the same Loyseleur, menacing him and calling him traitor; of which words he much feared, and, without turning to other things, went to the lord Count of Warwick that he might be preserved; and, had it not been for the count himself, the speaker believes the said Loyseleur would have been slain.

Upon the twenty-fourth, he says that, the sentence of the Church being given, the ecclesiastical men departed from the place where such sentence was given; and the speaker also departed. And he knows nothing else.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that he was not present when she suffered the punishment; but he heard that the same Joan died piously and catholically, invoking the name of Jesus and of the blessed Virgin Mary.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he well believes that, had the said Joan not waged war upon the English, they would not have proceeded so diligently and keenly against her; and withal he believes that they tended to the exaltation of their own party and the depression of the King of France.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that the things he said are true, and of them it is public voice and fame in the city of Rouen.

The lord Pierre Bouchier #

The lord Pierre Bouchier, priest, of the age of fifty-five years or thereabouts, curate of the parish church of Bourgeauville in the diocese of Lisieux, witness produced, received, sworn and examined on the aforesaid Monday.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the first article to contain the truth, especially because she had raised the siege of Orléans.

Upon the second, he says that the English held the same Joan, and he believes that they well wished her to die.

Upon the third article, he says that she was led and brought over as is contained in the article. Of the impressions and other things contained in the article he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth article, he says that of the whole article he knows nothing, save that a certain English clerk, bachelor in theology, keeper of the privy seal of the Cardinal of England (4) there present, being in the first sermon made in the cemetery of Saint-Ouen of Rouen, directing his words to the lord Bishop of Beauvais, the judge of the said Joan, said: Dispatch; ye are too favourable. Whereat the bishop himself, ill content, cast the trial to the earth, saying that that day he would do nothing else and that he would act according to his conscience.

Upon the fifth he knows nothing, for he was not present at the deduction of the trial.

(1) See, among the pieces which follow the trial, the mandates delivered to the judges and assessors upon the treasure of the King of England.

(2) Having been instituted registrar for the account of the vice-inquisitor, he was in effect only admitted into the cause from 1 March 1431. See vol. I, p. 149.

(3) Error of the witness; he was but the director of Joan.

(4) Winchester.

Upon the sixth he knows nothing, for he was not present.

Upon the seventh he likewise knows nothing, save that she was alone, sitting upon a certain seat, and he heard that she answered without counsel; yet he knows not whether she asked or counsel was denied her. Nor does he know aught else upon that article.

Upon the eighth article, he says that he well knows she was in the prisons in the Castle of Rouen; but knows not whether she was fettered; nor did anyone speak with her save by licence of certain Englishmen who had the guard of her. And he did not see her go out of the prison but that certain Englishmen were with her, whom he believes were shut up (1) with her in a certain chamber in which there were three keys, whereof the lord Cardinal or the aforesaid bachelor kept one, the Inquisitor another, and the lord Jean Benedicte the promoter the third; and the English themselves feared exceedingly lest she should escape.

Upon the ninth he says that, in the judgement of the speaker, she was of the age of nineteen years or thereabouts, and that it was said she was discreet enough in her answers. Nor does he know aught else.

Upon the tenth he knows nothing, nor heard aught upon this.

Upon the eleventh and twelfth he knows nothing, for he was not present at the examination and answers of the same.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that he was not present in the trial; but after the sermon made at Saint-Ouen, with joined hands she said in a loud voice that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Church, beseeching Saint Michael that he would direct and counsel her.

Upon the fourteenth, he says he did not see this; but he heard from very many that the same Joan in her examination many times said she submitted herself to our lord the Pope and that she should be led to him.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles he knows nothing, for he was not present in the trial.

Upon the seventeenth he says that, of the interpretation which the lord Promoter makes, he refers himself to the understanding of the said Joan.

Upon the eighteenth, he says that he heard it said that the trial was written in Latin.

Upon the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first articles he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that he knows nothing else save that he heard the same Joan answered alone and without counsel.

Upon the twenty-third he says that, as much as he saw the said Joan, he knew her always a good Christian and well devout. And he knows that the body of Christ was delivered to her in the Castle, in the place of her prison, before she was led to the Old Market where she was preached to and burned. Of the residue he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the twenty-fourth he says that, the sentence being given by the ecclesiastical judge, she was led to the scaffold of the Bailiff by the royal servants; on which scaffold were the Bailiff (2) and other secular officers; where she stood a while with them; but what they said or did there he knows not, save that on their withdrawal she was delivered to the fire.

Upon the twenty-fifth he says that, when she was being bound, the same Joan implored or invoked Saint Michael especially. And he saw her even to the end a good Christian, and very many of the bystanders, to the number of ten thousand, weeping and lamenting, saying that it was a great pity.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he believes the English feared the same Joan more than the residue of the whole army of the King of France, and that in that view they were moved, as it seems to him, to make such a trial against her.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that the things he deposed are true and notorious, most of all in the city of Rouen.

Master Nicolas de Houppeville #

The venerable and discreet man Master Nicolas de Houppeville, bachelor in theology, born at Rouen, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts (3), sworn and examined on Monday the eighth of May.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article to be true; nor did he ever have the opinion that the English did this for zeal of the faith or to reduce her to a good way.

Upon the second, he says that he believes the article to be true, and the public fame of the whole city was such.

Upon the third article, he says that he well knows that the same Joan was brought to this city of Rouen by the English and placed in the prisons in the castle of Rouen; and the trial was procured by the same English, as he believes; but of the fear and impression he does not believe as regards the judges; nay, they did this willingly, most of all the Bishop of Beauvais, whom he saw return from seeking her and reporting his legation to the king and the lord of Warwick, saying joyfully and exultingly certain words which he did not understand; and afterwards he spoke in secret with the said lord of Warwick. What he said, he knows not.

Upon the fourth he says that, in his judgement, the judges and assessors were for the greater part willing; and of the others he believes that very many feared, most of all because he heard from Master Pierre Maugier that he had given his opinion in writing which was not pleasing to the said Bishop of Beauvais, nay was repulsed, the bishop saying to him that he should not mix the Decretals with theology in his opinion and should leave the Decretals to the jurists. Moreover he says that he heard that threats were wrought by the Count of Warwick upon Brother Isambard de la Pierre, of the order of Preaching Friars, who was present in the trial, saying that he should be drowned unless he held his peace, because he directed words to the said Joan, then repeating them to the notaries; and he believes he heard this by the mouth of Brother Jean Magistri of the said order, then Sub-inquisitor. Item, he says that the speaker himself was called on one day in the beginning of the trial and came not, being hindered elsewhere; and coming on the second day he was not received, nay was thrust away by the said lord Bishop of Beauvais; and because he had before said, conferring with the lord Michael Colles, that it was dangerous to attempt the said trial for very many causes: that word was reported to the bishop himself; for which cause the bishop himself procured the speaker to be thrust into the royal prisons at Rouen, whence he was delivered at the prayers of the lord then Abbot of Fécamp. And the speaker heard that by the counsel of certain ones whom the bishop himself had called to do this, it was deliberated that the speaker should be sent an exile into England or elsewhere out of this city of Rouen, had not the supplication of the said abbot and of certain of his friends intervened. Item, he knows for certain that the aforesaid Sub-inquisitor feared much, and saw him most perplexed during the trial.

Upon the fifth article, he says that he was not in the trial; but he heard from the said Master Jean Magistri that the same Joan once complained of the difficult interrogatories which were put to her, and that she was too much vexed by interrogatories which pertained not to the trial.

Upon the sixth article, he says that he heard, from a certain rumour, that the notaries were forbidden to write certain of her sayings.

Upon the seventh, he says that he believes the article itself to be true and that such was the fame in this city of Rouen.

Upon the eighth, he says that he knows that the said Joan was in the prisons of the castle and that she was guarded by Englishmen only. And upon the residue, there was public fame.

Upon the ninth, he says that he believes the same Joan to have had the age of which mention is made in the article, and the other things contained in the same article to be true; and that the councillors of the same Joan accused many that she had had a spiritual succour.

Upon the tenth article, he says that there were rumours in this city of Rouen that certain ones, feigning themselves armed men of the party of the King of France, were brought in with her secretly, persuading her that she should not submit herself to the judgement of the Church, else they would assume the judgement upon her; and there were rumours that, by reason of that persuasion, the same Joan afterwards varied in the submission to the Church.

Upon the eleventh, as he deposed above, he says that he heard from the said Brother Jean Magistri that she complained of the too difficult and impertinent interrogatories.

Upon the twelfth, he believes the article itself to be true, for such was the fame and it was reported that there were made to her broken, captious and semi-interrogatory questions.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that there was rumour in this city of Rouen of the contents of the article, down to the variation of which he deposed above.

Upon the fourteenth, he says that he believes the article to be true, and such was the rumour.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the seventeenth, he says as he deposed above in the tenth article.

Upon the eighteenth article, he says that he knows not whether the trial was written in French or in Latin; nor does he know aught else.

Upon the nineteenth, he says that, according to his sense as he then felt and still feels, it should rather be called a voluntary and affected persecution than a judgement.

Upon the twentieth, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the twenty-first article, he says as he deposed above in the nineteenth article.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that he believes the article itself to be true.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that he believes the same Joan to have been a good catholic, and she received the body of our Lord on the morning on which she was executed. And the residue of the article he believes to be true.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he saw the same Joan, weeping exceedingly, go out of the Castle led to the place of punishment and of the last sermon by a hundred and twenty men or thereabouts, of whom some bore clubs and others other swords; whence, moved by compassion, he was unwilling to go as far as the place of punishment.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says the article itself is true, according to the rumour and public fame of this city of Rouen; but of himself he heard nothing from her, for he was not at the execution.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that he believes the article to contain the truth; and such was the fame in this city of Rouen, to wit that the English themselves proceeded out of hatred and fear, and also to defame the King of France.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that it contains the truth, even no one gainsaying it.

The lord Jean Massieu #

The lord Jean Massieu, priest, of the age of fifty-five years, curate for one portion of the parish church of Saint-Candidus-the-Elder (4) of Rouen, sworn and examined on the aforesaid Monday.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article to contain the truth.

Upon the second article, he says that he also believes the article itself to be true; and this was plain enough, since for her guard there were five Englishmen by day and by night, of whom three were shut in with her by night, and by day (5) there were two outside the prison.

Upon the third, he says that the said Joan was captured in the diocese of Beauvais and brought to this city of Rouen and placed in the Castle of Rouen in the prison; but, as to the fear and impression, he says that Master Jean de Castillon, then archdeacon of Évreux, doctor in theology, sometimes finding that too difficult questions had been put to the same Joan, impugned the manner of proceeding, saying that it ought not so to be proceeded in the matter. On whose account it was many times said to him by others assisting in the trial that he broke them; and he answered: I must acquit my conscience; for which cause it was forbidden him, but by whom he does not recall, lest he should come there any more unless summoned (6).

(1) The manuscripts read inclusa — shut in.

(2) Jean le Bouteiller, then bailiff of Rouen and of Gisors. (Düsoüillet, Hist. de Rouen, vol. I, p. 421.)

(3) Notre-Dame manuscript: of the diocese of Rouen, of the age of fifty-nine, etc.

(4) Saint-Cande-le-Vieux, a parish which belonged to the bishopric of Lisieux although situated at Rouen.

(5) Manuscript 5970 reads de nocte — by night.

(6) The manuscripts read nisi, in full letters, with an abbreviation over the n.

Upon the fourth article, he says that, at the time of the trial of the said Joan, the speaker himself was dean of Christianity of Rouen and conducted the said Joan from the prison to the examination and from the examination to the prison, and stood always in her examination; and there was none of those assisting the trial but feared, he being moved to say this because when, after the first sermon, on a certain day of Holy Trinity in the afternoon, the same Joan had resumed man’s dress, and this was told to Master André Marguerie then coming to the Castle of Rouen, and Marguerie himself answered that it was needful to know the causes of the resumption of that dress and that it did not suffice to see her in the said dress: forthwith a certain Englishman holding a spear in his hand called the same Marguerie traitor Armagnac! levelling the spear he held against him; wherefore the said Marguerie fled away, fearing lest he should be struck; on which occasion he was infirm or much troubled. And, of the fear of the speaker, he says that when, about the beginning of the trial, it had been reported on behalf of the lord Eustache Turquetil to certain ones of the Castle of Rouen that the same Turquetil had heard from the speaker, whom he said he had interrogated upon this, that he had not yet seen in the same Joan aught save good and knew nothing reprehensible in her: for this the speaker himself was summoned by the lord Bishop of Beauvais, who most harshly rebuked the speaker himself for the said words, saying to him that, were it not for his friends, he should have been cast into the Seine. And further he says that those handling the said trial were compelled rather to please the will of the English than justice; and that the doctors who heard the trial favoured the English.

Upon the fifth article, he says that, in the said trial, the lord Guillaume Manchon wrote; and he recalls that the same Manchon wrote not at the pleasure of certain ones, nay he wrote for the truth; and sometimes it happened that the same Joan was recalled upon a difficulty and it was found that Manchon understood and wrote well.

Upon the sixth article, he says that he believes the notary wrote faithfully.

Upon the seventh article, he says that the speaker himself was on the scaffold in the first sermon with the said Joan; and he read to her the schedule of abjuration; and, when the speaker himself, at the petition and request of the said Joan, instructed her, showing her the peril which threatened her from the abjuration unless the articles themselves were first seen by the Church whether she ought to abjure them or not: Master Guillaume Erard the preacher, seeing this, interrogated the speaker as to what he was saying to her; and when he had answered him: I am reading this schedule to her, and I say that she should sign it, and that the same Joan said she knew not how to sign: then the same Joan said that she wished the articles to be seen and deliberated by the Church and that she ought not to abjure that schedule, requiring that it be placed in the keeping of the Church and no more be placed in the hands of the English. Forthwith the said Erard answered that the same Joan should have no ampler delay, and that, unless she then abjured the said schedule, she should presently be burned; and the same Erard forbade the said speaker lest he speak further with the said Joan or counsel her aught.

Upon the eighth article, he deposes simply that the whole article is true. And of the guard he has already deposed above.

Upon the ninth article, he says that, in the judgement of the speaker, she was of the age of nineteen or twenty years; and that in gesture very simple, but in answers discreet and prudent.

Upon the tenth article, he says that he knows not of certain knowledge to depose upon this; but he heard that Master Nicolas Loyseleur, feigning himself a French prisoner of the English, at one time secretly entered the prison of the said Joan and persuaded her that she should not submit herself to the judgement of the Church, else she would find herself deceived.

Upon the eleventh article, he says that he well recalls that broken interrogatories were frequently put to the same Joan; and difficult interrogatories ran together from very many; and, before she had answered one, another made her another interrogation, whence she was ill content, saying: Let one do it after another. And the speaker marvelled how she could answer the subtle and captious interrogations made her; and that a lettered man would scarce have answered well.

Upon the twelfth, he says the article is true; and her examination lasted commonly from the eighth hour until the eleventh hour.

Upon the thirteenth, he says the article is true, for he heard many times from the mouth of the same Joan that God would never permit her to say or do aught which was against the catholic faith.

Upon the fourteenth article, he deposes the article itself to be true in form; of certain knowledge adding that he heard the same Joan saying to the judges that, if aught had been less well said or done by her, she was willing to correct and emend it at the arbitrament of the lords judges.

Upon the fifteenth article he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the sixteenth article, he says that he never heard the contents of the article from the mouth of the said Joan, nay the contrary, as he said above.

Upon the seventeenth, he says that he well heard the said Joan saying to the doctors interrogating her: Ye interrogate me of the Church triumphant and militant; I understand not those terms; but I will to submit myself to the Church as befits a good Christian.

Upon the eighteenth, he says that he saw the trial written in French, and believes the whole trial was afterwards written in Latin. Of the other contents of the article he knows not.

Upon the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first, he says that, according as he saw and knew of and in the said Joan, she was unjustly condemned; moved to say this because, as he heard from the said Joan, on the day of Holy Trinity in the morning, the same Joan lying in bed, her guards took away the woman’s dress from her bed and set upon the bed such man’s dress; and that, although she had required of the said guards that the said woman’s dress be restored to her that she might rise from the bed and relieve herself, they refused to give it to her, saying to her that she should have none other than the said man’s dress; and, when she said to them that they well knew that the judges had forbidden the same Joan to resume man’s dress, they nevertheless refused to give the same Joan that woman’s dress; and at last, compelled by necessity, she took that man’s dress; and, after she had been seen in that resumption of dress through the said whole day, on the morrow the woman’s dress was restored to her. And the resumption of the said dress was the principal cause for which she was adjudged relapsed and condemned.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that, from the beginning of the trial, the same Joan asked to have counsel to answer, saying that she was simple to answer; to whom it was answered that she should answer by herself, as she willed, and that she should have no counsel.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that he well knows that the said Joan received the Lord’s body in the prison before her sermon and her abandonment, by the hands of Brother Martin Ladvenu, by licence of the Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor, at the instance of the said Joan asking this; and the body itself was brought by a certain lord Pierre, most irreverently, upon the paten of the chalice, wrapped in the linen cover of that chalice, without light and without company and without surplice and stole. He says further that the said Joan, after a twofold confession made to the same Brother Martin, received the Lord’s body itself, the speaker present, most devoutly and with a great pouring forth of tears.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that, the sermon of Master Nicolas Midi in the Old Market being finished, the said Joan was abandoned by the ecclesiastical men. Who having departed, she was led, without sentence of any secular judge, to the place of punishment.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that the said article contains the truth wholly; nor did he ever see any person end her days so catholically.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that he believes it was so proceeded against the said Joan from the causes contained in the article, and that the preacher who made the first sermon spoke of the realm of France in this manner, in effect: O realm of France! of old thou wast reputed and called most Christian, and thy kings and princes most Christian; now verily through thee, O Joan! and thy king, who calls himself King of France, adhering to thee and believing thy sayings, is made heretic and schismatic! this repeating in a threefold voice. To whom the same Joan, rising, answered, saying: Your reverence saving, it is not true as ye say, for I will ye to know that among the living most Christians there is none a better catholic than he.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that the things he deposed were and are notorious in this city of Rouen.

Master Nicolas Caval #

The venerable and discreet man Master Nicolas Caval, priest, licentiate in the laws, canon of Rouen, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the aforesaid Monday.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the English had no great affection towards the same Joan.

Upon the second, he says that he well believes the contents of the article.

Upon the third, he says that the common fame was that the said Joan was in the prisons in the castle of Rouen and that a trial was made in the cause of faith against her; but of the residue of the article he knows not what to say.

Upon the fourth, he knows nothing.

Upon the fifth, he says that upon it he knows naught to depose.

Upon the sixth, he says that he believes the notaries wrote faithfully and without fear.

Upon the seventh, he knows nothing.

Upon the eighth, he says that the said Joan was in the prisons in the Castle of Rouen. Of the rest he knows nothing.

Upon the ninth, he says that it seems to him she was well young; and of her answers he says that, when he once heard her in the full hall (1), she spoke prudently enough.

Upon the tenth article, he says that he knows nothing, nor heard aught upon this.

Upon the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth, he knows nothing.

Upon the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first, he refers himself to the law and the trial.

Upon the twenty-second, he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that he well knows she was burned; whether justly or unjustly, he refers himself to the law and the trial.

Upon the twenty-fourth, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that he was not present at the condemnation nor at the execution, nor saw the crowd of the English; he heard nevertheless from certain ones that she cried and invoked the name of Jesus at the end of her days and that she moved very many to tears.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he well believes the English feared her before they should capture her; but whether for those causes contained in the article they proceeded against her, he is ignorant.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that he has deposed above whatsoever he knows.

Master Guillaume de Deserto #

The venerable and discreet man Master Guillaume de Deserto, canon of Rouen, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the eighth day of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes it credible that, had she held the party of the English as she made for the party of the French, she would not have been so treated as she was.

Upon the second, he says that it seems to him the English were somewhat terrified by her deeds; but whether therefore they tended to slay her, he knows not.

Upon the third, he says that he saw her once in the Castle of Rouen, only to see her; whom he saw while she was being brought before the judges. And it was fame that she was detained in the prisons in the said Castle. Of the fear verily and impression he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth, fifth and sixth, he says he knows nothing, for he was not present.

Upon the seventh and eighth articles he likewise knows nothing, nor saw her in the prison; yet he heard that she was guarded by the English.

Upon the ninth, he says that the same Joan was young, of the age of eighteen or nineteen years or thereabouts; and it was said that she answered prudently and cautiously (2).

Upon the eleventh, he knows nothing, nor heard aught upon this.

Upon the twelfth, he knows nothing, for he was not present.

Upon the thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says that he was present at the first sermon made in Saint-Ouen of Rouen; in which he saw and heard the abjuration made by the said Joan, submitting herself to the determination, judgement and mandates of the Church. He says further that a certain English doctor, present in the said sermon and ill content with the reception of the abjuration of the said Joan, because she pronounced certain words of the said abjuration laughingly, said to the Bishop of Beauvais, then judge, that he did ill in admitting the said abjuration and that it was a mockery. To whom the aforesaid bishop answered wrathfully that he lied, for, since he was judge in a cause of faith, he should rather seek her salvation than her death.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that in the said sermon he heard from the same Joan that she submitted herself to the judgement of the Church. Whether it was forbidden the notaries to put that submission into writing, the speaker knows not.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that he refers himself to the intention of the said Joan.

Upon the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first, he says that he knows nothing of the trial, for he was not present.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that, in the two sermons in which he saw her, he knew her, by her manner and gestures, a catholic, invoking God and the saints. Of the communion of the body of Christ he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that the place of punishment was prepared before the sermon; and, the sermon made, the same Joan was abandoned by the ecclesiastical judges and forthwith taken; but whether she was led straightway to the punishment or to the Bailiff and the other royal officers who were on a certain scaffold, the speaker knows not.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says the article itself is true in form.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he well believes the English hated and feared her; but whether for this they were moved to make such trial against her, he knows not; he believes nevertheless that they did this by reason of the things she did in arms.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that the things he deposed are true.

The lord Guillaume Manchon #

The discreet man the lord Guillaume Manchon, priest, curate of the parish church of Saint-Nicolas-le-Peintre (3) of Rouen, of the age of fifty-seven years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said eighth day of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article to be true.

Upon the second, he believes the article itself also to be true.

Upon the third article, he says that the same Joan was brought to this city of Rouen and placed in the Castle of Rouen in the prisons, and the trial against her was made in the cause of faith by the Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor. In which trial the speaker himself was notary by compulsion of the Great Council of the King of England, nor would he have dared to contradict the precept of the lords of that Council. Item, he says that the Bishop of Beauvais himself was not pressed to conduct the trial against the said Joan; nay, he did this willingly; and the Inquisitor was summoned, who would not have dared to contradict. And the English prosecuted the trial itself, which was conducted at the expense of the English themselves.

Upon the fourth article, he says, of the promoter, that he was not compelled, nay he proceeded willingly; and of the judges he has already deposed. Of the assessors and doctors, he says that they were called and would not have dared to contradict and come. Of the residue he refers himself to their conscience.

Upon the fifth article, he says that, through the great space of that trial, when the speaker himself was writing, there were two other writers hidden near a window; and, dinner made, when there was reading and collation in the presence of certain doctors in the house of the Bishop of Beauvais of the speaker’s writing done in the morning, it was said to the speaker himself that it had been written otherwise by others, inducing him that he should write after the manner of the others. To whom the speaker answered that he had written faithfully and that he would change nothing, as indeed he changed not, nay wrote faithfully. And he recalls that in the words concerning which there was controversy between him and the said writers, the speaker himself made a note, and, on the morrow, the said Joan, interrogated again upon the doubtful points, confirmed the writing of the speaker, as will be able to be seen by inspection of the trial.

Upon the sixth, he deposes as immediately above.

Upon the seventh article, he says that, the trial enduring, in the holy week or thereabouts, Master Jean de Fonte, exercising the powers of the said Bishop of Beauvais in that cause of faith, and Brothers Isambard de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu of the order of Preaching Friars, who daily associated Brother Jean Magistri the sub-inquisitor in the trial, moved by piety, approached the same Joan at her prisons, where they persuaded the same Joan that she should submit herself to the Church, else she was in peril of death. Which being brought to the notice of the lords of Beauvais and Warwick, the same bishop and count were marvellously indignant against them; wherefore de Fonte himself departed, dismissed; else he would have been in peril of death; and the other two friars likewise were in great peril of their life had not the said Magistri, who conducted the trial, given them protection. Item, he says that Master Jean Lohier, at the time of the said trial, being once in this city of Rouen, was solicited to give his opinion upon the said trial; who, the bishop being present, said the said trial was null for very many causes: first, because it was not handled in a safe place nor in an ecclesiastical court, nor was she guarded in ecclesiastical prisons; and because also the cause of the king, absent and not summoned, was handled. And, since he saw his sayings pleased not the said Bishop of Beauvais and the other lords of the party of the English, he was unwilling to wait longer; nay, on the morrow he departed and set out for the Roman curia.

Upon the eighth, he deposes the article to be true of certain knowledge. And there were four or five English guards, of whom one was the principal.

Upon the ninth article, he says that he believes the age of the said Joan to have been as the article contains; and, withal, he says that the same Joan sometimes answered prudently enough and sometimes simply enough (4), as can be seen in the trial; and he believes that, in so difficult a cause, she was not of herself sufficient to defend herself against so many doctors, unless it had been inspired into her.

Upon the tenth, he says that he heard from Master Nicolas Loyseleur, who feigned himself to be of the parts of the said Joan, that he alone had access to her and inquired of her of many things and afterwards reported to the judges and council. Upon the residue of the article he knows naught to depose.

Upon the eleventh, of the interrogations and answers, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the twelfth article, he says that the same Joan was interrogated for two or three hours in the morning and sometimes, the same day, after dinner; and she was much wearied in the interrogations. Of the intention verily of the judges, he refers himself to their conscience; and the examiners made her the subtilest questions they could.

Upon the thirteenth article, he says that he often heard the same Joan asking to hear mass, to wit on Sundays, on Palm Sunday and Easter; asking, on that Easter day, to confess and to receive the Lord’s body; whom they did not permit to confess save to the said Loyseleur, who was feigned in that affair. And she complained much that it was denied her; and the speaker himself heard, from the mouth of the said Joan, oftentimes the other contents of the article, and he believes part to be contained in the trial.

Upon the fourteenth, he refers himself to the trial; and he heard the contents of the article many times.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth, he says that he wrote the things he heard in the trial. He says further to have heard, while she was being exhorted concerning submitting herself to the Church and while Brother Isambard de la Pierre was persuading her that she should submit herself to the general Council, that the Bishop of Beauvais, hearing this, said to the same Brother Bardin: Hold your peace, in the devil’s name! And this was in the judgement while the same Joan was being examined.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that it appeared that she understood not the difference between the Church triumphant and militant. Upon the residue he refers himself to the law.

Upon the eighteenth, he says that the first original trial was faithfully written by the speaker in French, the first session excepted; and he believes that it was faithfully translated into Latin.

Upon the nineteenth, he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twentieth, he says he does not believe the contents of the article, for the things he said above.

Upon the twenty-first, he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that, the trial enduring even unto the conclusion or thereabouts, the same Joan had no counsel. If she asked, he does not recall; but at the conclusion or thereabouts she had Master Pierre Morisse and a Carmelite to direct and instruct her.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that he well knows the sentence was given; of the justice verily or injustice he refers himself to the law. He knows nevertheless that the same Joan, on the day of her death, before the sermon and before she went out of the Castle, received the Lord’s body ministered to her by the ordination of the judges, at the instance and request of the same Joan.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that she was brought to the place of punishment with a great throng of armed men, to the number of eighty or thereabouts, with swords and clubs; and he heard that, after the pronouncing of the sentence of the ecclesiastical judge and the abandonment of the same Joan, she was led to the Bailiff there present, who, without other deliberation or sentence, making a sign with his hand, said: Lead, lead. And so she was led to the place of punishment where she was burned.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that, straightway after the sentence of the Church and after the same Joan knew she was to die, she made most fair prayers, recommending her soul to God, the blessed Mary and all the Saints, invoking them and asking pardon of the judges and of the English, and of the King of France and all the princes of the same realm. And the residue of the article he saw not, for he departed; but he well heard from many who were present at the execution that she acclaimed the name of Jesus at the end of her days.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says, of the hatred and fear, as he deposed above; adding that there was rumour that the English would never have dared to set the siege at Louviers (5) so long as she lived. And, of the end of the article, he says that he believes the English tended by this way to put a mark upon the King of France. And further he says that, in the sermon made in Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Erard, Erard himself exclaimed: O noble house of France! thou hast ever been without stain and reproof of error; now it were great pity that thou shouldst fall into such error as of giving faith to this woman!

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that, of the premises deposed by him, it was and is public voice and fame in this city of Rouen.

Pierre Cusquel #

Pierre Cusquel, layman, citizen of Rouen, of fifty years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on Tuesday the ninth of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says the article is true and that such was the fame.

Upon the second, he says likewise that he believes the article itself to contain the truth.

Upon the third, he says that the said Joan was brought by the English to this city of Rouen and placed in the Castle of Rouen in the prisons, in a certain chamber situate beneath a certain stair, towards the fields, where he saw her detained and imprisoned. And he believes that the judges and those assisting in the trial proceeded by favour of the English and that they would not have dared to contradict them; but of the impression he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth article, he says that he refers himself to the trial.

(1) Despite his testimony, the minutes of the first judgement attest that he assisted at more than one session. See vol. I, pp. 69, 81, 196, 405 and 459.

(2) The answer on the tenth article is not registered in the manuscripts.

(3) Saint-Nicolas-le-Peintre.

(4) Nunquid, in the manuscripts.

(5) Louviers. La Hire had occupied this place since the end of the year 1429.

Upon the fourth article, he says that he refers himself to the trial, and he heard that, since Master André Marguerie, the usher, had said that the truth should be well inquired of the manner of the change of the dress of the said Joan, it was said to him by a certain one (he knows not by whom) that he should hold his peace in the devil’s name.

Upon the fifth article, he says that he was not in the trial and therefore knows nothing, nor of the following article.

Upon the seventh, he says that he believes none would have dared to give counsel to the same Joan, or to defend or direct her.

Upon the eighth article, he says that the article contains the truth, as the speaker saw, who in favour of Master Jean Son, then master of the works of the said castle, twice entered the prison of the said Joan and spoke with her, and warned her that she should speak prudently and that it was a question of her death. And he adds that there was made a cage of iron to detain her erect; which he saw weighed in his own house; yet he did not see the same Joan enclosed in it.

Upon the ninth article, he says that the same Joan was young, of the age of twenty years or thereabouts, and that she spoke well prudently; but he believes she was ignorant of law and not sufficient to answer so many doctors.

Upon the tenth, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the eleventh, he says that he was not present in the trial, but there was fame of the contents of the article; and that they laboured with all their might to catch her in speech, because she had followed the war against the English.

Upon the twelfth, he says that he believes the article to be true.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that he heard the words contained in the article from the mouth of the said Joan in the full sermon made at Saint-Ouen.

Upon the fourteenth article, he says that he heard it said that the said Joan had so said as the article contains.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the seventeenth article, he refers himself to the law and to the intention of the said Joan.

Upon the eighteenth, he knows nothing; nay, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the nineteenth, he says that he believes it was proceeded rather by favour of the English than by zeal of faith and justice, and of this there was common voice in this city of Rouen.

Upon the twentieth, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the twenty-first and twenty-second, he refers himself to the law and the trial.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that he was not present at the last sermon, the condemnation and the execution of the said Joan, because his heart could not have suffered or endured it, for pity of the said Joan; but he well heard that the said Joan had received the Lord’s body before her condemnation.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he heard that no sentence was given by a secular judge.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says that he heard the article to be true in form, and that Master Jean Tressart, secretary of the King of England, returning from the place of the punishment of the same Joan, mournful and weeping, lamentably bewailed the things he had seen in the said place, saying in effect: We are all lost, for a good holy person has been burned; and that he believed her soul to be in the hand of God, and that, while she was in the midst of the flames, she ever acclaimed the name of the Lord Jesus.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that he believes the whole article to be true; and such was the public fame in the city of Rouen.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that, of the things deposed by him, it was and is public voice and fame.

Brother Isambard de la Pierre #

The religious and honest man Brother Isambard de la Pierre, priest, bachelor in theology, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, of the order of Preaching Friars, sworn and examined on the aforesaid Tuesday.

Upon the first article, he says that the speaker himself was present in the whole examination and trial of the said Joan with Brother Jean Magistri the sub-inquisitor, and that the article itself contains the truth.

Upon the second article, he says simply that the article itself contains the truth; and there was fame in this city of Rouen that the English had not dared to besiege the town of Louviers so long as the same Joan lived and until she was dead.

Upon the third article, he says that certain of those assisting in the deduction of the trial proceeded — to wit the Bishop of Beauvais — out of favour; and certain, as some English doctors, out of the rancour of vengeance; and other doctors from Paris, hired for wages; and others led by fear, as the aforesaid Sub-inquisitor and certain others of whom he does not recall. And this was at the procurement of the King of England, the Cardinal of Winchester, the Count of Warwick and other Englishmen, who paid the expenses made by reason of this trial. The other contents of the article the speaker says to be true.

Upon the fourth article, he says that the lord Jean (6) of good memory, then Bishop of Avranches, because he refused to give his opinion in this matter, was threatened by Master Jean Benedicte, then promoter of the cause; and, to that end, Master Nicolas de Houppeville, because he was unwilling to assist at the trial nor to give his opinion, was in peril of exile. He says further that, after the first sermon in which the said Joan had revoked, the speaker himself and Master Jean de Fonte, Master Guillaume Fallée of the order of Preaching Friars, and others of the order of the judges came to the castle to give counsel to the same Joan that she should ever persevere in her good purpose. Which the English seeing, they cast them out of the castle with impetuosity and fury, with swords and clubs; on which occasion the aforesaid Master Jean de Fonte fled away and departed from this city, nor returned thither again. And the speaker himself suffered many threats from the Count of Warwick, because the speaker himself had before said to the said Joan that she should submit herself to the general Council.

Upon the fifth article, he says that the said Joan, interrogated whether she was willing to submit herself to our lord the Pope, answered that yes, provided she should be sent and led to him; but she was unwilling to submit herself to those present, at least to the said Bishop of Beauvais, since they were her capital enemies; and, when the speaker himself persuaded her that she should submit herself to the general Council then assembled, in which were present many prelates and doctors of the party of the King of France, this heard, the same Joan said that she submitted herself to the same Council. Then the Bishop of Beauvais harshly rebuked the speaker, saying: Hold your peace, in the devil’s name! Which being so heard, the lord Guillaume Manchon, notary of the said cause, asked of the bishop himself whether he should write down such submission; which bishop indeed answered no, and that it was not necessary, the said Joan saying to the said bishop: Ha! ye write well the things which tell against me, and ye will not write the things which tell for me. And he believes it was not written; whence there followed in that council a great murmur.

Upon the sixth article, he has deposed immediately above whatsoever he knows.

Upon the seventh, he deposes as he deposed above.

Upon the eighth, he deposes, of certain knowledge, as is contained in the same article.

Upon the ninth, he says that the said Joan was young, of the age of nineteen years or nearly, having nevertheless a good understanding, and answered well prudently; but she was not sufficient to answer the difficult interrogations which were put to her.

Upon the tenth, he deposes, only from hearing of certain ones saying, that some in disguised habit went by night to the prisons of the said Joan, persuading her of the contents of the article. Whether it be true he knows not.

Upon the eleventh, he says that the article contains the truth, although to certain interrogatories she gave sufficient answer, as can be established by the trial.

Upon the twelfth, he says that sometimes the examination of the said Joan lasted three hours in the morning; and sometimes examination was made both in the morning and after dinner. He also heard her many times complain that too many questions were put to her.

Upon the thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says that the articles themselves contain the truth, for the speaker heard these things from Joan herself.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he knows naught to depose upon these, and refers himself to the trial.

Upon the seventeenth, he says that through the great space of the trial, when the same Joan was interrogated of submitting herself to the Church, she understood by it that congregation of judges and assessors then present and assisting, until by Master Pierre Maurice she was taught what it was; and, after she knew, she ever submitted herself to the Pope, provided she should be led to him. And he believes that the aforesaid ignorance of the Church was the cause wherefore she sometimes delayed to submit herself to the Church.

Upon the eighteenth and twentieth, he says nothing save that, in the judgement of the speaker, the said Manchon wrote and reported faithfully, and he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the nineteenth article, he says that he believes, as he said before, that the sentence was given against her rather by rancour of vengeance than by zeal of justice.

Upon the twenty-first, he says that the judges observed the order of law well enough, in the judgement of the speaker; but of their affection he has already deposed above, to wit that they proceeded by rancour of vengeance.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that in certain parts of the trial counsellors were given to the same Joan. As for the nullity of the sentence moreover he has deposed above; and the speaker adds that in the first sermon the speaker himself believed, the manner of proceeding considered, that she would be burned, for she deferred to make the revocation; and she had been brought in a cart even to the cemetery of Saint-Ouen of Rouen.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says the contents of the same article are true.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he knows that no sentence was given by a secular judge, for he was present there; but after the sermon, a long expectation being made there, she was led to the punishment by the royal serjeants; whom the speaker and Brother Martin Ladvenu followed even to the end.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says the article wholly contains the truth; adding also that the Bishop of Beauvais, the other of the judges, wept on that occasion. And he adds that a certain Englishman, a man of arms, who hated her marvellously and who had sworn that he would put a faggot with his own hand in the burning of the said Joan, when he had done this and had heard the same Joan acclaiming the name of Jesus at the end of her days, became like a man stricken senseless, and as it were in ecstasy, and was led to a certain tavern near the Old Market that by means of drink he might recover his strength. And, after dinner, with a certain friar of the order of Preaching Friars, that Englishman (7), the speaker hearing, confessed, by the mouth of that friar an Englishman, that he had gravely erred and that he repented of that which he had done against the said Joan as is aforesaid, whom he reputed a good woman; for, as it seemed to him, that Englishman had seen, at the giving up of the spirit of the said Joan, a certain white dove going forth from France (8). He says also that the executioner, after dinner the same day, came to the convent of the said Preaching Friars and said to the same speaker and to Brother Martin Ladvenu that he feared greatly lest he should be damned, because he had burned a holy woman.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says the contents of the article are true. And further he says that he believes the more principal cause wherefore the trial was so made against her was that they might defame the King of France; and it was tended to that end in his judgement; and that Master Guillaume Erard declared this well enough in one passage in the aforesaid cause, where he said in effect: France alone was wont to be free of monsters; but now behold a terrible monster, that by one schismatic, heretic and sorceress woman he who calls himself King of France should will to recover his realm. To whom, to Erard, the same Joan answered: O preacher, ye speak ill: speak not of the person of the lord King Charles, for he is a good catholic and believed not in me.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that the things he deposed are true.

Master André Marguerie #

The venerable and circumspect man Master André Marguerie, archdeacon of Petit-Caux in the church of Rouen, of the age of seventy-six years or thereabouts (9), sworn and examined on the said ninth of May.

(6) See above, p. 5.

(7) So in the d’Urfé manuscript. The others give Anglicus — Englishman.

(8) M. de l’Averdy, who reproduced this deposition (Notice des Manuscrits de la Bibliothèque du Roi, vol. III, p. 491), printed exeuntem de flamma — going forth from the flame. Yet the manuscripts bear quite legibly de Francia — from France, which would strictly signify from the direction of France, towards the south. The reading de flamma shows itself for the first time in the consultation of Paul Pontanus. See above, p. 63.

(9) Notre-Dame manuscript: sixty-six.

Upon the first article, he says that the armed English hated the same Joan and thirsted for her death, as he believes.

Upon the second, he says that he believes there were very many who sought to deliver her to death lest she should harm them.

Upon the third article, he says that he heard the same Joan was captured near Compiègne in the diocese of Beauvais; and she was brought to this city of Rouen and shut up in the castle of Rouen, in which the process of faith was conducted against her by the Bishop of Beauvais and the Sub-inquisitor at the procurement of the English; but whether by impression he knows not.

Upon the fourth article, he deposes that he heard certain ones were rebuked because they did not speak so well to the intention of the English as they wished; but he knows not that anyone was in peril by reason of this, although he heard that Master Nicolas de Houppeville did not give his opinion.

Upon the fifth article, he says that he knows naught to depose upon that article, for he was little in the examination (10), nor upon the following article.

Upon the seventh article, he knows nothing.

Upon the eighth, he says that he did not see her in the prison; but he believes she was guarded by the English, for they had the guard of the castle in which the said Joan was imprisoned.

Upon the ninth article, he says that, in the judgement of the speaker, the same Joan was cautious in certain answers.

Upon the tenth, he knows nothing.

Upon the eleventh, he says that he credibly believes the article to contain the truth.

Upon the twelfth and thirteenth articles, he knows nothing.

Upon the fourteenth, he says that he believes rather the contrary, to wit that he heard sometimes from the same Joan that of certain things she would not believe — neither her prelate nor the Pope nor anyone — because she had this from God. And he believes that was one of the causes wherefore it was proceeded against her to the revocation.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth, he refers himself to the trial.

Upon the seventeenth article, he knows nothing, nor upon the following article.

Upon the nineteenth, he says that the first part of the article is true; but of the residue of the article he knows nothing.

Upon the twentieth, he says that he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-first and twenty-second articles, he says that he knows nothing upon the same.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that of the things which are of fact he knows nothing; nor whether she was unjustly condemned, nor whether any injustice was done in the deduction of the trial.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that, although he was at the last sermon, yet he was not present at the execution, for pity of the deed itself; nor of the residue of the article does he know aught, save that very many of the bystanders wept, even the lord Cardinal of Luxembourg, then Bishop of Thérouanne.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says that he knows not of her devotion; but she appeared troubled enough, for she said: Rouen, Rouen, shall I die here!

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he well believes that certain of the English, not all, proceeded out of hatred and fear; but of the notable ecclesiastical men he does not believe it. He says moreover that, when a certain chaplain of the Cardinal of England, present at the first sermon, had said to the Bishop of Beauvais that he favoured the same Joan too much, the bishop himself answered: Ye lie, for I would not be willing to favour anyone in such a cause. And then the chaplain himself was rebuked by the said Cardinal of England, who said he should hold his peace.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that, of the things he has said, it is public voice and fame.

Master Richard de Grouchet #

The venerable and discreet man Master Richard de Grouchet (11), priest, master of arts and formed bachelor in theology, canon of the collegiate church of La Saussaye in the diocese of Évreux, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, witness produced, received and sworn on the aforesaid Tuesday.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article itself to contain the truth, from the deeds and acts of the English themselves.

Upon the second article, he says that it contains the truth, and that there was fame that the English feared the same Joan.

Upon the third article, he says that she was brought to this city of Rouen; and he saw her in the castle of Rouen where she was imprisoned; but of the fear and terror of the judges articled he knows naught to depose; but there was public fame in this city of Rouen that the English had it done out of hatred and wrath.

Upon the fourth article, he says that it seems to him that certain of those standing by in the trial were willing and favourable, others coerced and unwilling, and many timorous, of whom certain fled, unwilling to assist at the trial; and, among the rest, Master Nicolas de Houppeville was in great peril. And also Masters Jean Pigache and Pierre Miner, as he heard from them, and the speaker himself, who abode with them, by fear and threats and terrors delivered their opinions and assisted at the trial, and were in purpose of fleeing; and he says that he heard many times from the mouth of Master Pierre Maurice that, when after the first sermon he had admonished her to stand in her good purpose, the English were ill content and he was in great peril of a beating, as he said.

Upon the fifth and sixth articles, he says that he believes the notaries wrote faithfully. He saw nevertheless and heard that the Bishop of Beauvais, when the notaries did not do as he wished, rebuked them harshly; and the thing itself was very violent, as he asserts, from the things he saw and heard.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he did not perceive or see that anyone busied himself with instructing or counselling the same Joan, nor did he see that she asked or that counsel was offered her; yet he supposes that from the beginning of the trial she asked for counsel; but of certainty he knows not. He says moreover that he knows not whether anyone was in peril of death by occasion of defending her; but he well knows that, while other difficult interrogatories were being put to the same Joan and certain ones wished to direct her, they were rebuked harshly and rigidly and were marked with favour, sometimes by the said Bishop of Beauvais and sometimes by Master Jean Beaupère, who said to those directing her that they should leave her to speak, and that he was commissioned to interrogate her.

Upon the eighth article, he says that he well knows that the said Joan was in the prisons in the said Castle of Rouen and that she was guarded, led and led back by the English; but of the fetters or chains he knows nothing, although he heard it ever held that she was kept well harshly and straitly.

Upon the ninth, he believes her to have been of the age articled; she answered nevertheless prudently, very substantially, and he heard from the mouth of the lord then Abbot of Fécamp that a great clerk would well have failed to answer the difficult interrogatories made her; he knows nevertheless that she was ignorant of law and of the rite of judgements.

Upon the tenth, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the eleventh and twelfth articles, he says that he saw her interrogated by difficult, involved and captious interrogations, that she might be caught in speech, as it seems to him, and that she might be drawn away from her purpose; and, this notwithstanding, according to womanly frailty she answered well; and sometimes she took heed, designating the day on which, upon certain things asked again, she had answered otherwise.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that he heard many times in the judgement, from the mouth of Joan herself, the contents of the article.

Upon the fourteenth article, he says he saw and heard in the judgement that, when the same Joan was interrogated whether she was willing to submit herself to the Bishop of Beauvais and certain of those standing by then named, the same Joan answered no, and that she submitted herself to the Pope and the catholic Church, asking that she be led to the Pope. And when it was said to her that her trial should be sent to the Pope that he might judge it, she answered that she was unwilling that it be so done, for she knew not what would be put in the trial by them; but she was willing to be led thither and to be interrogated by the Pope.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he knows not whether it was put or written in the trial that she would not submit herself to the Church, nor did he see a prohibition; but he knows that, in the presence of the speaker, the same Joan ever submitted herself to the judgement of the Pope and of the Church.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that he knows nothing else than he has deposed above.

Upon the eighteenth article, he says that the notary wrote the trial in French, and, when there was doubt upon the writing, it was repeated to her. Of the translation verily he knows nothing.

Upon the nineteenth, he says the article is true as regards the law. As for the fact, he says that he himself and the forenamed Pigache and Minier delivered their opinion in writing (12) according to their conscience; which was not pleasing to the bishop and the assessors, who said: Is this what ye have done?

Upon the twentieth, he says that he believes the notaries wrote well and faithfully.

Upon the twenty-first article, he says that the said sentence ever seemed to the same speaker unjust, nor did he know whence they took the titles and causes for condemning her. Of the other things contained in the article he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that she answered by herself, nor did he see that she had any defender. Of the residue he has deposed above.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that of the contents of the article there was public voice in this city of Rouen.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he has no knowledge, nor ever heard it said that any sentence was given by a secular judge against the said Joan, for he was not present; but there was public voice and rumour that she was violently and unjustly delivered to punishment.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that he was not present; but the public fame was so, as the article contains.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that, for the causes contained in the article, he believes the same Joan to have been delivered to death; whether nevertheless they tended to the defaming of our lord the King, he knows not; but he well believes that, in contempt of him, the manner of proceeding and the manner of the judgement considered, she was delivered to death.

Upon the twenty-seventh, he says that the things deposed by him above are true.

Brother Pierre Miget #

The venerable and religious man Brother Pierre Miget (13), professor of sacred theology, prior of the priory of Longueville-Giffard in the diocese of Rouen, of the age of seventy years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said Tuesday.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes the article to contain the truth, from the effects which followed.

Upon the second article, he says that he heard from a certain late English knight that the English feared the same Joan more than a hundred armed men.

Upon the third article, he says that he heard that the men of the lord of Luxembourg took the said Joan near Compiègne in the diocese of Beauvais, and he heard that she was required by the English; and the Bishop of Beauvais was chosen to make the trial against her because she had been captured in his diocese. And he knows that she was brought to this city of Rouen and detained in the Castle in the prisons; and he believes the impression and fear of which mention is made in the article, although he knows not for certain.

Upon the fourth article, he says that apparently it could be esteemed that it was by impression and fear of the English that the trial was conducted against the said Joan, for she was ever detained under the dominion and guard of the English, nor did they suffer her to be detained in ecclesiastical prisons. And he adds that, the first sermon made at Saint-Ouen being finished, when the said Joan had been admonished concerning revoking and she deferred, it was said by an English ecclesiastic to the Bishop of Beauvais that he was a favourer of the same Joan; to whom the said bishop answered: Ye lie. I ought, by my profession, to seek the salvation of the soul and body of the same Joan. And the speaker himself was denounced to the lord Cardinal of England that he was a favourer of the same Joan; of which the speaker excused himself before the said Cardinal, fearing peril of his body.

(10) It appears on the contrary, by the minutes of the condemnation, that he assisted at very many interrogatories. See vol. I, pp. 39, 40, 59, 81, 200, etc.

(11) One of the assessors at the first judgement. See vol. I, p. 39.

(12) See vol. I, p. 369.

(13) See vol. I, p. 6.

Upon the fifth and sixth articles, he says that he believes the notaries were truthful and wrote faithfully.

Upon the seventh, he says that he knows not whether the same Joan asked for counsel; but he believes none would have dared to give her counsel or defence unless it had been granted him.

Upon the eighth, he believes the article to contain the truth, save that he did not see her in fetters or irons.

Upon the ninth, he says that he believes the same Joan to have been of the age of twenty years. And he believes that she was so simple that she believed the English did not tend to her death, and that she hoped to be rescued by means of money. Yet he saw her answering catholically and prudently concerning the things pertaining to the faith, save in the visions which she said she had, in which she persisted too much, in the judgement of the speaker.

Upon the tenth article, he says that of the article he knows nothing. Interrogated whether he knew any others to have been sent to her by night: he says that he heard that one man at times went to her by night in the habit of a prisoner, as is said, feigning that he was a prisoner of the parts of the King of France; and he persuaded the same Joan that she should persist in her assertions, and that the English would not dare to work any evil upon her.

Upon the eleventh, he says that he did not perceive the contents of the article.

Upon the twelfth, he likewise says that he does not believe the contents of the article, nor saw them.

Upon the thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says that he believes the articles to be true and to have heard the contents of the same from the mouth of the said Joan.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he refers himself to the notaries and the trial.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that he well believes that the same Joan did not fully understand what the Church was, nor does he remember the same Joan to have refused to submit herself to the Church.

Upon the eighteenth, he refers himself to the notaries.

Upon the nineteenth article, he says that the article is of law, and he refers himself to the law; but, as to the things which are of fact, he believes that certain ones were not wholly free and certain were willing.

Upon the twentieth, he believes the notaries were faithful and wrote faithfully. Else he knows not.

Upon the twenty-first, he says that, the hatred of the English weighed, the trial may deservedly be called unjust and consequently the sentence unjust.

Upon the twenty-second article, he says that he believes the article to be true, save that he knows not whether counsel was denied her.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that, had she been in her liberty, he believes she would have been as good a catholic as any other good catholic. And he heard that she received the body of Christ at the instance of Joan herself, as he heard. Of the residue of the article he knows naught further to depose, save that she was adjudged relapsed and abandoned to secular justice, and then burned.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he knows not that any sentence of a secular judge was given; but she was led to the punishment with great fury by the armed English.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says the article itself contains the truth, as he heard, she being abandoned by the Church. And then she began to lament and acclaim Jesus; and then the speaker departed, moved by so great compassion that he could not behold the execution of the same Joan.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that he believes the article itself to contain the truth.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that of the premises deposed by him, it was and is public voice and fame in the city of Rouen.

Brother Martin Ladvenu #

The religious and honest man Brother Martin Ladvenu, priest, of the order of Preaching Friars, who was lector of theology in very many convents, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, witness produced and examined on the said Tuesday, the ninth of the month of May.

Upon the first article, he says that he was present in the greater part of the trial of the said Joan with Brother Jean Magistri, then sub-inquisitor, and believes the first article itself to be true.

Upon the second article, he also believes the article itself to contain the truth.

Upon the third article, he says that he well knows that the said Joan was brought to this city of Rouen and thrust into the prisons of the castle of Rouen; and that the trial was made and conducted in the cause of faith against the same Joan at the procurement and expense of the English; but of the fear and impression of which mention is made in the same article he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth article, he says that he saw Master Nicolas de Houppeville led to the royal prisons because he was unwilling to assist at the trial. The residue of the article he knows not for certain, although he believes that part of those assisting in the trial feared and part favoured.

Upon the fifth and sixth articles, he refers himself to the notaries; yet he believes that they wrote faithfully the things they saw and heard.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he well knows that the said Joan had no director, counsellor or defender until about the end of the trial, and that none would have dared to thrust himself forward to counsel, direct or defend her, for fear of the English; and he heard it said that certain ones who went to the castle, by ordination of the judges, to counsel and direct the same Joan, were harshly repulsed and threatened.

Upon the eighth, he says the article contains the truth in form.

Upon the ninth, as to the age, he agrees with the article; of the simplicity verily he says that she was very ignorant and scarce knew the Pater noster, although he heard her sometimes answering faithfully and prudently.

Upon the tenth article, he says that of himself he knows naught to depose. Interrogated whether he knew or heard that anyone approached her secretly by night: he deposes that, from the mouth of the same Joan, he heard that a certain great English lord entered the prison of the said Joan and attempted to oppress her by force; and this was the cause, as she asserted, wherefore she had resumed man’s dress.

Upon the eleventh article, he says that difficult interrogations were put to the same Joan which did not befit such a simple woman; but of the intention of the interrogators he knows naught to depose.

Upon the twelfth article, he says that he well enough knows that they much vexed her in the interrogations, and the interrogations lasted three hours or thereabouts; and they were made before dinner and after. Of the intention verily of the interrogators and to what end they so interrogated her, he is ignorant.

Upon the thirteenth article, he says that he does not recall hearing it in the judgement, but he well heard, outside the judgement, from the same Joan, the contents of the same article or the like.

Upon the fourteenth article, he says that he often heard from the mouth of the said Joan that she submitted herself to the Supreme Pontiff and that she should be led to him.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he knows nothing and refers himself to the trial.

Upon the seventeenth, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the eighteenth, he says that he well knows that the trial was received and written in French. Of the translation of the trial verily he knows nothing.

Upon the nineteenth article, he says that of the things which are of law he refers himself to the law; and, as to the things which are of fact, he refers himself to the things he deposed above.

Upon the twentieth, he says that he refers himself to the notaries.

Upon the twenty-first he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, of the nullity of the trial and sentence he refers himself to the law. He well knows nevertheless that she had no defenders or counsellors, although she asked for them.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that it was established to the judges that she had submitted herself to the determination of the Church and that she was faithful, catholic and penitent, and that, by the licence and ordination of the judges, the speaker ministered the body of Christ to the same Joan. He says further that she was abandoned, as relapsed, to the secular judge; and he believes that, had she held the party of the English, it would not have been so proceeded against her.

Upon the twenty-fourth, he says that he is certain that, after she was abandoned by the Church, she was taken by the armed English there being in great number, and without any sentence of a secular judge, although the Bailiff of Rouen and the Council of the secular Court were assisting there; and this he knows because he was ever with the same Joan from the place of the castle even to the going forth of the spirit; and the speaker had ministered to the same Joan, by ordination of the judges, the sacraments of Penance and the Eucharist.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says the article contains the truth, for he saw and heard the contents of the same; and that the torturer or executioner, the speaker himself being present, bore testimony that she had suffered death tyrannically.

Upon the twenty-sixth article, he says that he believes it is as the article contains. And the speaker adds, being interrogated, that Master Guillaume Erard, in the sermon which he made in the cemetery of Saint-Ouen of Rouen, exclaiming in a certain passage, said in effect such words: O house of France! thou hast ever been without monsters until now; but now, adhering to this sorceress, heretic and superstitious woman, thou art defamed!

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says the things deposed by him are true and notorious in this city of Rouen and elsewhere.

The lord Jean Fabri #

The reverend father and lord in Christ, the lord Jean (1), Bishop of Demetriade, of the order of Saint Augustine, of the convent of Rouen, professor of sacred theology, sworn and examined on Tuesday the ninth of the aforesaid month.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes and conceives that the English did not much love the same Joan, and that, had she been of the party of England, they would not have made so great diligence nor proceeded so rigidly.

Upon the second article, he says that he conceives they proceeded against her because they feared her.

Upon the third article, he says that of the fear and impression he knows nothing; but the other things in the article he well knows; and he believes the trial was made at the procurement and expense of the English.

Upon the fourth article, he says that he knows nothing, save that, when the question was put to the same Joan whether she was in the grace of God, the speaker himself being present said that it was not a fitting question for such a woman. Then the Bishop of Beauvais said to the speaker: It had been better for you had ye held your peace.

Upon the fifth and sixth articles, he says that he refers himself to the notaries.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he was not always in the examination; but so long as he was there he did not see that she had counsel, nor that she asked for it.

Upon the eighth, he says that the same Joan was in prison in the Castle of Rouen. Of the residue of the article he knows nothing.

Upon the ninth article, he says that the said Joan was of the age articled and answered very prudently to the interrogatories, save concerning the revelations from God, so that for the space of three weeks he believed her inspired.

Upon the tenth article, he knows nothing.

Upon the eleventh, he says that in certain things they inquired very deeply, of which she rid herself competently; and sometimes they interrupted the interrogatories, passing from one to another, to try whether she would change her story.

Upon the twelfth, he says that they made long examinations which commonly lasted two or three hours, so that the doctors assisting were much wearied thereby; but whether to the end articled, he knows not.

Upon the thirteenth, he says that he does not recall the same Joan to have said the words contained in the article; but he well recalls her to have said that she would not say or do aught which was against God.

Upon the fourteenth, he does not recall; nay, he heard as immediately above.

(1) See vol. I, p. 381, etc.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth, he knows not, nor ever heard that she refused to submit herself to the Church; at least he does not recall.

Upon the seventeenth article, he does not recall.

Upon the eighteenth article, he knows nothing of the translation, nor does he recall whether it was received in Latin or in French.

Upon the nineteenth, he says that he did not perceive coercion; and nothing else does he know.

Upon the twentieth, he refers himself to the notaries.

Upon the twenty-first, he refers himself to the judges.

Upon the twenty-second article, he says that he has deposed above whatever he knows thereof, and of the nullity of the sentence he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-third article, he says that, from the first sermon made at Saint-Ouen, he was not called to the trial.

Upon the twenty-fourth, he says that he was at the last sermon, in which she herself asked all the priests that each one of them should give her a mass; but what was done afterwards he did not see, for he departed.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that she had a very catholic end, and that she moved the judges and very many others to weep, for very great pity.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says as above concerning fear and hatred; but whether they tended to the defaming of the King of France he knows not; although he esteems that for the greater part they would willingly have displeased her.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that of the things he said there was common voice and fame.

The lord Thomas Marie #

The venerable and religious man the lord Thomas Marie, priest, bachelor in theology, prior of the priory of Saint Michael near Rouen, of the order of Saint Benedict, of the age of sixty-two years or thereabouts; witness produced, received, sworn and examined on the aforesaid day.

Upon the first article, he says that it seems to the same speaker that the article itself is true.

Upon the second, he says that, because the same Joan had wrought marvels in war and because the English themselves are commonly superstitious, they esteemed that there was something fateful in her; wherefore, as the speaker believes, in all their counsels and else they desired her death.

Interrogated how he knows that the English are superstitious: he says that common fame holds it, and it is a common proverb.

Upon the third article, he says that the same Joan was brought to this city of Rouen and imprisoned in the Castle of Rouen, and that the trial was made against her in the matter of faith at the request and proper expense, as he believes, of the English. Of the fear and impression he says that certain assisted in the trial through fear and others through favour.

Likewise required upon the fourth article, he said that he does not believe the contents of the article, most of all as regards fear and threats, but rather in favour, most of all because certain ones, as he believes and heard said, received gifts. Yet he says that Master Nicolas de Houppeville on this occasion was put in the prisons and expelled from the trial, because he had spoken harshly of the matter of the same Joan to the Bishop of Beauvais.

Upon the fifth article, he says that he believes the notaries wrote truly and faithfully, although perchance, as he understood, they were sometimes solicited to write otherwise.

Upon the sixth article, he says that he believes as immediately above.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he heard it said that counsel was offered her; nor did he hear that anyone was in peril of death or otherwise for giving her counsel.

Upon the eighth, he says that he heard from a certain smith that he had made a certain iron gibbet for keeping the same Joan standing.

Interrogated whether she was put in it: he says he believes so. Of the guards he knows nothing.

Upon the ninth, he says that she was of the age of eighteen years, in the judgement of the speaker. As to the simplicity and ignorance, he says that he heard from one who was in the trial and from others that she answered the questions so wisely as an excellent clerk would have done.

Upon the tenth article, he says that he knows nothing; yet he heard that, after the first sermon, when she had been put again in the prisons of the castle, so many vexations of oppressing her were done her that she had to say that she would rather die than abide any more with the English themselves.

Upon the eleventh article, he says that he heard those things contained in the article, although he was not present in the trial; and he well believes that the interrogators tended to that end articled.

Upon the twelfth article, he says that he believes they did to her the worst they could.

Upon the thirteenth article, he says that he heard the contents of the article said by many; and nothing else does he know.

Upon the fourteenth, he says as immediately above.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the seventeenth article, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the eighteenth and twentieth, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the nineteenth, he says that, where there is no free will, neither the trial nor the sentence avail; but whether in a trial of this kind there was liberty for the judges and assessors, he knows naught else than he deposed above.

Upon the twenty-first article, he says that he refers himself to the law.

Upon the twenty-second, he says that he knows nothing, for he was not in the trial.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that he well believes, and so it was public fame, that the said Joan was a good catholic and that she was burned. The residue of the article he did not see.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that he heard the contents of the article and believes it to be so, and heard from many that the name of Jesus was seen inscribed in the flame of the fire in which she was burned.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he says that he well believes that, had the English had such a woman, they would have much honoured her and would not have so treated her.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that the things he deposed are true and notorious in this city of Rouen.

The lord Jean Riquier #

The lord Jean Riquier, priest, curate of the parish church of Heudicourt (2), of the age of forty years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said Tuesday, the ninth of May.

Upon the first article, he believes the article to contain the truth.

Upon the second, he says that he likewise believes the article itself to be true in form; and he adds that it was commonly said that the English dared not lay siege at Louviers until she should be dead.

Upon the third article, he says that she was brought to this city of Rouen and put in the prisons of the castle of Rouen, and the trial was made against her; and he believes that at the procurement and expense of the English the trial of this kind was made; but of the fear and impression he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth article, he says that it was common fame that many of those who made the trial would willingly have abstained, and assisted at the trial more through fear than otherwise; and so he believes.

Upon the fifth and sixth articles, he knows nothing, for he was not present in the trial.

Upon the seventh article, he says that he does not recall the contents of the article to have been done.

Upon the eighth article, he says that he did not see her in the prisons, but it was said that none dared to speak with her and that she was fettered and that the English guarded her.

Upon the ninth article, he says that he heard that she answered so prudently that, had certain of the doctors been so interrogated, they would scarce have answered so well.

Upon the tenth article, he says that he does not recall hearing the contents of the article, nor knows aught.

Upon the eleventh, he says that he was not in the trial, but heard by fame that she was interrogated by many difficult questions, and that, when she knew not how to answer, she asked for delay until the morrow.

Upon the twelfth, he says that the trial was very prolix, so that, as he heard from certain ones, those who made the trial were rebuked by the English that they did not end the business sooner.

Upon the thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says that common fame held the said Joan to have affirmed and protested as is contained in the article.

Upon the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he knows nothing of the contents of the same (3).

Upon the seventeenth, he knows nothing.

Upon the eighteenth and twentieth, he refers himself to the notaries and the trial.

Upon the nineteenth, he says, in his conscience, that the greater part of those who proceeded, had they had liberty and had they not feared the fury of the English, would not have so proceeded.

Upon the twenty-first and twenty-second, he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that, in the judgement of the speaker, from the end of the said Joan the same Joan was faithful and catholic; and he heard that she asked to receive the body of Christ and believes it was delivered to her; and he knows that she was burned.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that, the last sermon having been made, she was abandoned by the ecclesiastical men, and forthwith he saw that the retainers and armed English received her and led her straight to the place of punishment; nor did he see that any sentence was given by a secular judge.

Upon the twenty-fifth article, he says that the article contains the truth, as he saw and heard. Likewise he says that the speaker himself heard that Master Jean Ad-Ensem, then canon of Rouen, present at the execution of the said Joan, weeping wondrously, said in the presence of the speaker and of others standing near him: Would that my soul were where I believe the soul of this woman to be.

Upon the twenty-sixth, of the impressions he has deposed above, and he believes that the English proceeded for the causes contained in the article and to those ends.

Upon the twenty-seventh article, he says that there was and is fame in this city of Rouen of the things which he himself deposed above.

Master Jean Fave #

The provident man Master Jean Fave (4), master of arts and licentiate in laws, dwelling at Rouen, master of requests of our lord the King, of the age of forty-five years or thereabouts, sworn and examined on the said day.

Upon the first article, he says that he believes and esteems the article to be true.

Upon the second article, he says that he well perceived that the English feared the same Joan and, as he heard, much feared the escape of the said Joan.

Upon the third article, he says he knows that she was brought to this city of Rouen and thrust into prison in the Castle of Rouen; and there was fame that the trial was conducted against her in the matter of faith, and that the English, as he heard said and believes, procured the trial and the stipends of the doctors and others summoned to the trial. Of the fear and impression he says that, after the first sermon, when she was led back to the prisons in the Castle of Rouen, the handlers mocked the same Joan, and the English their masters suffered it; and that the chief men of the English, as he heard, were much indignant against the Bishop of Beauvais, the doctors and others assisting in the trial, by reason that she had not been convicted and condemned and delivered to punishment; and that he also heard it said that certain English, out of the aforesaid indignation, against the aforesaid bishop and doctors returning from the castle, lifted swords to strike them, although they struck not, saying that the King had ill spent his moneys upon them. Moreover he says that he heard from certain ones related that, when the Earl of Warwick, after the said first sermon, complained to the said bishop and doctors, saying that the King stood ill by reason that the said Joan was escaping, to this one of them answered: My lord, take ye no care; we shall well take her again.

(2) Heudicourt, today in the department of the Eure.

(3) The Notre-Dame manuscript adds: similarly he so says upon the seventeenth.

(4) In the registers of the Exchequer of Rouen there is found Jehan Fave, commissioner of the King at the assizes of that tribunal, in 1453. (Desoillet, Hist. de Rouen, vol. I, p. 434.)

Upon the fourth article, he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the fifth, he says that he heard it said that the English were ill content with the lord Guillaume Manchon, notary of the said cause, and held him suspect and favourable to the same Joan, by reason that he came not willingly nor bore himself at their nod.

Upon the sixth and seventh articles, he knows nothing.

Upon the eighth, he says that he believes the article to be true, and that he heard it said that the guards of the said Joan were often changed.

Upon the ninth, tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth, fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second articles, he knows nothing.

Upon the twenty-third, he says that he believes the same Joan was simple, good and a faithful catholic; and he saw her abandoned by the Church and at length led by the executioner and others to the place of punishment to be burned.

Upon the twenty-fourth article, he says that he did not perceive that any sentence or condemnation was given by a secular judge; but she was led straight to the punishment.

Upon the twenty-fifth, he says that he saw almost all of that nation weeping and lamenting; and the speaker heard, from the own mouth of the said Joan, the same Joan acclaiming the name of Jesus amid the flames.

Upon the twenty-sixth, he believes the article in form.

Upon the last, he believes all the things deposed by him to be true and notorious.

Collation is made by us, the notaries named above, who faithfully put into writing the depositions and attestations of the forenamed witnesses, our manual signs being hereto appended in witness of all and each of the premises. In the year of the Lord 1452, on Wednesday the tenth day of the month of May.

So signed: Socius and Dauvergne.

II. INQUEST IN THE PLACE OF JOAN’S ORIGIN #

[Inquisition concerning the informations mentioned in the first trial.]

The aforesaid informations having been received in the beginning of this trial together with the books, registers and records of the said first trial, as is described above — made both by the aforesaid reverend lord Cardinal Legate and by his commissioners under him and his authority, and which informations the aforesaid lords the Archbishop, the Bishops and the Inquisitor delegated, as above, willed to be held in this trial as preambles and preparatories, and willed to be described and premised here at the beginning of the informations and inquests made in this trial both ex officio and at the request of the parties: the aforesaid lords the Delegates, desiring to scrutinise all things to the full and to seek out the entire truth by full discussion, both for the justification of the first trial itself conducted against the said Joan and for the contrary, the venerable and discreet man Simon Chapitault, constituted promoter for the cause, especially pressing to this end, willed that most exact diligence be made and applied, and both by themselves and by their commissioners made and commanded to be made search in the seeking out and recovering of certain informations which the judges of the first trial, in its beginning, pretend to have made by their authority in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan and elsewhere, and which, as they say, they pretend by deliberation of the counsellors summoned to the trial to have renewed under certain articles and, after the confession and renewal of them, to have carried the same informations and to have shewn them to the notaries of the trial and the counsellors — many times reciting, affirming and asserting them in the same trial.

And when interrogation was made, after the reception of the said first trial and the inspection of it in our presence and in that of those from whose hands the said lords the Delegates had received the said trial, of the venerable man Master Guillaume Manchon, principal notary of the same trial, who subscribed the trial itself on every leaf and for the great part originally wrote it; and when the other two notaries of the same trial and very many officers and counsellors who had been assisting in the said trial were also interrogated: forasmuch as the aforesaid lords the Delegates could find nothing of the said informations, the aforesaid notaries and counsellors affirming that they had never seen or heard any informations during the conduct of the aforesaid trial, although this is described and expressed in the trial by ordination and injunction of the judges of the said first trial; which description and expression the aforesaid lords the Delegates much noting (5), and trusting to be much directed by those informations in the conduct of this trial, the aforesaid promoter pressing to that end that the truth of the said first trial might appear and he might the more fittingly act for or against the trial: the aforesaid lords the Delegates gave very many opportune commissions and made very many monitions, sitting for the tribunal in the public hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, by word and in writing, that, if any should have the said informations or know aught of them, they should bring and notify them within a certain day, especially admonishing those who had been summoned under the name of the Bishop of Beauvais and of the conventual members of the convent of the order of Preaching Friars of Beauvais and of the inquisitor. And because nothing could be found, in the beginning of the said trial, by the interrogations or by the aforesaid monitions, the aforesaid lords the Delegates, that inquests should be made upon the forenoted articles of the parties, specially interrogated and caused to be interrogated very many witnesses, and especially the counsellors, officers and again also the aforesaid notaries, concerning the aforesaid informations.

Who all so examined said that they had never seen and heard the aforesaid informations nor the same shewn to them or to others; and especially the said Manchon deposed again that he had never seen them and that, had he seen them or known them shewn to the counsellors, he would have put it in his register. Likewise also the venerable man Master Thomas de Courcelles, professor of sacred theology, one of the counsellors to whom the aforesaid informations are said to have been shewn, named in the beginning of the said trial, says that he in no wise recalls the said informations to have been made or shewn; superadding in his deposition, as is more largely contained below among the inquests made at Paris, that a certain venerable man, Master Jean Loyer, summoned to the said trial after its beginning, was unwilling (6) to take part and said the trial did not proceed of right, because the preamble informations had not been made or shewn as of right ought to have been done, as these things are more largely contained in the said inquests in the deposition of the said Master Thomas. In which inquests also, both by the aforesaid and by other officers and counsellors, nothing could be found of the said informations made, renewed, communicated or shewn. Only one certain honest man, Jean Moreau, merchant, dwelling at Rouen, of Ville-au-Bas (7), near the place of the parish of the said Joan, deposes affirmatively that, in the time of the trial conducted against the said Joan at Rouen, a certain notable man of the parts of Lorraine came to the city of Rouen and said to the deponent himself that he had come from Lorraine and had brought certain informations, for which he had been commissioned in the fact of the said Joan and to inquire concerning her fame in the country of Lorraine; but, because they did not please the lord Bishop of Beauvais, insults were said to him, nor could he receive aught for his labour; whereof he complained to the said deponent, saying that he had found nothing in the said Joan that he would not wish to find in his own sister; as these things and others are contained in his deposition described below among the inquests made in the city of Rouen.

This is the diligence applied by the Lords upon the aforesaid informations of which mention is made in the trial. Which diligence the aforesaid lords the Delegates ordained to be described here, ordaining also that new informations be made in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan and that special inquiry be made also concerning the informations aforetime made.

The articles or clauses of the said first trial in which mention is made of the aforesaid preamble informations pretended to have been made in the said trial; by occasion of which articles or clauses the aforesaid lords the Delegates were moved both to seek the aforesaid informations and to make new ones in the place of origin.

Likewise, on the Saturday following, to wit the thirteenth day of January, the aforesaid bishop himself caused to be summoned in the house of his habitation at Rouen, etc. (8).

But, diligent inquisition having been made upon the aforesaid informations made in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan and elsewhere, of which, as aforesaid, mention is made in the beginning of the said first trial and which are said to have been shewn in it to the notaries and counsellors, because they could in no wise be found, the aforesaid lords the Delegates, the promoter pressing, ordained that new informations be made under the general articles and interrogatories, as they are described below under the following tenor.

[There follows the tenor of the commission by virtue of which the inquests were made in the place of origin of the said Joan.]

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc. To the venerable and learned men the lords and masters Reginald de Chichery, dean of the church or chapel of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, and Watherin Thieric, canon of the church of Toul, greeting in the Lord and firm obedience to our mandates, nay rather apostolic. Forasmuch as it pertains to the office of a judge to search out all things and to discuss them by full inquiry, there has been humbly supplicated to us on the part of the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter in this matter deputed by us, that, whereas for our instruction and that of our promoter himself and for the readier expedition of this business committed by us and the elucidation of the truth, we must of necessity examine certain witnesses in the place of origin of the same Joan and inquire the truth upon certain articles or interrogatories delivered to us on the part of the promoter himself, and whom or which we send to you enclosed under our seals with the present letters; and whereas it would be laborious for us and burdensome for the parties to go to those parts; that we should deign and be willing to grant them letters of commission under the underwritten form: wherefore we, the aforesaid Judges and Commissioners, inclined to the supplications of our promoter of this kind, desiring, as much as we may, to handle the business committed to us, and especially by the Holy Apostolic See, with due maturity and providence, and to scrutinise the truth of the deeds with all diligence, being hindered by certain of our arduous affairs: to you and each of you in solidum, in whose fidelity, industry and circumspect knowledge we not unworthily confide, in virtue of holy obedience we commit and command that ye cause to be cited, peremptorily and personally before you, all and each of the witnesses of whom ye shall be required on the part of the promoter himself or of the bearer of the presents, or of whom the other of you shall be required, and whom the promoter himself or the bearer of the presents shall will to proceed before you or the other of you, in our stead, to the informing of you upon the said articles or interrogatories, at all and each of the terms to be assigned him by you or the other of you; and that ye receive them and cause them to swear to the act of deposing and, by way of caution, absolve them if they need absolution; and moreover diligently examine them upon the said articles or interrogatories aforesaid and, by ecclesiastical censure if need be, constrain and compel them. And the attestations or depositions of the said witnesses faithfully put into writing, together with the aforesaid articles or interrogatories, as soon as ye may, and what ye shall have done therein, ye shall send back and resend to us enclosed under your seals or the seal of the other of you, or the other of you shall send back or resend. To which premises all and each and the things touching and depending upon the same, proceeding from our office, we commit our powers to you and each of you in solidum. Given and done at Rouen under our seals in the year of the Lord 1455, computing by the Gallican manner, in the fourth indiction, the twentieth day of the month of December, in the first year of the pontificate of the same most holy father and lord in Christ, our lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the Third. Present the reverend and venerable fathers and lords the Bishop of Demetriade, the Abbots Jean of Saint-Ouen and Jean of Sainte-Catherine, witnesses called and bidden to the premises. Ferrebouc.

(5) The manuscripts, adnotantes.

(6) The manuscripts, noluit se.

(7) Ville-au-Bois, in the department of the Haute-Marne.

(8) There follow the minutes of the two meetings held on the 13th of January and the 19th of February 1431 at Pierre Cauchon’s house for the bringing of the Maid to judgement. See vol. I, pp. 27 and 31.

The articles or interrogatories for the informations to be made in the country of origin of the deceased Joan (1), commonly called the Maid.

I. First, of the place of origin and the parish.

II. Item, who were her parents, and of what estate. Whether they were good catholics and of good fame.

III. Who were her godfathers and godmothers.

IV. Item, whether in her early age she was fittingly imbued in faith and morals, especially so far as such age and condition of person requires.

V. Item, of her conversation in adolescence, from the age of seven until her going forth from the paternal house.

VI. Item, whether she frequented the church and sacred places, often and willingly.

VII. Item, with what exercise she occupied or busied herself in the aforesaid time of youth.

VIII. Item, whether at the same time she willingly and often confessed.

IX. Item, what the common fame holds concerning that tree which is called the Ladies’ Tree; whether dances of maidens were wont to be made there; and likewise of that fountain which is near the aforesaid tree; whether also Joan frequented there with other maidens, and for what cause or occasion she went thither.

X. Item, let inquiry be made of the manner of her departure from her country and her progress on the way.

XI. Item, whether in the said country of origin any Informations were made, by authority of the judges, at the time when she was captured before the town of Compiègne and detained by the English.

XII. Item, whether, when Joan once fled from the place of her origin to Neufchâteau by reason of the armed men, she was ever in the company of her father and mother.

Given and done at Rouen in the year of the Lord 1455, the twentieth day of the month of December.

So signed: Comitis and Ferrebouc.

The tenor moreover of the said inquests or attestations or depositions of the witnesses follows, and is such:

There follow the attestations and sayings of the witnesses, in the name and on the part of the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter deputed and commissioned by the most reverend fathers and lords in Christ, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, judges or commissioners, together with the reverend father the lord Bishop of Coutances, their colleague, with that clause Whereas ye, or two, or one of you, etc. specially deputed and commissioned by the Holy Apostolic See upon the fact and cause of the deceased Joan, commonly called the Maid; before us, Reginald Chichery, dean of the church or chapel of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, and Watherin Thieric, canon of the church of Toul, commissioners subdelegated and commissioned by virtue of the letters of commission emanating from the said most reverend lords principal commissioners and directed to us in this behalf, to examine witnesses upon the articles and interrogatories annexed to the same letters, and at the request of the honourable man Jean, called Dalie (2), lay provost of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, bearer of the said letters of commission; produced, received, sworn in the presence of the discreet men the lords Pierre de Maxey-sur-Vaise (3) and Jean le Fumeux of Ugny (4), in the diocese of Toul, rectors and curates of parish churches; and by us and the discreet man Dominique Dominici, clerk of Toul, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and sworn of the ecclesiastical courts of Toul, deputed to this by us and through us before the same lords there present, examined; in the year, on the days, in the manner and form following.

Jean Morelli #

And first, Jean Morelli of Greux near the town of Domrémy, labourer, of the age of seventy years or thereabouts, first witness in this cause of inquisition upon the fact of the same Jeannette, commonly called the Maid, produced, sworn and received before us in the said town of Domrémy and in the presence of the aforesaid lords Pierre and Jean aforesaid, examined by us and the said Dominique, in the year of the Lord 1455, on Wednesday the twenty-eighth day of the month of January; required, by his oath, what he may know of the matter upon which he is produced as witness, to wit of the contents of the interrogatories or articles given for the information to be made of the fact of the same Jeannette the Maid; his oath verily, made by him upon the holy Gospels of God, being recalled to his memory; and it being expounded to him how a false-speaking witness bearing false testimony commits many evils at once and at one time: for he despises his Creator; secondly he deceives the judge; thirdly he wrongs his neighbour, and how he builds himself to Gehenna and is so rendered infamous for ever;

Upon the first article of the same articles or interrogatories, beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he says, by his said oath, that the said Jeannette of whom question is made was born in the aforesaid Domrémy and was baptised in the parish church of Saint Rémy of the same place. And her father was called Jacques d’Arc (5) and her mother Isabellette, labourers of the said Domrémy, dwelling together whilst they lived; who, as he saw and knew, were good and faithful catholics and good labourers, of good fame and honest conversation as labourers, for he conversed with them many times. The same witness speaking said also that he himself was one of the godfathers of the said Joan; and her godmothers were the wife of Étienne Rotarius and Béatrice, widow of Tiescelin (6), dwelling in the said town of Domrémy, and Jeannette, widow of Thiescelin de Vitel, dwelling in the town of Neufchâteau.

Upon the fourth of the same articles, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., required: by his oath he said that the same Jeannette in her first age, as it seems to him, was and had been well and decently instructed in faith and good morals, and was such that almost all of the same town of Domrémy loved her; for the same Jeannette knew her credence, the Pater noster and the Ave Maria, as like young maidens know.

Upon the fifth following article, beginning Item, of her conversation, etc., required: he said that the same Jeannette was honest in conversation as such and suchlike a daughter is, for her parents were not very rich; and in her youth until her departure from her father’s house she went to the plough and sometimes kept the animals in the fields; she did the work of women, spinning and doing all the rest.

Upon the sixth following article, beginning Item, whether she frequented, etc., required: he said by his said oath that, as he saw, the same Jeannette willingly and often went to the church or hermitage of Blessed Mary of Bermont (7), hard by the said town of Domrémy, whilst her parents believed her to be in the fields, at the plough or elsewhere. He said also that, when she heard the mass rung and she was in the fields, she came to the town and the church to hear mass, as the same witness asserted he had seen.

Upon the seventh following article, beginning Item, with what exercise, etc., required: he said that the same Jeannette span and went to the plough and kept the animals, as he has already deposed in the fifth article.

Upon the eighth following article, beginning Item, whether at the same time, etc., required: he said that he saw the same Jeannette confess in Easter time and on the other festival solemnities; he saw her confess to the lord Guillaume Fronte, then curate of the same parish church of Blessed Rémy of Domrémy.

Upon the ninth of the same articles or interrogatory, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said by his oath that, of the tree which is called the Ladies’ Tree (8), he heard it otherwise said that women and fateful persons who were called fées went of old to dance beneath that tree; but, as is said, since the gospel of Saint John is read and said, they go no more. He said also that, in modern times, on the Sunday on which is sung in the holy Church of God at the introit of the mass Laetare Jerusalem, in those parts commonly called (9) des Fontaines, the maidens and youths of Domrémy go beneath that tree (and sometimes in the time of spring and summer on feast days) to dance, and sometimes eat there, and in returning come upon the Fountain aux Rannos (10), disporting and singing, and drink of the water of that fountain and, playing round about, gather flowers. He said also that the same Joan the Maid with the other maidens went at the said times sometimes and did as the rest; nor did he ever hear it said that the articled Jeannette, alone or for another cause, went to the tree or to the fountain (which fountain is nearer to the town than the tree is), save to disport and play as the other young maidens also did. Nor did he depose otherwise.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that, when the said Jeannette departed from her father’s house, she went twice or thrice to Vaucouleurs to speak with the Bailiff; and he heard it said that the lord Charles, then Duke of Lorraine (11), willed to see her and gave her a horse, as was said, of black hair. Nor would he know to depose otherwise of the contents of the same article, save that, in the time of July, the witness speaking himself was at Châlons whilst it was said that the King was going to Reims to be consecrated, and found the said Joan there, who gave him a red garment which she herself had worn.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing of the contents of the same (12).

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that, when the same Joan was at Neufchâteau by reason of the armed men (13), she was ever in the company of her father and mother, who stayed in the said Neufchâteau for four days and afterwards departed to the said town of Domrémy. And this the same witness knows because he was in Neufchâteau with others of the said town and then saw the said Jeannette and her father and mother.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love nor by hatred, prayer, price, favour or fear did he depose this. And it was enjoined upon him, etc. (14).

The lord Dominique Jacobi #

The discreet man the lord Dominique Jacobi, curate of the parish church of Montiers-sur-Saulx (15) in the diocese of Toul, priest, of the age of thirty-five years or thereabouts, produced as second witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year on Thursday the twenty-ninth of the same month of January; required by his oath, etc. (16).

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following, required: he said by his oath that the same Jeannette was born in the said Domrémy and, as he believes, baptised in the church of Saint Rémy of the same town; and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who were good catholics and of good fame; and he ever heard them so reputed.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he would not know to depose save by hearsay, for the said Joan was older than he.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth and sixth following articles: he said that he knew and saw the same Jeannette from three or four years before her departure from the house of her father and mother; and the same Jeannette was imbued with good morals and of honest conversation, and went frequently to church and sometimes whilst the complines were rung in the church of the said town stood on bended knees; and, as it seemed to him, she devoutly said her prayers.

Upon the seventh following article, beginning Item, with what exercise, etc., and also upon the eighth following article, required: he said by his oath that the said Jeannette sometimes span, went to the plough or kept the animals; and he believes she confessed, and, as it seems to him, she was a good and prudent daughter. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: he said by his oath that the articled tree is commonly called the Ladies’ Tree, and the maidens and children and youths of the said town of Domrémy, every year on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem, commonly des Fontaines, and also in spring time, go to that tree to dance, and carry bread with them, and in returning come upon the Fountain of Rannos, eat their bread and drink of that water; and this they do to disport themselves, as the same witness says. He said also that he saw the same Joan approach and go with the said maidens, and she did as the others did. He said also that that tree is of a wondrous and marvellous kind, and is the cause, as he believes, wherefore the maidens and boys willingly go to dance beneath it. Nor else does he know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing else save that he otherwise heard it said that certain Friars Minor were presented (17) in the country to make an information; but he knows not whether they made it.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that all the inhabitants of the said town of Domrémy fled by reason of the armed men and went to Neufchâteau, among whom the same Jeannette with her father and mother, and in their company she ever went, as it seems to him, and from the same Neufchâteau with the same her father and mother departed.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Béatrice, widow of Estellin #

Béatrice, widow of Estellin, labourer of the said town of Domrémy, of the age of eighty years or thereabouts, produced as third witness in this cause, sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first article or interrogatory, beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: she said by her oath that the said Jeannette was born of the said town of Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, labourers, true and good catholics, worthy and able according to their means, but not very rich; and the same Jeannette was baptised in the font of the church of Blessed Rémy of the same town, and her godfathers were Jean Morelli of Greux and Jean le Langart and the late Jean Rainguesson; and her godmothers Jeannette, widow of Thiescelin Clerici; Jeannette, wife of Thévenin Rotarius, of the said town; and the deponent herself.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently expounded to her, required: she said by her oath that the same Jeannette was well and sufficiently instructed in the catholic faith as like daughters of her age; and from her infancy or adolescence until her departure from the paternal house, imbued with good morals, a chaste daughter of good conversation, devoutly frequenting churches and sacred places; so that, when the town of the said Domrémy was burned, the same Jeannette on feast days ever went to hear mass at the town of Greux, and willingly confessed on fitting days, and especially on the feast of the most holy Pasch or Resurrection of our Lord Jesus Christ; and, as it seemed to her, there was none better in the two towns. She occupied herself in divers businesses in the paternal house, for she sometimes span hemp and wool, went to the plough, to the harvests when the season occurred, and sometimes, according to her father’s turn, kept the animals and the beasts of the said town. Nor else would she know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: she said that that tree is called the Ladies’ Tree; and the witness herself was otherwise, with the ladies and temporal lords of the said town, beneath that tree to disport themselves for the beauty of the tree. She said also that that tree is hard by the great road by which one goes to Neufchâteau; and she otherwise heard say that of old the fateful Ladies, that is the fées, went beneath the same tree; but by reason of their sins, as she said, they go now no more. She said moreover that the maidens and youths of the said town of Domrémy, every year on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem which is called des Fontaines and in spring time (among whom the said Jeannette went), go to that tree and beneath the same sing and make dances, eat there, and in returning come to the Fountain aux Rannos and drink of the water of the same fountain. And she said that, when the curate, on the vigil of the Ascension, carries the cross through the fields, he himself goes beneath that tree and there sings the gospel, and also goes to the Fountain of Rannos and the other fountains to sing the gospel, as she saw. Nor else does she know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: she said that the same Jeannette went to Vaucouleurs when she departed from her father’s house; nor else would she know to depose.

Upon the eleventh following, beginning Item, whether in the said, etc., required: she said that she heard it said that there were Friars Minor in the said town to make informations, as was said; nor else does she know, for nothing was asked of her.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: she said that, when the same Joan was at Neufchâteau, all the inhabitants of the said town had fled thither, and, as she saw, the same Jeannette in staying there and in departing thence was ever in the company of her father and mother, nor did she ever serve any save her father until her departure to France.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Jeannette, wife of Thévenin #

Jeannette (18), wife of Thévenin Rotarius, of the said town of Domrémy, of the age of seventy years or thereabouts, produced as fourth witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said town in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday in this cause of inquisition; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories exhibited in this cause of inquisition of this kind, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third articles, required, she said by her oath that she knows what follows: to wit, that the same articled Jeannette was born of the said Domrémy, and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, good catholics, of good fame, worthy persons and according to their means, as honest labourers; and the same Jeannette was baptised in the font of the same town, and her godfathers were Jean Barre of Neufchâteau and Jean Morelli of Greux; and her godmothers Jeannette, widow of Thiesselin, and the witness herself who speaks.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles expounded to her, required: she said that the same Jeannette, as she saw, was a good and simple daughter, fearing God; in faith sufficiently instructed as such and suchlike; of good, simple and sweet conversation; and for the love of God often gave alms; often went devoutly to church; confessed, as she believes, for she was good; in her father’s house span hemp and wool, and sometimes went with her father to the plough, and by turn kept the animals for her father.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: she said that that tree is called the Ladies’ Tree; and she heard it said that the ladies of the said town of Domrémy went of old to disport themselves beneath that tree; and, as it seems to her, the lady Catherine de la Roche, wife of Jean de Bourlémont (19), lord of the said town, went with her damsels to disport themselves beneath that tree. She said also that the maidens and young boys of the said town of Domrémy, in spring time and on the now said Sunday des Fontaines, go beneath that tree, sing there, make dances, have bread and eat, and come to the Fountain of Rannos and drink of its water. She said that the articled Jeannette then went with the same maidens to disport herself; nor did she ever see, or hear said, that the same Jeannette was otherwise beneath that tree. Nor else does she know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made of the manner of the departure, etc., required: she said that she knows nothing, save that she heard it said that one of her uncles led the same Joan to Vaucouleurs.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said, etc., required: she said that she knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: she said that the same Jeannette was, as she saw, ever in the company of her father in Neufchâteau. Nor otherwise did she depose.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Jean Moen #

Jean, called Moen, of Domrémy, dwelling in the town of Coussey (20) in the diocese of Toul, wheelwright, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabouts, produced as fifth witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following article, required: he said by his oath that the said Jeannette, called the Maid, was born in the said town of Domrémy of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, and was baptised in the font of the church of Blessed Rémy of the same town. He said also that her father and mother were good catholics, of good fame and honest estate as labourers; and this he knows because the witness himself who speaks was her neighbour.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he would not know to depose, for he does not recall.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles, required: he said that the same Jeannette, as he saw, from her youth and infancy until her departure from the paternal house, was and had been a good and chaste daughter, fearing God, and went willingly to church, willingly wrought, span, did the needful things of her father’s house, sometimes kept the animals. And he believes that, whilst she had understanding, she confessed many times in the year. Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the articled tree is beneath a wood hard by the great road by which one goes to Neufchâteau; and the boys and maidens of the said town, every year, commonly on the said Sunday des Fontaines, are wont to go to disport themselves beneath that tree, and there eat in sport, and go to the springs hard by that tree to drink. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same article.

Upon the tenth, eleventh and twelfth following articles expounded to him, required: he said that he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Étienne de Sion #

The venerable man the lord Étienne de Sion (21), curate of the parish church of Roncessey before Neufchâteau and dean of christianity (22), priest of the said Neufchâteau, of the age of fifty-four years or thereabouts, produced as sixth witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following article, required: he said that the articled Jeannette was born of the said Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc her father; the name of the mother he knows not; nevertheless her father and mother were true catholics of good fame, and he heard and saw (23) them so reputed, although they were poor. Nor else did he depose.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth following articles read through to him, required: he said that he otherwise many times heard it said by the lord Guillaume Fronte, whilst he lived, curate of the same town of Domrémy, that the same Jeannette called the Maid was a good and simple daughter, devout, well-mannered, fearing God, so that there was not her like in the said town; she often confessed her sins to him; he said also that, if the said Joan had had moneys, she would have given them to him, her curate, for the celebrating of masses. He said also that the same curate said that every day, whilst he celebrated, she was at the mass. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles save by hearsay.

Upon the tenth and eleventh following articles read through to the same witness, required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that he heard it said by very many that the same Jeannette was in Neufchâteau in the house of a certain honest woman called La Rousse, by reason of the armed men; and she was ever in the company of her father and of the others of the said town who had also fled thither. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Jeannette, widow of Thiesselin #

Jeannette, widow of Thiesselin (24) de Vitel, a clerk dwelling, whilst he lived, in the said Domrémy, dwelling in Neufchâteau, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, produced as seventh witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by her oath, etc.; and coming to the matter of the articles or interrogatories given in this business of this kind,

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles expounded to her, required: she said by her oath that Jeannette, called the Maid, was born of the said Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, worthy spouses, catholics of good fame, who bore themselves as labourers, honestly according to their poverty, for they were not very rich. She said also that she was baptised in the font of the parish church of Blessed Rémy of the same town, and that the witness herself who speaks was godmother of the same Joan and had her name. Her godmother was also Jeanne, wife of Thévenin Rotarius, of the said town. Nor else does she know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles required: she said by her said oath that the articled Jeannette, as she saw, in her first age and as long (25) as she was in the said Domrémy, was a good daughter, living worthily and holily as a prudent daughter; she went willingly to church, feared God. Sometimes she went to the church of Our Lady of Bermont with certain maidens to pray to Saint Mary; and the witness herself was otherwise with the same. She said also that she willingly busied herself with tasks, spinning, doing the needful things of the house; and often, when the case occurred, kept the animals by turn for her father. She said also that she often confessed, for she saw her confess many times to the lord Guillaume Fronte, then curate of her parish church. She said also that the same Joan did not swear save Without fail; nor was she a dancer; but sometimes, whilst the other maidens sang or danced, she herself went to the church.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: she said by her oath that the articled tree is called the Ladies’ Tree, for it is said that of old a certain lord named the lord Pierre Granier, knight, lord of Bourlémont, with a certain lady who was called the Fée, visited each other beneath that tree and spoke together. And she said that she heard this read in a romance. She said also that the lords and ladies of the said town of Domrémy, as for instance the lady Béatrice, wife of the lord Pierre de Bolemont, with her damsels, and the lord Pierre himself, sometimes went, as was said, to disport themselves at the said tree. She said further that the maidens and young boys of the said town every year go on the Sunday Laetare called des Fontaines to disport themselves, and there eat and dance, and go to drink at the Fountain of Rannos; but she does not recall whether the said Joan the Maid was ever beneath that tree; nor did she hear it said that the said Jeannette was ever defamed by reason of that tree. Nor otherwise did she depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., and also upon the eleventh following article, she said that she knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., she said that she knows nothing save by hearsay.

More she knows not; cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Louis de Martigny #

The noble man Louis de Martigny (26), esquire, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabouts, produced as eighth witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

And first, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, required: he said by his oath that Joan the Maid was born of the said Domrémy, and her father was Jacques d’Arc. She had a mother; yet of her name he would not know to depose. He said that her father and mother were good and catholic, as he saw, nor did he ever hear the contrary said. Nor else does he know.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., he said by his oath that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles expounded and read through to him, required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay; for he heard it said that she was worthy and willingly confessed (27).

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he heard it said that, when she willed to go to France, she went to the lord Bailiff of Chaumont and afterwards to the lord Duke of Lorraine; and the lord Duke gave her a horse and moneys; and afterwards certain named Bertrand de Poulengy, Jean de Metz, Jean de Dieu-le-Ward and Colet de Vienne led her towards the King. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh and twelfth following articles diligently read through to him, he said that he knows utterly nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Thévenin Rotarius #

Thévenin Rotarius of Chermisey (28), dwelling in the said Domrémy, of the age of seventy years or thereabouts, produced as ninth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

And first, upon the first of the articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he said that Jeannette the Maid was born of the said Domrémy and baptised in the font of the parish church of Saint Rémy of the same place, as was said; and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who lived worthily as labourers; and Jeanne, wife of the deposing witness, was godmother of the same Maid and had held her over the font before he wedded her. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth, required: he said that the said Joan the Maid was a good daughter, went willingly to church, served God, willingly confessed on the paschal day, and occupied herself in spinning, doing the needful things of the house, and sometimes, according to their turn, kept the animals. And he reputed the same Jeannette good, as he saw, nor ever heard the contrary said of her.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., he said that he heard it said that of old the lords and ladies of the town of Domrémy, as for instance the lord Pierre de Bourlémont, his wife and others his servants and damsels, went to disport themselves beneath that tree; and yet in these present times the maidens and youths of the same town on the Sunday des Fontaines and in spring time go beneath that tree, carry little loaves and there disport themselves and eat, make merry and dance; and the said Joan went with the others; nor did he ever hear it said that the said Joan, alone or for another cause, went to the said tree save with the said maidens. Nor else does he know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., and likewise upon the eleventh and twelfth following articles required: he said that he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Jacquier de Saint-Amant #

Jacquier de Saint-Amant (29), labourer, dwelling in the said town of Domrémy, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, produced as tenth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following, required: he said by his oath that the aforesaid Jeannette the Maid was born of the said Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who were true catholics and labourers of good fame, as he saw. And he heard it said that the same Joan was baptised in the font of Blessed Rémy of the same town, and her godfather was Jean Morelli of Greux and her godmother Jeannette de Roye (30); nor else does he know.

Upon the fourth following article, Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles, required: he said that the same Jeannette was a good daughter, fearing God, going willingly to church; she occupied herself daily in the businesses of the house, for he saw her many times at night, in the speaker’s house, spinning with a certain daughter of his, without that he ever saw evil; she kept the animals when the season occurred; she willingly confessed on the paschal day. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the lords and temporal ladies of the said town commonly went to disport themselves there beneath that tree, and yet in modern times the maidens and youths of the said town go beneath that tree in the time of spring and summer and on the day des Fontaines, and carry loaves to eat and disport themselves there. He said also that the same Joan the Maid in her youth, with the maidens, on the aforesaid days, went to the said tree to disport herself. Nor else did he depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., and also upon the eleventh following article, required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that then, by reason of the armed men, he saw the said Jeannette in Neufchâteau, who led into the fields the animals of her father and mother then being in the said place. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Bertrand Lacloppe #

Bertrand Lacloppe of the said town, receiver of the roofs, of the age of ninety years or thereabouts, produced as eleventh witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he said by his said oath that Jeannette the Maid was daughter of Jacques d’Arc, labourer, and of Isabelle, spouses of the said town of Domrémy, worthy and catholic persons; and, as he believes, she was baptised in the fonts of Blessed Rémy of the same town. He said that Béatrice, widow of Estellin, and Jeanne, wife of Thévenin Carpentarius, were godmothers of the same, as is commonly said. Nor else does he know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that the said Joan the Maid was well imbued, simple, sweet, went willingly to the churches and specially to the church of the said town, as he saw; she did the works of the house and span, as the other young maidens also do, and sometimes went with her father to the plough and sometimes, at her father’s turn, kept the animals, and, as they said, willingly confessed. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the tree which is called the Ladies’ is a tree which is called a beech; and it is very bent, and is called the Ladies’ Tree; and of old it was said that (in French) les fées went; yet he never saw, nor in his time heard, that the said fées went beneath that tree. He said also that sometimes the maidens and youths of the said town, in spring time and on the Sunday des Fontaines — among whom, as he believes, Jeannette was one — went to the said tree and to the fountain hard by the tree to disport themselves and dance; and there they are wont to eat. He said moreover that he never heard it said that the said Joan went alone to the said tree save with the said maidens. Nor else does he know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that a certain man of Petit-Burey (31) came to seek the said Jeannette the Maid to the said town of Domrémy and led her to Vaucouleurs to speak with the Bailiff; and he heard it said that the Bailiff himself sent her to the King. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required, by his said oath: he said that of the contents of the same he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when Joan, etc., required: he said that, by reason of the armed men then, as was said, coming into the said town, all the inhabitants of the same town went to Neufchâteau, and the said Joan the Maid with her father and mother went in their company, and stayed there with the same for the space of four days or thereabouts. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Perrin Drappier #

Perrin Drappier of the said Domrémy, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, produced as twelfth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and upon the second and third following articles diligently expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that Joan the Maid was born of Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, worthy labourers and good catholics of good fame, as he saw; and the same Joan was baptised in the parish of the said town and the church of Blessed Rémy of the same, and, as is said, had godfathers and godmothers whom he knows not, save that there are still at present in the said town two women who are called godmothers of the said Maid, to wit Jeannette, wife of Thévenin Rotarius of the said town, and Jeannette Thiescelin de Vitel dwelling in Neufchâteau. Nor else does he know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that the same Jeannette the Maid, in the time of her youth and understanding until her departure from her father’s house, was and had been a good, chaste, simple, modest daughter, not swearing by God nor by His Saints, fearing God; she went frequently to church, often confessed; rendering a reason for his knowledge, because the witness himself at that time was churchwarden (32) of the said church of Domrémy, and often saw the said Joan come to church at masses and complines; and, when the witness himself did not ring the complines, the same Joan blamed and reproached the same witness, saying that it was not well done; and the same Joan then promised to give the same witness wool (33), to the end that he should have diligence in ringing the complines. The same witness said also that the same Joan often went, with a certain sister of hers and other folk, to a certain church and hermitage called Bermont, founded in honour of the blessed Virgin Mary; she made many alms, willingly wrought, spinning and doing the other needful works; and sometimes went to the plough and by turn kept the animals. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the articled tree is commonly called the Ladies’ Tree; and he saw a lady in the said town who was wife of the lord Pierre de Bolemont, and the mother of the same lord Pierre, who sometimes went to the said tree to disport themselves, and led with them their damsels and certain maidens of the said town, and carried bread and wine with eggs. He said that, in spring time and on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines, the maidens and youths of the said town were wont to go to the said tree and to the springs, and carry little loaves with them and eat beneath that tree and disport themselves dancing and singing. He said also that the same Joan, in the time of her youth, sometimes with the said maidens of the said town went to the said tree and to the Fountain of Rannos to disport herself and dance with the same maidens. Nor else does he know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said by his oath that, when the said Joan willed to depart from her father’s house, she went with a certain Durand Laxart her uncle to Vaucouleurs to speak with Robert de Baudricourt, then captain of the said Vaucouleurs. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he believes informations were made; yet he is not advised whether he saw them made or not.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that, when the folk of the said town fled by reason of the armed men to the town of Neufchâteau, the said Joan the Maid with her father and mother went and led their animals; and, three or four days after, she with her father returned to the said town of Domrémy. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Gérard Guillemette #

Gérard Guillemette of Greux, labourer, of the age of forty years or thereabouts, produced as thirteenth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy before us in the presence of the said witnesses, in the aforesaid year and on Friday the penultimate day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

Coming therefore to the articles or interrogatories exhibited in this cause of this kind, to wit upon the first of the articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that the said Joan the Maid was begotten of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, labourers of the said town, true catholics of good fame and good name, without defamation, as labourers; and, as he believes, she was baptised in the parish of the said town of Domrémy in the church of Blessed Rémy; and, as is said, she had good godfathers and godmothers. He knows Jean Morelli her godfather, and Jeannette Roze (34) and Jeannette, widow of Thiescelin, her, as is asserted, godmothers. Nor else does he know.

Upon the fourth following article or interrogatory, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles, required: he said that he saw the said Jeannette and from the time of his knowing her well knew her; who was a good, honest and simple daughter, conversing with the good maidens and women of the said town, and went willingly and often to church, willingly and devoutly confessed as he saw, and, as he believes, there was none better than she in the said town. She willingly wrought spinning, doing the needful things of the house and preparing the useful things of her father and mother; and sometimes went to the plough according to her father’s will. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: he said that he heard that tree ever called the Ladies’ Tree; and of old the temporal ladies of the said town of Domrémy were wont to go with their damsels and handmaids beneath that tree to disport themselves. He said that sometimes the maidens and young boys of the said town of Domrémy on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines go to make their springs and to disport themselves at the Fountain of Rannos, and drink of its water. He said also that he saw the said Jeannette once on the said Sunday with the said maidens, nor did he ever see her further. And he said that the maidens and boys of the town of Greux go to make their springs at the church of Blessed Mary of Bermont. Nor else did he depose (35).

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that, when the same Jeannette departed from her father’s house, he saw the same Joan pass before his father’s house with a certain uncle of hers named Durand Laxart, and then the same Jeannette said to her father: To God, I go to Vaucouleurs. And he heard it said afterwards that the same Jeannette was going to France. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said by his oath that the witness himself who speaks was in Neufchâteau with the said Joan, her father and mother, and saw the said Joan ever with her father and mother, save that, for three or four days, the same Jeannette, in the presence of her father and mother, helped the hostess where they were lodged, to wit la Rousse, an honest woman of the said town; but he well knows that they stayed not in the said Neufchâteau save four or five days until the armed men had passed over; and then she returned with her father and mother to the said town of Domrémy.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Hauviette, wife of Gérard #

Hauviette, wife of Gérard de Sion (36), labourer dwelling in the said Domrémy, of the age of forty-five years or thereabouts, produced and sworn as fourteenth witness in this cause of inquisition in the said Domrémy, in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Thursday the twenty-ninth of the month of January, and examined in the same year on Friday the penultimate day of the same month; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: she said that from her youth she knew Joan called the Maid, who was born of the said Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, worthy labourers and true catholics of good fame; and this she knows because she many times abode and lay lovingly with the said Joan in her father’s house. Yet she does not recall the godfathers and godmothers save by hearsay, for the same Joan was elder than the witness herself, as was said, by three or four years. Nor else does she know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles expounded to her, required: by her said oath she said that the same Joan was a good, simple and sweet daughter and went willingly and often to church and to sacred places, and often had shamefacedness by reason that folk said to her that she went to church too devoutly; for she heard it said by the curate then being that she confessed many times. The said Joan occupied herself as the other maidens do; she did the needful things of the house and span, and sometimes kept her father’s animals, as she saw. Nor else does she know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: she said that that tree is called the Ladies’ Tree from of old, and it was said of old that the Ladies who are called fées went to that tree; yet she never heard that anyone ever saw any. She said also that the maidens and boys of the said town were wont to go to the tree and to the Fountain of Rannos on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines, and carry bread with them; and the witness herself with Joan the Maid, who was her companion, was otherwise with the other young maidens at the said tree on the said Sunday des Fontaines; and there they ate, disported themselves and played. She said also that she saw nuts carried round that tree and to the springs. Nor otherwise would she know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: she said that she knew not of the departure of the said Jeannette; which witness wept much by reason thereof, because she loved her so much for her goodness and because she was her companion. Nor else does she know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: she said that she knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when Joan, etc., required: by her said oath she said that the same Joan was ever in Neufchâteau with her father and mother, for the witness herself was in the said Neufchâteau at that time and ever saw her.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Jean Waterin #

Jean Waterin of Domrémy, dwelling in the town of Greux hard by the said town of the said Domrémy, labourer, of the age of forty-five years or thereabouts, produced as fifteenth witness in this cause; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Friday, the penultimate day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he said that Joan the Maid was born of the said Domrémy and of the parish of the same place; and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who were good catholics and of good fame as labourers, as he saw. He knows Jean Morelli the godfather, and Jeannette Roze and Jeanne de Vitel, the, as is said, godmothers of the articled Jeannette. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently expounded to him, required: he said that he saw Jeannette the Maid many times and was in his youth with her at the plough of the father of the same Joan, and with the other maidens and herself in the pastures or grass-lands; and often, whilst they played together, the same Joan drew herself apart and spoke to God, as it seemed to him; and he and the others mocked her. She was good and simple, frequented churches and sacred places, so that sometimes, when she was in the fields and heard the bell ring, she bent her knees; she willingly wrought, span, prepared the needful and useful things of the house, went to the plough with her father, and sometimes kept the animals by turn and willingly confessed, as the priest of the said town then said; she often carried candles and went to Our Lady of Bermont on pilgrimage. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: by his said oath he said that the articled tree is commonly called the Ladies’ Tree; and he heard it said that of old the women who were commonly called fées went beneath that tree; yet he did not hear it said that anyone ever saw them beneath that tree. Yet he said moreover that the maidens and youths of the said town of Domrémy, each year in summer time and on the Sunday called des Fontaines, are wont to go beneath that tree, carry little loaves, and there eat and make merry beneath that tree, and in returning come to the Fountain of Rannos and sometimes to the other springs and drink. He said that Joan otherwise, on the said Sunday, was, as it seemed to him, with the said maidens beneath that tree to play and disport herself as the other daughters did. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., he said, required, that he saw her depart from the town of Greux and she said to the folk: To God! For he heard it said to him many times that she would relieve France and the royal blood. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when Joan, etc., required: he said that the same Jeannette, whilst she was in Neufchâteau, was ever in the company of her father and mother; rendering a reason, for the witness himself was then in Neufchâteau with the others of the said town.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Gérardin d’Épinal #

Gérardin d’Épinal (37), labourer, dwelling in the said Domrémy, of the age of sixty years, produced as sixteenth witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the year and on the Friday immediately aforesaid; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he said by his said oath that the same Jeannette was born of the said Domrémy and baptised in the parish of Blessed Rémy of the same place, and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses; who, as he saw, without defamation, were good catholics and good people of good name. He said also that he heard it said that Jean Morelli of Greux was her godfather and Jeannette de Roze her godmother. Nor else does he know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles fully expounded to him, required: by his said oath the witness himself said that, from the time when he was eighteen years old, he dwelt in the said town, and saw and knew the said Joan modest, simple and devout. She went willingly to church and to sacred places, wrought, span, weeded and did the other needful things of the house as daughters do. He believes she willingly confessed, for she was very devout. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: he said by his said oath that that tree is called the Ladies’ Tree. He saw also that the lords and ladies temporal of Domrémy, once or twice in spring time, carried wine and bread and went to eat beneath the tree, for then it is as fair as lilies and is spreading, and its leaves and branches come even to the ground. For the daughters and youths of the said town of Domrémy were wont, on the Sunday des Fontaines, to go to that tree, and their mothers make loaves, and the said boys and maidens go to make their springs beneath that tree; they sing there and dance, and afterwards return to the Fountain of Rannos and eat bread and drink of its water, as he saw. And he said that the said Jeannette went with the other maidens and did as the other maidens did. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing, save that, when she willed to depart, she said to him: Gossip, were ye not a Burgundian, I would tell you certain things. For the said witness believed it had been about some husband whom she would wed. He saw her also at Châlons with four of the said town, and she said that she feared naught save treason. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article or interrogatory, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that the same Joan was at the articled time in Neufchâteau a little while and, as it seems to him, with her brother Jean d’Arc, now provost of Vaucouleurs; and she kept her father’s animals, and departed to her father’s house because it was irksome to her, as she said, to abide there. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Simonin Musnier #

Simonin Musnier, labourer, of the said town of Domrémy, of the age of forty-four years or thereabouts, produced as seventeenth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind, and sworn in the aforesaid year and day and examined in the said Domrémy in the same year on the aforesaid Friday, the penultimate day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

And first, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles required: by his oath he said that Jeannette the Maid, as he believes, was born and baptised in the font of the church of Blessed Rémy of the same place. For he saw Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, her parents, whom he reputed and repute good catholics and of good fame. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles, required: by his said oath the witness said that he was brought up with Joan called the Maid, hard by her father’s house. He knows also that she was good, simple, devout, fearing God and His Saints; she went willingly and often to church and to sacred places, comforted (38) the sick, gave alms to the poor, as he saw, for, when he was a boy, he himself fell sick and the same Joan comforted him. He said also that, when the bells were rung, she signed herself and bent her knees. She was not slack, wrought willingly, span, went to the plough with her father, threshed the earth with a threshel and did the other needful things of the house; and sometimes kept the animals; confessed willingly, as was said; willingly carried candles to the church before blessed Mary, as he saw. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: by his said oath he said that the articled tree is commonly called the Ladies’ Tree, as he ever heard said; and he said that of old the fées, so commonly called, went beneath that tree, as he heard said, although he never saw any signs of any evil spirits. He said that the maidens and young boys go, in spring time and on the Sunday called des Fontaines, beneath that tree to make their springs; they eat their bread there, dance, and in returning come to the Fountain of Rannos and drink of its water; and he himself, with Joan and others, in youthful age was at the aforesaid tree on the said Sunday des Fontaines to play and disport himself, as the other daughters and sons of the said town did. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay of another.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing of the contents thereof.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that, at the articled time, he was in Neufchâteau with the inhabitants of the said town, among whom the said Joan the Maid was with her father and mother, and stayed there a little while and, when the men-at-arms had passed over, departed from the same Neufchâteau ever in their company. Nor otherwise did he depose.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Isabellette, wife of Gérardin #

Isabellette (39), wife of Gérardin d’Épinal, labourer dwelling in the said Domrémy, of the age of fifty years or thereabouts, produced as eighteenth witness in this cause of inquisition and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Friday, the penultimate day of the month of January; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and upon the second and third following articles diligently read through to her, required: she said that, as she saw, the same Jeannette the Maid was born of the said Domrémy and of the parish of the same place, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, good labourers, true catholics and of good fame. And she said that Jean Morelli of Greux was godfather, and Jeannette Roze and Jeannette de Vitel godmothers, as was commonly said, of the said Jeannette. Nor else does she know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles expounded to her, required: by her said oath she said that from her youth she knew the father and mother of the said Jeannette and Jeannette herself in the time also of her youth and as long as she abode with her father and mother; and the same Jeannette was imbued in the catholic faith and good morals; she was also simple, good, modest, devout and fearing God, as it seemed to her; for she went to church willingly and often, and sometimes went to the church of Blessed Mary of Bermont; she willingly gave alms, caused the poor to be lodged, and willed to lie in the chimney-corner and that the poor should lie in her bed; for she was not seen in the street but abode in the church praying; she did not dance, so that she was often blamed by the other young maidens and others; she willingly wrought, spinning, tilling the earth with her father, doing the needful things of the house and sometimes keeping the animals; she also confessed willingly and often, as she saw, for the said Jeannette the Maid was her fellow-godmother and had held at the font a certain Nicolas her son; and she often went with her and saw her go to confession in the church to the lord Guillaume, then curate. Nor else does she know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: she said by her oath that she ever heard that tree called the Tree of the Ladies’ Bowers (40); and she said that, when the fortress of the said town was good, the lords and ladies temporal of the same town went to solace beneath that tree on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines, and sometimes in summer time led with them the maidens and boys; and this she knows because she was otherwise with the lord Pierre de Bourlémont, lord of the said town, and his wife, who was of France, and many times with the maidens of the said town, both in spring time and on the said Sunday des Fontaines. She said further that the maidens and young boys of the said town on the said Sunday des Fontaines were wont to go to that tree to solace and disport themselves; they carry loaves to eat there, and Joan herself went with them on the said Sunday to disport herself and play, and carried her bread; and afterwards they came to drink at the Fountain of Rannos, and by reason of the manner, for the manner is yet such that they carry little loaves and disport themselves there in sport. Nor otherwise would she know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: she said that she heard it said by Durand Laxart, who led her to the lord Robert de Baudricourt, that she had said to him that he should say to her father that she was going to relieve (41) his wife, to the end that he should lead her to the said lord Robert. Nor else does she know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: she said that she knows utterly nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: she said that the same Joan was in Neufchâteau with her father, mother, brothers and sisters, who, by reason of the armed men, led their animals to Neufchâteau; but she remained not much in the said Neufchâteau; she returned to the said town of Domrémy with her father, as the same witness saw, for she was unwilling to remain in the said place but said that she preferred to remain in the said Domrémy. Nor else does she know.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Mengette, wife of Jean Joyart #

Mengette, wife of Jean Joyart, labourer of the said town of Domrémy, of the age of forty-six years or thereabouts, produced as nineteenth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforewritten year and on the aforewritten Friday; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles diligently expounded to her, required: she said that the same Joan, who was called the Maid, was born of the said Domrémy and of the parish of Blessed Rémy of the same town, and her parents were Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who were good christians and true catholics, of good name, as she reputed such and heard them so reputed; and the said Jeannette had godfathers and godmothers and, as was said, Jean Morelli of Greux was her godfather and Jeannette, wife of Thévenin of Domrémy, and Edette, widow of Jean Barre dwelling in Frebécourt (42), were her godmothers. Nor else does she know.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently and fully expounded to her, required: she said by her oath that the house of the father of the same witness was nigh contiguous to the house of the father of the same Jeannette, and she knew the said Jeannette the Maid, for she often span in her society and did other works of the house by day and by night with the same; and she was imbued in the christian faith, of good morals as it seems to her, conditioned; she went willingly and often to church; she made alms of her father’s goods, and was so good, simple and devout that the witness herself and the other maidens said to her that she was too devout; she wrought willingly and occupied herself in many businesses: to wit she span, did the needful things of the house, went to the harvests, and when the season occurred sometimes kept the animals by turn, confessed willingly; and she saw her many times on bended knees before the curate of the said town. Nor else does she know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: she said by her oath that that tree was called the Tree of the Ladies’ Bowers, and it is an ancient tree; for she never heard it said that that tree was not there. And she said that, every year in spring time and specially on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines, all the maidens and boys with little loaves are wont to go to the tree and eat there; and the witness herself was many times with the said Joan on the said day and they ate there, and afterwards came to drink at the Fountain of Rannos, and sometimes they had a cloth beneath that tree and ate together, and afterwards played and made merry, as others still do at present. Nor else does she know.

Upon the tenth following, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: the witness herself said that, when the said Jeannette willed to go to Vaucouleurs, she, as is said, caused Durand Laxart to come to give her father and mother to understand that she was going to the house of the same Durand Laxart, dwelling in Petit-Burey, to serve his wife; and departing she said to the same witness To God! and then departed and commended the witness to God, and went to Vaucouleurs. Nor else does she know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: she said that she knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: she said that, at the articled time, all of the said town went and fled to Neufchâteau and led their animals to the said place; and the same Joan was there with her aforesaid father and mother and abode ever in their company and departed from the same place, as the witness herself says she saw.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

The lord Jean Colin #

The discreet man the lord Jean Colin, curate of the parish church of Domrémy and canon of the collegiate church of Saint Nicolas of Brixey (43), in the diocese of Toul, priest, of the age of sixty-six years or thereabouts, twentieth witness, in this cause of inquisition, in the said Domrémy, in the above-said year and on the Friday, the penultimate day of the month of January, produced; sworn and examined; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles read through to him, required: he said by his said oath that the said Joan, being in Vaucouleurs, came twice or thrice to the witness speaking to confession; which witness also two or three times heard her confession, and, as it seems to him in his conscience, she was a good daughter and had the signs of a good, catholic and perfect christian woman; and she went willingly to church. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay, of which he would not properly know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he saw her in Vaucouleurs when she willed to go to France, and saw her mount upon a horse when she was on the journey; and with her were Bertrand de Poulengy, Jean de Metz and Colet de Vienne, riding, servants of Robert de Baudricourt. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, he said that of the contents of the same he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Colin, son of Jean Colin #

Colin, son of Jean Colin of Greux, labourer, of the age of fifty years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-first witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Domrémy in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Friday (44), the penultimate day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently and fully expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that Joan, named the Maid, was born of Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, who were good catholics and of good fame, good labourers without defamation, and as he ever heard them held for such and the same witness so repute them; for he heard it said that Jean Morelli of Greux was godfather of the said Jeannette and Jeannette Roze was her godmother. He said moreover that the same Joan, as he saw, was a good, simple, sweet daughter, of good condition, and went willingly to church, as he saw; for nigh every Saturday after midday the same Joan with a certain sister of hers and other women went to the hermitage or church of blessed Mary of Bermont and carried candles, and much served God and blessed Mary, in such wise that, by reason of her devotion the witness himself, who was then a youth, and the other youths sometimes mocked her. She willingly wrought, and saw to the nurture of the beasts; she willingly guided the animals of her father’s house; she span and did the needful things of the house; went to the plough, to the threshing, and by turn kept the animals. For he heard it said by the lord Guillaume Fronte, late curate of the said parish church, that the same Joan was a good catholic, and that he had never seen better than her nor had in his parish. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the articled tree is called the Tree of the Ladies’ Bowers, and that he heard it said that the lords and ladies temporal of Domrémy were wont to go to leisure and disport beneath that tree. He said also that the maidens and youths of the said town, each year, were wont to go on the Sunday Laetare called des Fontaines beneath that tree, also in the time of spring and May; and sometimes they make a man of May, and there carry little loaves, each having one little loaf, on the said day des Fontaines; they eat there, make merry, sing, and in returning sometimes come to drink upon the Fountain aux Rannos and drink, and this they do by reason of the leisure and usage of the said Sunday des Fontaines. He said that he never saw the said Joan go; for he heard it said that she was with others beneath that tree to disport herself and eat like the other maidens. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., he said that he heard it said by Durand Laxart that she said that it behoved him to lead her to Vaucouleurs, for she willed to go to France, and that he should say to her father that she was going to the house of the said Durand to relieve his wife great with child; which Durand said that he did so; and then, with the consent of her father, she went to Vaucouleurs to speak with Robert de Baudricourt. Nor else does he know save by hearsay.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that all the inhabitants of the said town at the articled time of that kind fled to Neufchâteau, and the same Joan was ever in Neufchâteau with her father and mother in the house of the said la Rousse. They returned together, as he saw; nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Jean de Novelestomp, called de Metz #

The noble man Jean de Novelestomp, called de Metz, dwelling in the town of Vaucouleurs, of the age of fifty-eight years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-second witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said town of Vaucouleurs in the aforesaid year of the Lord 1455, on Saturday the last day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following, required: he said that he heard that the articled Jeannette was born of Domrémy, and, from the time of the departure of the said town, saw her father and mother, who, as it seems to him, were good catholics. Nor else does he know.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth, ninth and tenth following articles diligently and severally expounded to him, required: he said by his oath that he knows what follows. To wit, when the said Joan the Maid had come to the place and town of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, the witness speaking himself saw the said Joan clad in poor red woman’s garments; and she was lodged in the house of a certain Henry le Royer of the said town of Vaucouleurs; who spoke to her, saying: My friend, what do ye here? must it be that the King be driven from the realm and that we be English? To whom the Maid then answered: I came hither to the chamber (45) of the King, to speak with Robert de Baudricourt, that he may be willing to lead me or cause me to be led to the King; who cares naught for me nor for my words; yet, before it be mid-Lent, it behoves me to be towards the King, though I should lose my feet up to the knees. For none in the world, neither kings nor dukes nor the daughter of the King of Scotland (46) nor others, can recover the realm of France, nor is there succour for him save from myself, albeit I would liefer spin beside my poor mother, for it is not my estate; but it behoves that I go and do this, for my Lord wills that I so do. And when the same witness asked of her who was her Lord, the same Maid said that it was God. And then the same Jean, the witness, promised the same Maid, by his faith touched in her hand, that, God leading, he would lead her towards the King; and then the same witness speaking asked of her when she would depart; who said: Sooner now than to-morrow, and to-morrow than after. And the same witness asked of her again whether she willed to go in her garments; who answered that she would willingly have man’s garments. And then the same witness gave her garments and footwear of his serving-men to put on; and this done, the inhabitants of the said town of Vaucouleurs caused man’s garments and footwear, greaves and the things needful to her to be made for her, and gave her a horse of the price of sixteen francs or thereabouts; and when she was clad and had a horse, by the safe-conduct of the lord Charles, Duke of Lorraine, the same Maid went to speak with the said lord Duke, and the same witness went with her even to the city of Toul; and when she returned to Vaucouleurs, about the Sunday des Bures (47) — there will be twenty-seven years on the Sunday des Bures next coming, as it seems to him — the witness himself and Bertrand de Poulengy, with two of his servants, and Colet de Vienne, the King’s messenger, and a certain Richard, an archer, led the same Maid towards the King abiding at Chinon, at the expense and charges of the witness themselves and of Bertrand; and departing from the said town of Vaucouleurs, for fear of the English and Burgundians being round about the way, in going towards the King they went sometimes by night and remained on the way for the space of eleven days, riding even to the said town of Chinon; and, journeying on the way with her, the same witness asked of the same whether she would do the things she said; and the said Maid ever said to them that they should not fear, and that she had in commandment to do this, for her brothers of paradise said to her the things which she had to do, and that it was already four or five years since her brothers of paradise and her Lord, to wit God, had said to her that it behoved her to go to the war for the recovering of the realm of France. He said also in going that the witness himself and Bertrand lay each night with her together, but the same Maid lay beside the same witness clad in her doublet and breeches laced up, and the same witness feared her in such wise that he would not have dared to require her; and by his oath he said that he never had will towards her nor carnal motion. Also in journeying she would willingly have heard masses, as she said, for she said to them: Could we hear mass, we should do well; but, by reason of her being known, they heard not masses on her journey save twice. The same witness said moreover that he much believed the words of the same Maid and was inflamed by her words and by divine love, as he believes. And he believes that she was sent from God, for she never swore, willingly heard masses and, in swearing, signed herself with the sign of the cross. And so they led her to the King even to the said place of Chinon as secretly as they could. The witness himself said moreover that the same Maid willingly heard masses, as he saw, often confessed, willingly gave alms; and the witness said that she many times granted him moneys to give for God. The same witness said again that, as long as he was in her company, he found her good, simple, devout, a good christian, well conditioned and fearing God. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles, save that, when they arrived at the place of Chinon, they presented her to the men and counsellors of the King; who was then much interrogated.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, required: he said that he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Michel Lebuin #

Michel Lebuin (48) of Domrémy, husbandman in Burey in the diocese of Toul, labourer, of the age of forty-four years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-third witness in this cause; sworn and examined in the said Vaucouleurs in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Saturday, the last day of January; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, eighth and eighth [sic] following articles, required: he said by his oath that he well knew the same Joan the Maid from her youth; and the same Joan was born of the said Domrémy and of the parish of the same, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, worthy and catholic labourers of good fame, as he then saw; for the same Joan had godfathers and godmothers, as he heard said. He said also that the same Joan, in the time of her youth and until her departure from her father’s house, was a good catholic, simple, modest, went willingly to church and frequented sacred places. He knows, for the witness himself many times, whilst he was a youth, was with her on pilgrimage in the hermitage of Blessed Mary of Bermont, and she herself went there to the said hermitage nearly every Saturday with a certain sister of hers and carried candles; and the same Joan willingly gave for God the things she could have; she diligently occupied herself in the businesses of women and of the other maidens well and decently, and often confessed. He knows, for he conversed with her and saw her many times confess. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: he said by the said oath that that tree is called the Ladies’ Bowers. He said that he heard it said that the women who were commonly called fées of old were wont to go beneath that tree; yet he knows not whether they went, for now they are not wont to go. He said that the maidens and young boys of the said Domrémy are wont every year to go beneath that tree on the Sunday Laetare Jerusalem called des Fontaines, and there dance and eat, and afterwards come to the Fountain of Rannos to drink. He said also that the said Joan, when she was little, went with the said maidens and boys beneath that tree to make their springs like the other maidens; nor does he believe that the same Jeannette was otherwise or for another cause beneath that tree, for she was wholly good. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing, save that once the same Joan said to the witness himself, on the vigil of Saint John the Baptist, that there was a maiden between Coussey (49) and Vaucouleurs who, before it should be a year, would have the King of France consecrated; and he said that in the year then ensuing the King was consecrated at Reims. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that, when the said Joan was taken, he saw a certain man named Nicolas Bailly of Andelot who with certain others came to the said town of Domrémy and, at the instance of the lord Jean de Torcenay, then Bailiff of Chaumont, in the name of the asserted King of France and of the English, made an information upon the fame and conversation, as was said, of the said Joan; and, as it seems to him, they dared not constrain any to swear by reason of those of Vaucouleurs. He said that he believes that Jean Begot of the said town was examined, for they were lodged in his house. He said also that he believes that, in the information to be made, they found no ill cause upon the fact of the said Joan. Nor else does he know.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that, at the articled time, the witness himself was in Neufchâteau with the other inhabitants of the said town of Domrémy, and saw the same Joan, who was ever in the company of her father and mother.

More he knows not; cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Geoffroy du Fay #

The noble man Geoffroy du Fay (50), of the age of fifty years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-fourth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Vaucouleurs in the year and on the Saturday immediately written; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and upon the second required: he said that he saw the same Joan the Maid otherwise come to Marcey-sous-Voix, and she was born of the said Domrémy, as was said, and he knew her father and mother; yet their names he knows not; he knows nevertheless that they were good christians and catholics, as labourers are; nor did he ever hear the contrary said.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth articles diligently expounded to him, required: he said that, when the said Joan came to Marcey, she sometimes came to his house, and it seems to him she was a good, simple and devout daughter. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said by his said oath that he heard the same Maid speak many times; and she said that she willed to go to France, and he saw that Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengy and Julian, who were horsemen, led the same Maid to the King, although he did not then see the Maid herself; but they said that she should go with them. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, required: he said by his oath that of the contents of the same he knows utterly nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Durand Laxart #

Durand called Laxart, of Petit-Burey (51), labourer, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-fifth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said Vaucouleurs in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Saturday, the last day of the month of January; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning Item, first of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following, required: by his oath he said that the articled Joan was of the kindred of Jeanne his wife. He knew also Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, the parents of the same Joan the Maid, good and faithful catholics and of good fame; and he believes that the same Joan was born in the said town of Domrémy and baptised in the font of Blessed Rémy of the same.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles, required: he said that the said Joan was of good condition, devout, patient, went willingly to church, willingly confessed, and gave alms to the poor when she could, as he saw, both in the town of Domrémy and in the said Burey, in the house of the witness himself, in which the same Joan abode for the space of six weeks; she willingly wrought, span, went to the plough, kept the animals, and did other honest things for the women. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what holds, etc., required: by his oath he said that he knows nothing, for he abode not much in the said Domrémy.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: by his oath the same witness said that he himself sought the same Joan to her father’s house and brought her to the house of his own dwelling; and she said to the same witness that she willed to go to France, towards the Dauphin, to have him crowned, saying: Was it not otherwise said that France should be desolated by a woman and afterwards should be restored by a maiden? And this she said to the same witness, that he should go to the said Robert de Baudricourt that he should have her led to the place where the lord Dauphin was. Which Robert many times said to the same witness that he should bring her back to her father’s house and give her cuffs; and when the said Maid saw that the same Robert was unwilling to have her led to the place where the Dauphin himself was, she took the garments of the witness himself and said that she willed to depart; and, as she departed, the same witness brought her to Vaucouleurs (52); and, after she was there, by safe-conduct she was led to the lord Charles, Duke of Lorraine; and when the Duke himself saw her, he spoke with her, and the same lord Charles gave her four francs, which the same Joan shewed to the witness himself; and then the same Joan, having returned to Vaucouleurs, the inhabitants of the town of Vaucouleurs bought her man’s garments, footwear, greaves and the things needful to her, and the witness himself and Jacques Alain of Vaucouleurs bought her a horse of the price of twelve francs, of which they made their own proper debt; yet afterwards the lord Robert de Baudricourt caused it to be paid them. And this done, Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengy, Colet de Vienne and Richard the archer, with two servants of the same Jean de Metz and Bertrand, led the same Joan to the place where the said Dauphin was. And, as the same witness said, he otherwise told all this to the King; nor else does he know, save that he saw her at Reims at the coronation of the King.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, required: he said that of the contents of the same he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Catherine, wife of Henri le Royer #

Catherine, wife of Henri le Royer, of Vaucouleurs, of the age of fifty-four years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-sixth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said place of Vaucouleurs in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Saturday, the last day of the month of January; required by her oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently read through and expounded to her, required: she said by her oath that she heard it said that she was born of Domrémy, of good and worthy labourers. She said that, after her going forth from the paternal house and when the same Joan was brought to her house by Durand Laxart the preceding witness, and willed to go to the place where the Dauphin was, she saw her who, as she perceived, was a good, simple, sweet and well-governed daughter and well conditioned; she went willingly to church and willingly confessed: rendering a reason, for the witness herself led her to church and saw her confess to the lord Jean Fournier, then curate of the said town of Vaucouleurs; she span willingly and well, and because she span in her house with her. Nor otherwise would she know to depose of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: she said she knows nothing save that it is said that youths go to disport themselves at that tree.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: she said by her oath that, when the same Joan willed to depart, she was in her house for the space of three weeks, by interval of time, and then caused speech to be made to the lord Robert de Baudricourt that he should lead her to the place where the Dauphin was; which lord Robert was unwilling. She said that then the witness herself saw Robert de Baudricourt, then captain of the said town of Vaucouleurs, and the said lord Jean Fournier enter her house, and heard it said to the same Joan that the priest himself had brought a stole and before the said captain had adjured her, saying thus, that if she were an evil thing she should depart from them and if good she should come towards them. Who said that Joan drew herself towards the priest himself and to his knees; the same Joan said also that the priest did not well, for he had heard her confession; and when the same Joan saw that the said Robert was unwilling to lead her, the witness herself said that she heard it said to the same Joan that it behoved her to go to the said place where the Dauphin was, saying: Have ye not heard that it was prophesied that France should be lost by a woman and restored by a maiden of the marches of Lorraine? And then the witness herself remembered having heard these things and was astonied. The witness herself said also that the same Jeannette much desired it, and the time was irksome to her as though she were a woman great with child, by reason that she was not led to the Dauphin; and after this, the witness herself and many others believed her words, so that a certain Jacques Alain and Durand Laxart willed to lead her, and led her even to Saint-Nicolas (53), but returned to the said Vaucouleurs, for she heard that the same Joan said that it was not honest for her so to depart; and, when they had returned, certain inhabitants of the said town caused to be made for her a tunic, breeches, greaves, spurs, a sword and the like, and the inhabitants bought her a horse, and Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengy, Colet de Vienne with three others led her to the place where the Dauphin was, as she saw them mount their horses to go. Nor else does she know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., and also upon the twelfth required: she said that she knows naught.

More she knows not. Cited, she came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon her, etc.

Henri le Royer #

Henri le Royer, born of Vaucouleurs, of the age of sixty-four years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-seventh witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said Vaucouleurs in the above-said year and on the above-said Saturday; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles plainly expounded to him, required: he said that he knows nothing, save that, when the same Joan came to Vaucouleurs, she was lodged in his house; and, as it seems to him, she was a good daughter. Then she span with his wife, willingly went to church, and often went with his wife, the preceding witness.

Upon the ninth article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that he never saw that tree, and therefore would not properly know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he heard it said to the same Joan that it behoved her to go towards the noble Dauphin, for her Lord, the King of heaven, willed this, that she should go to him, and on the part of the King of heaven she was so brought in, and that if she should go upon her knees she would go. He said that, when the same Joan came to his house, she was clad in a red woman’s garment; and the same Joan was clad in man’s garment, breeches and trappings, and set upon a horse, and was conducted to the place where the Dauphin was by Jean de Metz, Bertrand de Poulengy with their servants, Colet de Vienne and Richard the Archer, as he saw them and herself depart. He said also that, when she willed to depart, it was said to her how she would depart by reason of the armed men standing round; who answered that she feared not the armed men, for she had her way made plain; for, if armed men were on the way, she had God her Lord, who would make her a way to go towards the lord Dauphin, and that she was born to do this. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, required: he said that he knows utterly nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Aubert d’Ourches #

The noble man the lord Aubert d’Ourches (54), knight, lord of the same place, of the age of sixty years, produced as twenty-eighth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the city of Toul in the aforesaid year and on the fifth day of the month of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the articles or interrogatories exhibited in this cause of this kind, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, and also upon the second and third following articles, required: he said that he heard it said that the articled Joan was born of Domrémy and had a good father and mother, as was said, nor did he ever hear the contrary said. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles, required: he said that he knows what follows; to wit, that he himself saw the said Joan in Vaucouleurs when she willed to be led to the King, and heard it said to the same Maid many times that she willed to go to the King and that she well willed that certain should lead her, for the greatest profit of the Dauphin; which Maid, as it seems to him, was imbued with good morals; and he would well will to have a daughter so good. He said also that he saw her afterwards in the company of the men-at-arms, and saw the same Maid confess through Brother Richard (55), before the town of Sens, and receive the body of Christ with the Dukes of Clermont and of Alençon for two days, and he believes perfectly that she was a good christian. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that he otherwise heard it said that beneath that tree the fées were wont to go, although he never heard that anyone saw them. He said also that he never heard it said that Joan was beneath that tree, for, before she was spoken of, twenty or thirty years before, he had heard it said that (in French) the fées were wont to go beneath that tree to disport themselves. Nor else does he know.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said as he deposed above, for she asked of many that she be led towards the King; which Maid spoke very well. Who was afterwards led by Bertrand de Poulengy, Jean de Metz and their servants to the said King. Nor else does he know.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., and also upon the twelfth following article, required: he said that of the contents of the same he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Nicolas Bailly #

The honourable man Nicolas Bailly, of Andelot in the diocese of Langres, royal notary and royal substitute in the provostry of the said place of Andelot, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, produced as twenty-ninth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind in the city of Toul by the said Jean Dalie (56), provost, before us, and received by us and the said notary, sworn and examined in the aforesaid year on the sixth day of the month of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second following article, required: he said by his oath that the articled Joan was born of Domrémy and of the parish of the same place, and her father was Jacques d’Arc, a good and worthy labourer, as he saw and knew. He knows also by hearsay and the relation of very many; for the witness speaking was otherwise notary commissioned on the part of the lord Jean de Torcenay, knight, then Bailiff of Chaumont having power from the asserted then King of France and of the English, together with a certain Gérard called Petit, late then provost of the said place of Andelot, to make an information upon the fact of the said Joan the Maid then detained, as was said, in the prisons in the city of Rouen. Nor else does he know.

Upon the third following article, beginning Item, who were her godfathers, etc., required: he says that he knows nothing.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently expounded to him, required: he said by his said oath that he saw the said Joan many times in her youthful age and until her going forth from the paternal house; who was and had been a good daughter of good conversation, a good catholic, willingly frequenting the church and sacred places, and went to the church of Bermont on pilgrimage, and confessed nigh every month, as he heard these things said by many of the inhabitants of the said place of Domrémy; and also found her for such in the inquisition made by him with the aforesaid provost of Andelot. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said by his oath that he heard it many times said that, in the time of spring and summer, the young maidens of the said town of Domrémy on feast days are wont to go beneath that tree; they dance there and gather flowers; and the said Jeannette went with them and did as one of the other maidens. He said also that once he saw the daughters of the said town return in sport from that tree. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same article.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made of the manner, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said by his oath that the witness himself was notary, as he has already said, who at that time made the information as commissioned on the part of the aforesaid lord Jean de Torcenay, Bailiff of Chaumont having, as he said, letters of commission on the part of the asserted then King of France and of the English. He said also that, when he and the said Gérard, the late provost, made the said information of the said Joan, by reason of their diligence they procured to have of the examined nigh twelve or fifteen witnesses to testify the information which they made before Simon de Thermes (57), esquire, then bearing himself for the lieutenant of the captain of Montclair, of the same Joan the Maid, by reason that they themselves were suspected of not having evilly (58) made the said information; which witnesses then before the lieutenant said they testified as was testified or contained in their examination; and then the said lieutenant wrote back to the aforesaid lord Jean, Bailiff of Chaumont, that the things written in that examination made by the said notary and provost were true; and, when the said Bailiff saw the relation of the said lieutenant, he said that the said commissioners were false Armagnacs.

Interrogated whether he had that information or a copy of it, he said not. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that, when he made the said information, he found by the witnesses of the said commission that, by reason of the armed men, the said Joan with her father and mother once fled to Neufchâteau, and she was ever in the company of her father in the house of a certain woman called la Rousse for three or four days, and afterwards returned with the same her father and mother to the said town of Domrémy. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Guillot Jaquerii #

Guillot Jaquerii of Andelot, royal serjeant, of the age of thirty-six years or thereabouts, produced as thirtieth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the city of Toul in the now said year and on the sixth day of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon all the other following articles even to the end of the same articles diligently expounded and read through to him, required: he said by his said oath that of the contents of the same he knows nothing save by hearsay; for he heard it said that Joan the Maid was born of the said Domrémy and of the parish of the same place; and she was a good daughter of good fame and honest conversation. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Bertrand de Poulengy #

The noble man the lord Bertrand de Poulengy, esquire of the esquirey of the King of France, of the age of sixty-three years or thereabouts, produced as thirty-first witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the said city of Toul in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid Saturday, the sixth of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles required: he said by his said oath that the articled Joan was born of Domrémy, as was said, and her father was Jacques d’Arc of the same town. Her mother’s name he knows not; but he was many times in their house and knows that they were good labourers, as he saw; nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay. For he heard it said that the same Joan in her youthful age was a good daughter of good conversation, and went willingly to church, and nigh every Saturday went to the hermitage of Blessed Mary of Bermont and carried candles. He said also that she span and sometimes kept the animals and her father’s horses. He said moreover that, after the said Joan departed from her father’s house, the witness himself saw her both in Vaucouleurs and elsewhere in the war; and he saw her many times, sometimes twice in the week, confess; and she took the Eucharist and was very devout. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: the same witness said that he saw that articled tree many times and was beneath the same for twelve years before he had seen the said Joan. He said also, as he heard said, that the maidens and young boys of the said town of Domrémy and of the other neighbouring towns in summer time go to disport themselves and dance beneath that tree. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: by his oath he said that the same Joan the Maid came to Vaucouleurs about the Ascension of the Lord (59), as it seems to him, and then he saw her speak with Robert de Baudricourt, then captain of the said town; who said that she had come towards the same Robert on the part of her Lord, that he should send to the Dauphin that he should bear himself well and not assign battle to his enemies, for her Lord would give him succour within mid-Lent; and the same Joan said indeed that the realm pertained not to the Dauphin but to her Lord; yet her Lord willed that the Dauphin himself should be made King and should have that realm in charge, saying that, his enemies unwilling, he should be made King and she herself should lead him to be consecrated. Which Robert asked of her who was her Lord; who answered: The King of heaven. And this done, she departed to her father’s house with a certain uncle of hers named Durand Laxart of Petit-Burey; and afterwards, towards the beginning of Lent, the same Joan returned to the said place of Vaucouleurs, seeking company to go towards the lord Dauphin; and the same witness seeing this, he and Jean de Metz proposed together that they should lead her to the King then Dauphin; and after the same Joan had been on pilgrimage at Saint-Nicolas and had been towards the lord Duke of Lorraine, who had willed to see her under safe-conduct; and after the same Joan had returned to the said Vaucouleurs and to the house of habitation of Henri le Royer of the said town: the same Bertrand, the witness speaking, and Jean de Metz did so much, with the help of other folk of Vaucouleurs, that she put off her woman’s garments of red colour and they caused to be made for her a tunic and man’s garments, spurs, greaves, a sword and the like, and a horse; and then they, with the said Joan and with Julian, servant of the witness himself, Jean de Honecourt, servant of Jean de Metz, Colet de Vienne and Richard the archer, took their way to go towards the Dauphin. And in the going forth from the country on the first day they feared, by reason of the armed men of the Burgundians and English then reigning, and went through one night. The same witness said also that the same Joan the Maid said to the same witness, to Jean de Metz and to the others journeying with them that it were good that they should hear mass; but, whilst they were in the country of war, they could not, by reason that she should not be known. Each night she lay with the same Jean de Metz and the witness speaking, yet herself clad in her jerkin and her breeches, laced and fastened. The witness himself said also that at that time he was young; yet he had not the will or any carnal motion of knowing a woman; nor would he have dared to require the said Joan by reason of the goodness which he saw in her. The witness himself said also that they remained eleven days on the way, going even to the King then Dauphin, and in going they had many doubts; but the said Joan ever said to them that they should not fear, for, once they were come to the town of Chinon, the noble Dauphin would make them good cheer. She never swore, and the witness himself was, as he said, much inflamed by her words, for it seems to him that she was sent from God, nor did he ever see in her any evil, but she was ever as good a daughter as though she had been a saint; and so together, without any great hindrance, they journeyed to the place of Chinon where the said King, then Dauphin, was and approached; and, when they were in the said place of Chinon, they presented the said Maid to the nobles and men of the King, to whom the same witness refers himself concerning the deeds of the same Joan. Nor otherwise would he properly know to depose.

Upon the eleventh following article, beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay from certain ones to whom he heard it said that they had caused an information to be corrected; but he knows not who they were.

Upon the twelfth following article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Henri Arnolin #

The discreet man the lord Henri Arnolin of Gondrecourt-le-Château (60), priest, of the age of sixty-four years or thereabouts, produced as thirty-second witness in this cause of inquisition; sworn and examined in the said city of Toul in the aforesaid year and on the aforesaid sixth day of the month of February; required by his oath, etc.

And upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories exhibited in this cause of this kind, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles required: he said that the same Joan was born of Domrémy, in which he many times saw her, Jacques d’Arc her father and her mother, who were good catholics and of good fame, as he saw. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, etc., and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles read through to him, required: he said that the same Joan, from the time when she was ten years old until her departure from the paternal house, was imbued with good morals and a good daughter, as he saw; she willingly frequented churches and sacred places; she willingly wrought, span and sometimes went to the plough with her father and brothers; and kept the animals when it was the season. He said that she willingly and often confessed, for the witness himself confessed her four times: to wit, three times in one Lent and another time on one solemnity; and, as he said, she was a good daughter fearing God, for when she was in church she sometimes lay prone before the crucifix, and sometimes held her hands joined and fastened together, lifting her countenance and eyes to the crucifix or to blessed Mary. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that otherwise, before the said Joan was born, he heard that that tree is called the Ladies’ Bowers; and he was often in Domrémy, nor did he ever hear it said that the same Joan went to the tree. Nor otherwise of the contents of the said article would he properly know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., and also upon the eleventh and twelfth following articles required: he said by his said oath that of the contents of the same he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

The lord Jean le Fumeux #

The discreet man the lord Jean le Fumeux of Vaucouleurs, priest, canon of the church or chapel of Blessed Mary of the same place and curate of the parish church of Ugny in the diocese of Toul, of the age of thirty-eight years or thereabouts, produced as thirty-third witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind; sworn and examined in the city of Toul in the aforesaid year on Saturday the seventh day of the month of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second and third following articles read through to him, required: he said that he heard it commonly said that the articled Joan was born of Domrémy and of the parish of Blessed Rémy of the same place, and otherwise saw the father and mother of the said Joan come to Vaucouleurs. Nor else does he know of the contents of the said articles.

Upon the fourth following article, beginning Item, whether in her early age, and also upon the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently expounded and read through to him, required: he said that he knows nothing else save that the same Joan came to Vaucouleurs and said that she willed to go to the Dauphin. The witness himself, who at that time was a youth and churchwarden of the said chapel of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs, often saw the same Joan called the Maid come to the said church very devoutly; who in the same church heard matins and masses and much stood praying therein. He said also that he saw her in the crypts or vaults (61) beneath the said church, standing on bended knees before blessed Mary, sometimes with countenance cast down (62) and sometimes with countenance lifted up. He said by his said oath that he believes she was a good and holy daughter. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., and also upon the tenth, eleventh and twelfth following articles diligently read through to him, required: he said by his said oath that of the contents of the same articles he knows nothing.

More he knows not. Cited, he came; nor by love, etc. And it was enjoined upon him, etc.

Jean Jaquard #

Jean Jaquard, son of Jean called Guillemete, of Greux hard by and near the said Domrémy, labourer, of the age of forty-seven years or thereabouts, produced as thirty-fourth witness in this cause of inquisition of this kind in the city of Toul; sworn and examined in the aforesaid year of the Lord 1455 and on Wednesday the eleventh day of the month of February; required by his oath, etc.

To wit, upon the first of the same articles or interrogatories, the article beginning First, of the place of origin, etc., and also upon the second, third, fourth, fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth following articles diligently and successively expounded to him, required: he said by his said oath that the same Joan was born of Domrémy, of Jacques d’Arc and Isabellette, spouses, worthy labourers, and saw the said Joan the Maid many times in the said Domrémy and in the fields; who was a very sweet, good, chaste and prudent daughter, as it seems to him, for she went willingly to church, and specially he saw her go willingly to the church of Blessed Mary of Bermont; she willingly wrought, span, went to the plough and to the threshing of the earth, and sometimes kept the animals, and, as they said, willingly and often confessed, nor did he ever hear any evil said of her; but she was reputed a good and devout daughter. Nor else does he know.

Upon the ninth following article, beginning Item, what the fame holds, etc., required: he said that the maidens and young boys, in summer time on feast days and on the Sunday des Fontaines, are wont to go beneath that tree, sing, eat, dance, and in playing and disporting return to the Fountain of Rannos and drink of the water; and he believes the said Joan went with the other maidens. Nor otherwise would he properly know to depose.

Upon the tenth following article, beginning Item, let inquiry be made, etc., required: he said that he knows nothing save by hearsay.

Upon the eleventh of the now said articles or interrogatories, the article beginning Item, whether in the said country, etc., required: he said that he saw Nicolas called Bailly of Andelot and Guiot, the serjeant, with certain others in the said town of Domrémy, who made an information upon the fact of the Maid, as was said; yet, as it seems to him, they constrained none. He said that, as he believes, in the said information were examined Jean Morelli, Jean Guillemete his father, Jean Colin, living (63), and the late Jean Munnequin of Greux, and more. And this done, the said commissioners warily departed for fear of those of Vaucouleurs. The same witness said that he believes the said information or inquisition was made at the request of the Bailiff of Chaumont, holding the party of the English and Burgundians. Nor otherwise did he depose.

Upon the twelfth article, beginning Item, whether when, etc., required: by his oath he said that, at the articled time, all the inhabitants of both towns (64) were in Neufchâteau, and the said Joan, as he saw, led the animals of her father and mother, and afterwards they returned, and the same Joan returned with her father and mother and the others. Nor else does he know.

More he knows not; cited, he came; nor by love nor by hatred, prayer, price, favour or fear did he depose this. And it was enjoined upon him in form, as the custom is, etc.

So signed: So it is found. D. Dominici.

There follows the tenor of the relation of the venerable and circumspect men Masters Reginald de Chichery, dean of the church or chapel of Saint Mary of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, and Walterin Thieric, canon of the church of Toul, Commissioners for the making of the above-written inquest, sealed with their seals in green wax.

To the most reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, etc. Reginald de Chichery, dean of the church or chapel of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs in the diocese of Toul, and Walterin Thieric, canon of the church of Toul, priests, subdelegated Commissioners by you and through you to examine witnesses in the place and country of origin of the deceased Joan, commonly called the Maid, by virtue of your letters of commission, and upon the articles or interrogatories annexed to the same letters, deputed and commissioned, due reverence with honour and obedience to your mandates. Let your most reverend circumspection know, and let all and each know whom it concerns or may or shall be able to concern howsoever in the future, that we received with such reverence as was meet your letters of commission, sealed and signed with your three seals, two round and one long, to wit of red wax with pendent parchment tails, and with the two manual signets of the certain Comitis and Ferrebouc, notaries, together with the articles or interrogatories for the informations to be made in the country of origin of the same deceased Joan called the Maid, annexed to the same your letters of commission in the midst of the tail of the seal, utterly lacking and void, as appeared at first sight, of all vice and suspicion — presented to us by the venerable man Jean Dalye, secular provost of Vaucouleurs of the same diocese of Toul, before a notary and witnesses, in the year from the nativity of the Lord 1455 and on the twenty-sixth day of the month of January, as lawfully appears in a certain public instrument placed in the roll designated below, signed and subscribed with the public sign and subscription of the discreet man Master Jean André, public notary. Which your letters of commission, as is premised, being presented to us and by us, as was meet, received, we deputed and commissioned our faithful man, the discreet man Dominique Dominici, clerk of Toul, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and sworn of the ecclesiastical courts of Toul, to cite before us all the witnesses whom the same Jean Dalie the provost should will to produce, and to be examined together with us, and faithfully to put in writing, together with your said letters of commission and the aforesaid articles or interrogatories, and to put into public form or cause to be put and put into writing; in the presence of the discreet men the lords Jean le Fumeux of Vaucouleurs, of Ugny, and Pierre de Fisciolis, of Marcey-sur-Voix, rectors of parish churches and priest canons of the church of Blessed Mary of Vaucouleurs aforesaid, witnesses chosen by us to this end. And then to the town of Domrémy in the diocese of Toul, afterwards to the town of Vaucouleurs of the same diocese, together with the said Dominique, notary, and the forenamed witnesses, we went, and lastly in the city of Toul, by virtue of your letters of commission, we admitted all and each of the witnesses cited before us and whom the same noble man Jean Dalye, provost of Vaucouleurs, willed to produce; them, as regards the act of swearing and deposing, if and so far as they needed, we absolved; and moreover we received the oaths from them and each of them, made at and upon the holy Gospels of God by them and each of them in our hands bodily, of speaking and deposing the truth, in the presence of the same witnesses and notary; and the same Dominique, notary, examined them and each of the witnesses severally, according to and following the articles or interrogatories directed, annexed and annexing to the same your letters of commission, as is premised, and faithfully put in writing; and, the sayings and depositions of the same witnesses all and each being written in the form of fifty-eight single leaves and a half of parchment, signed with the manual sign of the same notary at the end of the deposition of each witness and of each margin of the leaf, put into writing and collated, we commanded and mandated that the same, in the year and day of the date of the presents, be made and closed in a roll by the same Dominique, notary, to be sent back to you in the accustomed form. Which roll indeed, containing in itself your letters of commission and the aforesaid articles or interrogatories and the things aforesaid, together with the depositions and sayings of the said witnesses produced, sworn and examined before us, as is premised, put into writing as aforesaid, and the present our letters sealed with our seal of Reginald de Chichery the aforesaid dean and of the venerable men the lords Dean and Chapter of the aforesaid church of Toul in our stead, of Walterin Thieric aforesaid canon of the said church of Toul; sealed and signed with the public sign and subscription of the said Dominique, notary of this inquisition, and your letters of commission annexed and enclosed, closed and bound and sealed with the same seals, we send back to you. And these things by the present our letters of remission annexed to the same your letters of commission, sealed with the seal of our Dean and of the venerable men the lords Dean and Chapter of the church of Toul aforesaid, to your most reverend circumspections and to all and each of the others whom it concerns or shall be able to concern howsoever in the future, to all force, ends and juridical effects, we intimate and notify. Given and done at Toul in the house of habitation of us, Walterin Thieric, the aforesaid canon and subdelegated commissioner; in the year of the Incarnation of the Lord 1455, the fourth indiction, on Friday the thirteenth day of the month of February, at the fourth hour after midday of the same day; in the first year of the pontificate of the most holy father and lord in Christ, our lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the Third. Present in the said remission the aforesaid Jean le Fumeux and Pierre de Fisciolis, the aforesaid canons and curates, and also the lord Jean Le Grain of Neufchâteau in the diocese of Toul and Master Philippe Gépille, rector of the schools of the church of Toul, master of arts, witnesses specially called and bidden to the premises.

And I Dominique Dominici, clerk of Toul, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and sworn of the ecclesiastical courts of Toul, forasmuch as I was present at the production, swearing, reception and examination of the witnesses of this inquisition and at all and each of the other premises whilst, as is premised, they were done, said and made by the said lords Reginald de Chichery, dean, and Walterin, canon of Toul, the aforesaid subdelegated commissioners, and before the same, together with the forenamed witnesses, and saw and heard them so done; and the sayings and depositions of the witnesses produced, sworn and examined before the same lords subdelegated I put into writing; and the present letters, annexed to your letters of commission, lords principal Commissioners, and the gross of the sayings and depositions of the same witnesses faithfully written by the hand of another, I being hindered by other arduous affairs, yet the same sayings and depositions duly collated with the same lords and witnesses and, by me, as is premised, by mandate of the said lords subdelegated Commissioners, signed with my manual sign, the same present letters of remission I made, by mandate of the same lords subdelegated Commissioners, and signed with my public sign and subscription which I use in such matters, here subscribing myself with my own hand, together with the appension of the seals of the same lords the Dean and of the venerable men the lords Dean and Chapter of the church of Toul aforesaid, in witness, strength and testimony of all and each of the premises, required and bidden. So signed: D. Dominici.

(21) Sionne, near Neufchâteau.

(22) Dean of the christianity.

(23) Ut, in manuscript 5970.

(24) This name of Thiesselin is still read on a tomb in the church of Domrémy: Here lieth Jacob Thiesselin who passed away in the year one thousand four hundred four score and three, the fifteenth day of November, and Didier Thiesselin his brother who passed away in the year one thousand four hundred… Jollois, Hist. abrégée de Jeanne d’Arc, p. 131.

(25) Tandem, in the manuscripts.

(26) Martigny-les-Gerbonveaux, near Neufchâteau.

(27) The answer upon the ninth article is omitted in the manuscripts.

(28) Thévenin called le Royer, that is the Cartwright, by reason of his craft, a native of Chermisey, which is a village neighbouring on Neufchâteau. Other witnesses call him Stephanus Rotarius (p. 388), Theveninus Carpentarius (p. 410).

(29) Amance, near Nancy.

(30) So. Read rather de Roze. See pp. 397, 410 and 422.

(31) See below, p. 413.

(32) Marguillier.

(33) Manuscripts 5970 and d’Urfé, lanas.

(34) See above, p. 397.

(35) The answer to the ninth article is wanting in the manuscripts.

(36) So; doubtless de Syonna. See p. 401.

(37) Gérardin d’Épinal. Gérardin is the name of the proprietor who, in 1818, ceded to the department of the Vosges the house in which Joan of Arc was born.

(38) So: read solatabar, in French soulaciait, comforted.

(39) Zabillet, in the speech of the country.

(40) Translate: Aux-Loges-les-Dames. The examples of lobia or laubia alleged by Du Cange all come back to the sense of portico or covered place, and it is the meaning that Wachter attributes to the Germanic root laub, whence laube, a covert in a forest. Our word loge comes from it and had originally the same signification.

(41) Manuscript 5970, revelatum. Relever signified to assist a woman in childbed.

(42) Frebécourt, a hamlet neighbouring on Domrémy.

(43) Brixey-aux-Chanoines, near Vaucouleurs.

(44) The manuscripts, jovis.

(45) In French: Je suis venue cy à chambre de roy; that is, into a royal town depending on the King without means.

(46) In this time there was already question of wedding the son of Charles VII to Margaret of Scotland.

(47) The Sunday des Bures, the first Sunday of Lent, 13 February 1429.

(48) In the d’Urfé manuscript, Lebuin or Levain.

(49) In the Notre-Dame manuscript, Compeynm, an ill reading. Coussey is to the south and Vaucouleurs to the north of Domrémy.

(50) Geoffroy du Fay.

(51) The two Bureys are today called Burey-en-Vaux and Burey-la-Côte; it is probably Burey-en-Vaux, nearer to Vaucouleurs, which was formerly called Burey le Petit.

(52) A copyist’s error. Durand Laxart had not to conduct his niece to Vaucouleurs, since she was there. Read eam adduxit ad Sanctum-Nicolaum. The interview with the Duke of Lorraine, which took place at Nancy, according to the Chronicle of Lorraine, and the deposition of the wife of Henri le Royer, establish this correction peremptorily. (See the Histoire de Lorraine of D. Calmet, Preuves, vol. III, col. 6; and below, p. 447.)

(53) Two leagues from Nancy. This place was famous for its pilgrimages, but situated precisely opposite to the road to France. One cannot conceive that Durand Laxart took this way to lead the Maid to Charles VII. He himself nevertheless says it so (p. 444), and there is only Bertrand de Poulengy who deposes (below, p. 467) that this detour had devotion for its object.

(54) Aubert d’Ourches. Ourches is a village neighbouring on Commercy; today in the canton of Void, department of the Meuse.

(55) See, on this Brother Richard, the note in vol. I, p. 95.

(56) So for Du Lys. See p. 387.

(57) Charmis, in the Notre-Dame manuscript.

(58) Or simply male? Nevertheless non male is understood, because, speaking from the French point of view, the witness could say that his fault, in the mind of the enemies, was to have not ill made the information.

(59) This date carries us back to the year 1428.

(60) Gondrecourt-le-Château, near Commercy (Meuse).

(61) In the manuscripts, in captis sive votis, a vicious spelling. The French equivalent of capsa is châsse, and it is very likely by this name that the cradle-vaults of the subterranean chapels were called in the country.

(62) The manuscripts, praecipue.

(63) Jean Moreau and Jean Colin say, in their deposition, that they know nothing of this inquest. See pp. 392 and 434. Jean Guillemete was not interrogated.

(64) Domrémy and Greux.

(1) In her own parts she was called Johanneta, it is said in the first interrogatory of the Maid. See vol. I, p. 2.

(2) The Lorrains thus pronounced the name of du Lys, which had been granted by ennoblement to the members of the family of Arc.

(3) Maxey-sur-Vaise, near Vaucouleurs, department of the Meuse.

(4) Ugny, near Vaucouleurs.

(5) Jacques, or, according to the usage of the country, Jacob d’Arc, was a native of Séfond near Montierender, according to Edmond Richer. (Manuscript Hist. of the Maid of Orléans, book I, fol. 8, Bibliothèque du Roi, Fontanieu, P. 286.) A Memoir, printed in 1610 by the family of du Lys, makes him a native of Sarmaize near Vitry-le-Français. These two works agree in saying that he died of grief at the unhappy end of his daughter, as did her elder son Jacquemin d’Arc.

(6) Alias Estellini. See p. 305.

(7) Situated halfway down the slope between the plateau of Beaumont or Belmont and the Meuse, above the old road from Domrémy to Neufchâteau. There was still to be seen there, not more than thirty years ago, a very ancient chapel which has since fallen in. In 1835 a proprietor of the country undertook to repair it. In the rubbish there was found the epitaph of a hermit who died in 1583, wooden statuettes and a bell. See, on the subject of these excavations, an article by M. Vallet de Viriville in the Echo du Monde savant, 11 December 1859.

(8) See what has been said of this tree in the Trial of Condemnation, vol. I, p. 67. In 1625 Edmond Richer, an eyewitness, wrote: The branches of this beech are all round and give a fine great shade to shelter beneath, almost as one would under the cover of a room. And this tree must be at least three hundred years old, which is a marvel of nature. This tree exists no more, but the memory of it has been preserved in the country. The oldest folk of Domrémy still recall having heard it said that it was torn up by an inhabitant named Soudart. (Edmond Richer, Hist. de la Pucelle d’Orléans, Fontanieu manuscript no. P. 286, at the Bibliothèque du Roi. — Jollois, Hist. abrégée de Jeanne d’Arc, p. 164.)

(9) The Sunday of Laetare, called in the country Dimanche des Fontaines.

(10) Today the Fontaine des Groseillers, beside Domrémy, upstream on the left bank of the Meuse. Nothing has been preserved in the tradition of the country which could give any light upon the ancient denomination of this fountain. Ad Rannos is perhaps the equivalent of Aux-Rains, which would give ground for supposing that the spring was surrounded by a grove.

(11) See vol. I, p. 51.

(12) The last witness heard in the present inquest nevertheless names Jean Moreau as one of those who were interrogated by the delegated commissioners in 1430. See below the deposition of Jean Jaquard.

(13) Military movements took place in 1428 in the Barrois. The chroniclers say nothing of them, but it is seen by a piece of the Trésor des Chartes, in the Archives of the Kingdom (K. cart. C9, no. 43), that Henry VI then committed to messire Antoine de Vergy, lord of Champlitte and governor of the countries and county of Champagne and Brie, the bringing of the town and castle of Vaucouleurs into his obedience (22 June 1428). It is doubtless to this circumstance that the emigration of the inhabitants of Domrémy relates.

(14) The formula is thus abridged in the manuscripts.

(15) Montiers-sur-Saulx, Meuse, arrondissement of Bar-le-Duc.

(16) The formula as above, pp. 387–388.

(17) The manuscripts, præsentes.

(18) Surnamed further on Rose, de Roze, de Raye. Pp. 408, 419, 422.

(19) Doubtless the father of Pierre de Bourlémont, named several times in the two trials. See vol. I, p. 67, and below, p. 407.

(20) Coussey, near Neufchâteau.

III. Inquest Made at Orléans #

Likewise there follows the inquest made at Orléans by the lord archbishop of Reims, of and upon the contents of the first, second, third, fourth and fifth articles of the articles produced in this cause, the others being omitted for the sake of brevity, since the witnesses knew to depose nothing of and upon the others.

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, one of the judges commissioned by our most holy lord the pope Calixtus, together with our colleagues in this part, with that clause: So far as you or two or one of you, etc., of certain causes of nullity of the proceedings and sentences formerly made and rendered by the late lords Pierre Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Lemaître, inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, at the instance of a certain Master Guillaume d’Estivet, promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, against the late Joan d’Arc, commonly called the Maid, and of the purgation of the same: we certify and in truth attest that, as well by vigour of the articles admitted for proof on the part of Isabelle the mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the said Joan, plaintiffs in this cause, as of our office and to examine all manner of truth of and upon the contents of the articles produced and admitted for proof in this cause, we proceeded to the examination of certain witnesses personally cited by our mandate and produced on the part of the said Isabelle, Pierre and Jean, sworn and examined by us and through us, and by way of precaution absolved as regards the act of deposing, with the express consent of the promoter of the court of Beauvais, and caused their sayings and depositions to be put into writing by our beloved Master Guillaume Delasalle, public notary, in the manner and form declared below.

The lord Count of Dunois #

And first, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the twenty-second day of February, on the part of the aforesaid Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, there was produced, received, sworn and examined before us, and absolved as regards the act of deposing, the lord Jean, Count of Dunois (1), who deposed upon the articles as upon the interrogatories in the manner which follows, in the presence of Masters Guillaume Bouillé, dean of Noyon, and Jean Patin, sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology.

Upon the fourth and eighth articles, and upon the seventh interrogatory of the promoter, of the coming to the king, of the manner of life of the said Joan with the men-at-arms and in the deeds of war, likewise of the devotion, piety and other virtues of the same, the other things being omitted of the will of the producer, the most illustrious prince the lord Jean, count of Dunois and of Longueville, general lieutenant of our lord the king in the fact of war, of the age of fifty-one years or thereabouts:

Interrogated whether he in likelihood believes the same Joan was sent by God to exercise warlike deeds rather than by human industry: he answers that he believes the same Joan was sent by God and that her deeds in war were rather by divine inspiration than by human spirit.

Interrogated what moves him: he says that on account of many conjectures which follow. And first, he asserts that, he being in the city of Orléans then besieged by the English, there came news or rumours that through the town of Gien there had passed a certain young girl, commonly called the Maid, asserting that she was going to the noble Dauphin to raise the siege of Orléans and to conduct the same Dauphin to Reims to be consecrated; and because the said deposing lord had the keeping of the said city and was general lieutenant in the fact of war, that he might be more fully informed of the fact of that Maid, he sent to the king the lord de Villars, seneschal of Beaucaire, and Jamet de Tillay (2), who was afterwards bailiff of Vermandois; who returning from the king reported to the deposing lord and said publicly, in the presence of all the people of Orléans much desiring to know the truth of the coming of the same Maid, that they had seen the same Maid arrive at the king’s, in the town of Chinon. They said also that the king at first would not receive her, nay the said Maid waited for the space of two days before she was permitted to come to the presence of the same king, although the Maid perseveringly said that she came to raise the siege of Orléans and to conduct the said noble Dauphin to Reims to be consecrated; instantly requiring a company of men, horses and arms. And after the space of three weeks or a month had passed, during which time the king had commanded the said Maid to be examined by clerks, prelates and doctors of theology upon her sayings and deeds, to know whether he could safely receive her, the king caused a multitude of men-at-arms to be gathered to conduct victuals to the said city of Orléans; but having heard the opinion of the said prelates and doctors, to wit that there was no evil in the said Maid, he sent her in the company of the lord archbishop of Reims, then chancellor of France (3), and of the lord de Gaucourt, now grand master of the king’s household (4), to the town of Blois, whither came the lords who were conducting the victuals, to wit the lords de Rais (5) and de Boussac, marshals of France, with whom were the lord de Culant (6), admiral of France, La Hire, and the lord Ambroise de Loré, afterwards made provost of Paris (7); who all together, with the men-at-arms conducting the victuals, and Joan the Maid, came on the side of the Sologne, in ordered array, as far as the bank of the Loire opposite, and as far as beside the church called Saint-Loup (8), in which were many English and strong; and because the king’s army, or the men-at-arms conducting these victuals, seemed to the said deposing lord and the other lords captains not sufficient to resist and conduct the same victuals into the city, nay especially because it was needful to have ships or boats, which they could have with difficulty, to go and seek the said victuals, for it was necessary to go up against the current of the water, and the wind was altogether contrary, then the same Joan spoke the words which follow: Are you the Bastard of Orléans? Who answered: So I am, and I rejoice at your coming. Then she said to the same deposing lord: Is it you who gave the counsel that I should come hither, on this side of the bank, and that I did not go straight across where Talbot (9) and the English were? Who deposing answered that he and others wiser had given that counsel, believing to do better and more surely. Then the same Joan said in this wise: En nom Dieu, the counsel of God our Lord is surer and wiser than yours. You believed to deceive me, and you deceive yourselves the more, for I bring you a better succour than ever came to any man-at-arms or city, for it is succour from the King of heaven. Yet it proceeds not for love of me, but from God himself, who, at the request of Saint Louis and Saint Charlemagne, had pity on the town of Orléans, and would not suffer that the enemies should have the body of the lord of Orléans and his town. And moreover the said deposing lord says that immediately, and as it were in a moment, the wind, which was contrary and greatly hindered the ships in which were the victuals for the city of Orléans from going up, was changed and made favourable to them; wherefore the sails were straightway stretched, and the said deposing lord entered the boats or ships, and with him Brother Nicolas de Geresme, now grand prior of France (10); and they passed beyond the church of Saint-Loup, in despite of the English. From that time the said deposing lord had good hope in her, and more than before, and then besought her that she would will to cross the river Loire and enter the town of Orléans, where she was most greatly desired. At which thing she made difficulty, saying that she would not leave her people or men-at-arms, who were well confessed, penitent and of good will, and therefore refused to come. The said deposing lord went to the captains of the war who had the charge of conducting the said men-at-arms, whom he besought and required that, for the king’s behoof, they would will to be content that the said Joan should enter the city of Orléans, and that the captains themselves with their company should go to Blois, where they would cross the Loire to come to Orléans, for elsewhere no nearer passage was found; which request the said captains received, and consented to cross at Blois; and then the same Joan came with the said deposing lord, bearing in her hand her banner, which was white, and on which was the figure of Our Lord holding a fleur-de-lis in his hand; and La Hire crossed the river Loire with her, and they entered together into the town of Orléans. From which things now recited it seems to the said deposing lord that the said Joan and her deeds in the warlike host were rather of God than of man, having regard to the sudden change of the wind after she spoke giving hope of succour, and to the bringing in of the victuals in despite of the English, who were far stronger than the king’s army; considering moreover that that young girl asserted that she had had in vision that Saint Louis and Charlemagne prayed God for the salvation of the king and of that city.

Item, by another conjecture he believes her deeds to be of God: for the said deposing lord, when he willed to go and seek the men-at-arms who were crossing at Blois to give aid to those of the aforesaid city, the same Joan would scarce wait and give consent to the same deposing lord to go to them; nay she willed to summon the English besieging that city before they should intend to raise the siege, or to give them assault; which also she did, for she summoned the said English by a letter made in her mother tongue, in words right simple, containing in substance that the English should will to depart from the siege and go to the realm of England; else she would give them so great an assault that they would be constrained to depart. And the said letters were sent to the lord Talbot; and from that hour the lord who deposes asserts that the English, who before in the number of two hundred routed eight hundred or a thousand of the king’s army, thereafter four hundred or five hundred men-at-arms or fighters fought in conflict as it were against the whole power of the English, and so constrained the English being in the siege sometimes that they durst not come out of their refuges and bastilles.

Item, by another conjecture he believes her deeds to be of God, because on the twenty-seventh day of May, right early, while the assault was begun against the adversaries being within the boulevard of the Bridge, the said Joan was wounded by an arrow which penetrated her flesh between the neck and the shoulders by half a foot. Nevertheless, notwithstanding this, she ceased not from the conflict, nor took medicine against the wound; and the assault lasted from the morning hour until the eighth hour of evening, so that there was as it were no hope of victory that day: wherefore the said deposing lord busied himself and willed that the army should be withdrawn to the city. And then the said Maid came to him and required that he should yet wait a little, and she from that hour mounted her horse and retired alone into a vineyard, somewhat far from the throng of men; in which vineyard she was in prayer for the space of as it were half a quarter of an hour; and she, returning from that place, straightway took her banner in her hands and set herself upon the edge of the ditch, and instantly, she being there, the English trembled and were made afraid; but the king’s men-at-arms took heart again and began to mount, giving assault against the boulevard, finding no resistance whatsoever; and then the said boulevard was taken, and the English being in it were turned to flight; and all died. And among other things the said deposing lord says that Glasdale (11) and the other principal captains of the English of the said bastille, believing to withdraw into the tower of the Bridge of Orléans, fell into the river and were drowned. And this Glasdale had been he who most injuriously and with the greatest ignominy or contumely spoke of the said Maid. And the bastille being taken, the said deposing lord and the Maid returned with the other French into the city of Orléans, in which they were received with immense joy and pity; and the same Joan was led to her lodging that her wound might be dressed. Which dressing being made by the surgeon, she took her refreshment, taking four or five sops (12) in wine mixed with much water, nor took she other food or drink the whole day. And on the morrow, at earliest morn, the English came out of their tents and ordered themselves in array to fight. Which being seen, the said Maid arose from her bed and armed herself only with a coat, in French jasseran (13); yet she willed not then that any should attack the said English, nor that anything should be sought from them; but that they should be suffered to depart; as also in fact they departed, none then pursuing them. From which hour the said town was delivered from the enemy.

Item, the deposing lord says that, after the siege of the town of Orléans, the said Maid, with the said deposing lord and the other captains of the war, went to the king being in the Castle of Loches, to require him that he should send men-at-arms to recover the castles and towns situated upon the river Loire, to wit Mehun, Beaugency and Jargeau, to the end that he might the more freely and surely proceed further to his consecration at Reims; of which thing she most instantly and frequently urged the king that he should make haste and delay no more. Then the king used all possible diligence and sent the duke of Alençon, the said deposing lord and the other captains with the said Joan for the recovery of the said towns and castles; which towns and castles were in fact reduced to the king’s obedience within a few days, by means of the same Maid, as the said deposing lord believes, interrogated and examined upon this.

Item, the said lord deposes, interrogated upon this, that, after the deliverance of the town of Orléans from the siege of the English, the English gathered a great army of men-at-arms to defend the aforesaid towns and castles which they held. The siege being before the castle and bridge of Beaugency, the army of the English arrived at the castle of Mehun-sur-Loire, which was still in the obedience of the English; but because the English could not then succour those English who were besieged in the Castle of Beaugency, after it came to their knowledge that the said castle was taken and reduced to the king’s obedience, the said English set themselves and united in one army, suchwise that the French believed those English willed to offer the day for battle; wherefore also the French ordered their army and disposed themselves in battle to await the said English. Then the lord duke of Alençon, in the presence of the lord constable (14), of the said deposing lord and of many others, asked of the said Joan what he ought to do. But she answered the aforesaid lord aloud thus: Have all of you good spurs. Which heard, the assistants asked the same Joan: What say you? Shall we then turn our backs? Then the same Joan answered: No; but it shall be the English who shall not defend themselves but be vanquished, and you shall have need of spurs to run after them. As also it was, for they fled, and there were, both dead and captive, more than four thousand.

Item, the said lord deposes that he well remembers, and it is true, that, the king being in the castle of Loches, the said deposing lord and the Maid went to him after the raising of the siege of Orléans, and while the king was in his privy chamber, in French de retraict, in which were with him the lord Christophe de Harcourt (15), the bishop of Castres, the same king’s confessor (16), and the lord de Trêves (17), who had formerly been chancellor of France, the said Maid, before she entered the chamber, knocked at the door, and as soon as she entered she set herself on her knees and embraced the king’s legs, saying such or like words: Noble Dauphin, hold no more so many and so prolix councils; but come as soon as may be to Reims, to take the crown you deserve. And then the aforesaid lord Christophe de Harcourt, speaking with her, asked whether her counsel told her these things; but the same Joan answered: yes, that she was greatly urged in this matter. And then the aforesaid Christophe said to the same Joan: Would you not will to tell here, in the presence of the king, the manner of your counsel, when it speaks to you? To whom she answered, blushing: I conceive, she said, well enough that which you will to know, and I shall willingly tell you. To which Joan the king said: Joan, may it well please you to declare that which he asks, in the presence of those assisting here. And she answered the king that yes; and said such or like words: that, when she was displeased in any wise, because she was not readily believed in those things which she said on God’s part, she withdrew aside and prayed God, complaining to him because they to whom she spoke did not readily believe her; and her prayer made to God, then she heard a voice saying to her: Fille Dé, va, va, va, je serai à ton aide, va — Daughter of God, go, go, go, I shall be at thy aid, go; and when she heard the said voice she greatly rejoiced, nay she desired to be ever in that state; and, which is stronger, in reciting such words of her voices she exulted in a marvellous wise, lifting her eyes to heaven.

Item, the said deposing lord said and remembers, interrogated, that, after the aforesaid victories, the lords of the king’s blood and the captains willed that the king should go to Normandy and not to Reims; but the said Maid was ever of the opinion that they must go to Reims to consecrate the king, and added the reason of her opinion, saying that, when the king should be crowned and consecrated, the power of the adversaries would ever diminish, nor could they finally hurt him or the realm. To which opinion all consented. And the first place where the king stayed and fixed his stage with his army was before the city of Troyes; being where, and holding council with the lords of his blood and the other captains of war, to advise whether he should stay before the said city and lay siege to take it, or whether it were expedient to pass beyond, going straight to Reims and leaving the city of Troyes; and the said council of the king being divided into divers opinions, and they doubting which were more useful, the said Maid came and entered the council, saying such or like words: Noble Dauphin, command your people to come straightway and besiege the town of Troyes, and draw out no more longer councils, for, in God’s name, within three days I shall bring you into the city of Troyes, by love or by power or by force, and false Burgundy shall be much astonished. And then the said Maid straightway passed over with the king’s army and fixed her tents beside the ditches, and made marvellous diligences such as even two or three of the most used and most famous men of arms would not have made; and so she laboured in that night that, on the morrow, the bishop (18) and the citizens of that city gave obedience to the king, trembling and quaking, so that afterwards it was found that, from the time when she gave counsel to the king not to depart from the city, the citizens themselves lost heart nor sought aught save refuge and to flee to the churches. And that city being reduced to the king’s obedience, the king went to Reims, where he found all obedience, and was there consecrated and crowned.

Item, interrogated, the same deposing lord, of the life and manner of life of the same Maid: he deposes that she had this custom, at the hour of vespers or twilight every day, that she withdrew to church and caused the bells to be rung for as it were half an hour, and gathered the Mendicant Religious who followed the king’s army, and at that hour set herself in prayer, and caused to be chanted by those Mendicant Friars an antiphon of the blessed Virgin Mother of God.

The said deposing lord says further upon this, interrogated, that, the king coming to La Ferté and to Crépy-en-Valois (19), the people came to meet the king, exulting and crying Noël! Then the same Maid, riding between the archbishop of Reims and the said deposing lord, said the words which follow: Behold a good people; never saw I any other people who rejoiced so much at the coming of so noble a king. And would that I were so happy, when I shall end my days, that I might be buried in this land! Which heard, the aforesaid lord archbishop said: O Joan, in what place have you hope of dying? To which she answered: Where it shall please God, for I am not certain, neither of the time nor of the place, more than you know; and would that it pleased God, my creator, that I now departed, laying down arms, and went to serve my father and mother in keeping their sheep, with my sister and brothers, who would much rejoice to see me.

Item, interrogated, the said lord, of the life, virtues and manner of life of the same Joan among the men-at-arms: he says and deposes that, for sobriety, she was surpassed by no living person; and the said deposing lord many times heard from the lord Jean d’Olon, knight, now seneschal of Beaucaire, whom the king had set and appointed as it were for her keeping, as a knight wiser and commended for probity, in the company of the said Maid, that he believes not that any woman was more chaste than the same Maid was. Moreover the said deposing lord affirms that likewise he and the others, when they were in the company of the same Maid, had no will or desire of communicating or having company of woman; and it seems to the deposing lord that it was a thing as it were divine.

He says lastly that, fifteen days after the time when the lord count of Suffolk (20) was made his prisoner in the taking of Jargeau, there was sent to the said count of Suffolk a paper schedule in which were contained four verses making mention that a Maid is to come from the Bois-Chanu and would ride upon the backs of the archers (21), and against them.

Lastly among other things the said deposing lord says, interrogated upon this, that, albeit the said Joan sometimes spoke jestingly of the fact of arms to animate the men-at-arms, of many things pertaining to the war which perchance were not brought to effect; yet when she spoke earnestly of the war, of her fact and her vocation, she never affirmed aught save that she was sent to raise the siege of Orléans and succour the people oppressed in the same city and the surrounding places, and to conduct the king to Reims to consecrate the same king.

The lord Raoul de Gaucourt #

In the year as above, on the twenty-fifth day of the month of February, the noble and powerful man the lord Jean de Gaucourt (22), knight, grand master of the king’s household, of the age of eighty-five years or thereabouts, a witness produced, interrogated and examined upon the same articles.

He says and affirms that he was present in the Castle or town of Chinon when the same Maid came, and saw her when she presented herself in the sight of the royal majesty with great humility and simplicity, a poor little shepherdess, and heard the following words, which she said to the same king in this wise: Most illustrious lord Dauphin, I come and am sent on God’s part, to give aid to you and to the realm. And then the king, having seen and heard her, that he might be more fully informed of her state, commanded her to be given into the keeping of Guillaume Bellier, master of his house, bailiff of Troyes (23) and lieutenant of the said deposing lord at Chinon, whose Bellier’s wife was a woman of great devotion and most commended fame; and the king moreover commanded that the said Joan should be visited by clerks, prelates and doctors, to know whether he ought or could lawfully give faith to the sayings of the aforesaid Joan: as also was done, for her sayings and deeds were examined by the same clerks for the space and time of three weeks and more, both at Poitiers and at Chinon. Which clerks at length, due examination made, said that there was no evil in her nor in her sayings; and lastly, after many interrogatories made to the same Joan the Maid, it was sought from her what sign she would show for the believing of her sayings. Then she answered that the sign which she would show them was the raising of the siege and the succour of the town of Orléans. And then she departed from the king and went to Blois, where she first armed herself, to conduct victuals to Orléans and succour the inhabitants in it.

The said deposing lord says further upon this, interrogated, conformably to the lord de Dunois, of the change of the contrary wind and of the manner of putting the victuals into the city. He adds further that she moreover expressly foretold that in a brief space the weather and the wind would change; as also was done straightway after her saying. Likewise she foretold that the victuals would be freely brought into the city.

And the said deposing lord concords with the aforesaid lord de Dunois in the taking of the bastille and in the raising of the siege and the driving out of the adversaries.

All the rest he deposes in the manner and form as the said lord de Dunois, concerning the deliverance of that town and city of Orléans and the taking of the castles and towns, of which mention has been made, being upon the river Loire.

Likewise in all things he concords in those which concern the king’s passage to his consecration to be made at Reims.

Item, interrogated of the life and morals of the same Joan: he says and answers that the aforesaid Joan was sober in drink and food, nor issued from her mouth aught save good words serving to edification and good example; and she was most chaste, nor did he ever know that a man conversed with her by night; nay she ever had by night a woman with her lying in her chamber. She confessed often; she gave herself to prayer assiduously; she heard mass daily and frequently received the sacrament of the Eucharist, nor suffered in her company ugly words to be uttered, nor blasphemies; nay such things she detested in deeds and in sayings. Nor else does he know.

Master François Garivel #

In the year above described, on the seventh day of the month of March, the noble man Master François Garivel, general councillor of our lord the king upon the fact of the justice of the subsidies, of the age of forty years or thereabouts.

And first, upon the said articles, he says that he remembers that, at the time of the coming of the said Joan the Maid, the king sent her to Poitiers, and she was lodged in the house of the late Master Jean Rabatiau (24), then the king’s advocate in Parliament; and in that city of Poitiers, by the king’s ordinance, there were deputed solemn doctors and masters, to wit the lord Pierre de Versailles (25), then abbot of Tallemont, afterwards bishop of Meaux; Jean Lambert; Guillaume Aimeri, of the order of Preaching Friars; Pierre Seguin, of the order of Carmelite Friars, doctors in the sacred page; Mathieu Mesnaige, Guillaume Le Marié, bachelors in theology, together with many other councillors of the king, licentiates in both laws, who many and repeated times, and as it were for the space of three weeks, examined the said Joan, visiting and considering her sayings and deeds; but finally, her state and her answers being considered, they said that the same Maid was a simple girl who, interrogated by them, persevered in this answer, to wit that she was sent on the part of the God of heaven in favour of the noble Dauphin, to restore him into his realm, to raise the siege of Orléans and to conduct him to Reims to be consecrated; but it was first needful that she should summon and write to the English that they should depart, and that it was the will of God.

The same deposing lord says moreover, interrogated upon this, that, when it was asked of the same Joan why she called the king Dauphin and not by the name of king: she answered that she would not call him king until he should be crowned and consecrated at Reims, to which city she intended to lead him. Further, it was said by the said clerks to the same Joan that she ought to show a sign whereby it might be believed of her that she was sent on God’s part; but she answered them that the sign given her by God was to raise the siege of Orléans, and that she doubted not but that it would so come to pass, if the king would give her ever so small a company of men-at-arms.

The said deposing lord says further that she was a simple shepherdess, supremely loving God, for she confessed often and frequently received the sacrament of the Eucharist. At length, after a long examination made by clerks of divers faculties for a long time, the said deposing lord says that all deliberated and concluded that the king could lawfully receive her, and that he should lead a company of men-at-arms before the siege of Orléans, for they found nothing in her save the catholic and consonant with all reason. Nor else does he know.

The lord Guillaume de Ricarville #

In the aforesaid year, on the eighth day of the month of March, the noble man Guillaume de Ricarville, temporal lord of Ricarville (26) and master of the king’s household, of the age of sixty years or thereabouts, a witness produced, sworn and examined and interrogated upon the same articles, in the presence of the venerable and discreet men Guillaume Bouillé, professor of sacred theology, and Jean du Mesnil, doctor of laws and official of Beauvais:

He says that, he being within the town of Orléans besieged by the English, with the lord de Dunois and many other captains, there came news that through the town of Gien there had passed a shepherdess called the Maid, whom two or three noble men of the country of Lorraine, from which she drew her origin, were conducting; which Maid said that she was going to raise the siege of Orléans, and that afterwards she would lead the king to Reims to be consecrated, as had been commanded her on God’s part. These things notwithstanding, she was not lightly received at the king’s; nay rather the king himself willed that she should first be examined, and that it be known of her life and state, and whether she ought lawfully to be received. Which Maid, by the king’s command, was examined by many prelates, doctors and clerks, who found her of good life, commended state and laudable fame; nor was there found in her anything for which she ought to be repelled.

Interrogated moreover of the life of the same Maid among the men-at-arms: he says and deposes that she was of most fair life, very sober in drink and food, chaste also, devout, hearing mass daily, and most often confessing her sins, and receiving the holy Eucharist every week with fervent devotion. She rebuked the men-at-arms when they blasphemed the name of God or swore in vain; and when they perpetrated any evils or did violences, she reprehended them. Nor did he who speaks ever perceive that she did anything worthy of reprehension; nay he believes that, having regard to her manner of living and her deeds, she was inspired by God. Nor else does he know.

Master Reginald Thierry #

In the year as above and on the same day, Master Reginald Thierry, dean of the collegiate church of Mehun-sur-Yèvre, the king’s surgeon, of the age of sixty-four years or thereabouts, a witness produced, sworn, examined and interrogated upon the same articles:

He says and deposes that he saw the same Joan at the king’s, in the town of Chinon, and heard from her that which she said, to wit that she was sent by God to the noble Dauphin to raise the siege of Orléans and to lead the king to Reims to be consecrated and crowned.

And of the manner which the king had in receiving her, he deposes as the preceding; likewise of her life, manner of life, devotion and piety. And with this he adds that he saw that, when the town of Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier (27) was taken by assault, where she was, the men-at-arms willed to do violence in the church and to seize the sacred things and other goods deposited there; but the same Joan manfully prohibited and defended, nor ever suffered that anything be seized there. And the deposing lord believes that, having regard to the good life of the same Maid and her laudable manner of life, likewise her deeds and sayings and the fulfilment of the same, of which she truly spoke before they came and which came to pass as she had foretold, she was sent by God. Nor else does he know.

Jean Luillier #

In the aforesaid year, on the sixteenth day of the month of March, in the presence of the venerable men Masters Guillaume Bouillé, dean of Noyon, and Jean Martin, vicar of the inquisitor, of the order of Preaching Friars, professors of sacred theology, and also of Jean Cartier, bachelor in laws: Jean Luillier, the elder (28), burgess of Orléans, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout.

Interrogated of the coming of the same Maid to the town of Orléans: he says that she was much desired by all the inhabitants of the same city on account of the fame or rumour current, for it was said that she had said to the king that she was sent on God’s part to raise the siege laid before the said town; and the citizens themselves and all the inhabitants were set in such necessity by the adversaries holding the said siege that they knew not to whom to have recourse for remedy, save only to God.

Item, interrogated whether he was in the city when she arrived there: he says that yes; and that she was received with such joy and applause by all of both sexes, little and great, as if she had been an Angel of God, because they hoped by means of her to be delivered from such enemies, as also afterwards came to pass.

Item, interrogated what she did in that city after her entry: he says that she exhorted all to hope in the Lord; and, if they had good hope and confidence in God, that they would be delivered from the adversaries. He says moreover that she willed to summon the English besieging the city before she would permit assault to be given to the same adversaries to repel them; and so it was done, for she summoned the same English by a letter containing in substance that the English should will to depart from the siege and go to the realm of England; else they would be constrained to depart by force or violences. He says further that from that hour the English were terrified, nor had so great power of resisting as before; nay few of the said town often fought against a great multitude of the English, and suchwise sometimes constrained the same English being in the siege that they durst not come out of their bastilles.

Item, interrogated of the raising of the siege: he says that in the month of May, on the twenty-seventh day, of the year of the Lord 1429, he well remembers that assault was given against the adversaries being within the boulevard of the Bridge; in which assault it was said that she had been wounded by an arrow; and the same assault lasted from the morning hour until evening, and to such a degree that those of the city willed to withdraw to the city; and then the same Maid came, commanding that they should not depart nor withdraw yet to the city. Which said, she took her banner in her hands and set it upon the edge of the ditch, and instantly, she being there, the English trembled and were made afraid; but the king’s men-at-arms took heart again and began to mount, giving assault against the boulevard, nor found any resistance whatsoever; and then the said boulevard was taken, and the English being in it were turned to flight, and all died. He says moreover that Glasdale and the other principal captains of the English of the said bastille, believing to withdraw into the tower of the bridge of Orléans, fell into the river and were drowned, and, the bastille then taken, all of the king’s party returned into the city of Orléans.

Interrogated further what was done afterwards: he says that on the other day, to wit on the morrow at earliest morn, they came out of their tents and ordered themselves in array to fight, as appeared. Which known and heard, the said Maid arose from her bed and armed herself; but she willed not that any should then attack the said English, nor that aught be sought from them; nay she commanded that they should be suffered to depart; as also in fact they departed, none then pursuing them; and from that hour the said town was delivered from the enemy.

Item, interrogated whether that siege was raised and the city delivered from the enemies by the ministry or means of the same Maid rather than by the power of the men-at-arms: he answers that he, and likewise all of the city, believe that, if the said Maid had not come on God’s part to their aid, they would in short order have been all inhabitants and the city reduced under the dominion and power of the besieging adversaries; nor does he believe the same inhabitants, nor the men-at-arms being in it, could have long resisted against that power of the adversaries who then so prevailed against them.

Jean Hilaire #

On the same day, Jean Hilaire, burgess of Orléans, of the age of sixty-six years or thereabout, sworn, examined and interrogated of the life, morals, virtues and manner of life of the said Joan, deposes as the preceding.

Gilles de Saint-Mesmin #

Gilles de Saint-Mesmin, of the age of seventy-four years or thereabout, burgess of the oft-said town of Orléans, interrogated, etc., deposes as the preceding.

Jacques L’Esbahy #

Jacques L’Esbahy (29), burgess of Orléans, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, deposes as the two immediately preceding, and adds that he remembers that two heralds were sent to Saint-Laurent, of whom one was called Ambleville and the other Guienne, to say to the lords de Talbot, the count of Suffolk and the lord de Scales, at the instance of the said Maid, that those English lords should depart on God’s part and go to England; else it would go ill with them. Then the same English detained one of the heralds, Guienne by name, and sent back the other, to wit Ambleville, to say certain things to the same Joan the Maid; and the same Ambleville reported that the English had detained his fellow Guienne, to wit to burn him. And then the same Joan answered Ambleville, asserting in the name of the Lord that they would do him no evil, and said to the said Ambleville that he should return to the same English boldly, and that they would do him no evil, nay he would bring back his fellow safe and sound: as also he did.

He adds moreover that he saw the same Joan, when she first entered the town of Orléans, that before all things she willed to go to the greater church to exhibit reverence to God her creator. Nor else does he know.

Guillaume Le Charron #

Guillaume Le Charron, burgess of Orléans, of the age of fifty-nine years or thereabout, sworn, etc., deposes as the preceding.

Cosma de Gommy #

Cosma de Gommy, burgess of Orléans, of the age of sixty-four years or thereabout, sworn and examined, to the same. He adds nevertheless that he heard Master Jean Maçon, doctor in both laws most famous, say that the same doctor had many times examined the same Joan of her sayings and deeds, and that he made no doubt that she was sent by God, and that it was a marvellous thing to hear her speak and answer; and that in her life he had never perceived aught save the holy and the good. Nor else does he know.

And the same the aforesaid Gilles de Saint-Mesmin affirms to have heard from the aforesaid Maçon.

Martin de Mauboudet #

Martin de Mauboudet, burgess of Orléans, of the age of sixty-seven years or thereabout, to the same in all things as the preceding.

Jean Violant #

Jean Violant (30) the elder, burgess of Orléans, of the age of seventy years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

Guillaume Postiau #

Guillaume Postiau, burgess of Orléans, of the age of forty-four years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

Denis Roger #

Denis Roger, burgess of Orléans, of the age of seventy years, deposes the same as the preceding.

Jacques de Thou #

Jacques Thou (31), burgess of the aforesaid town, of the age of fifty years, deposes the same as the preceding.

Jean Carrelier #

Jean Carrelier, burgess of Orléans, of the age of forty-four years, the same.

Anian de Saint-Mesmin #

Anian de Saint-Mesmin (32), of the age of eighty-seven years or thereabout, the same.

(1) This illustrious man is sufficiently known. It suffices to recall here that he was created Count of Dunois only on 29 July 1439, and that until then he had no other name than that of Bastard of Orléans.

(2) And better Jamet du Thillay. He was then captain of Blois. (Catalogue of the Joursanvault Archives, t. II, nos. 3170 and following.)

(3) Regnault de Chartres, died a cardinal in 1443.

(4) See below, p. 16.

(5) Gilles de Laval, lord of Rais, Ingrande and Chantocé, famous for the horrible excesses which led him to the stake in 1440.

(6) Louis de Culant.

(7) Died in the exercise of this dignity in 1440. See the singular picture which the Bourgeois de Paris makes of his morals in the year 1440.

(8) Saint-Loup is situated on the right bank of the Loire, above Orléans. For the understanding of what follows, it must be understood that the convoy having halted on the left bank, facing Saint-Loup, boats were fetched from Orléans to cross the river, doubling a great island which divides it at that place, so that to enter the town one turned back by the way of land as far as the gate of Burgundy. See on this subject the excellent dissertation of M. Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, pp. 13 and 74 (in-fol., Paris, 1833).

(9) Jean, seigneur de Talbot and of Fournival, count of Shrewsbury and of Waterford. It is he who was killed at the day of Castillon, 17 July 1453. He had directed the works of the siege of Orléans since the death of the count of Salisbury, and commanded the fort of Saint-Laurent, below the town, on the right bank of the Loire.

(10) Of the order of Rhodes.

(11) William Glansdale, bailiff of Alençon for the king of England. He commanded in chief the fortress of the Tourelles, that which is here called the tower of the bridge of Orléans.

(12) Vipa, rôtie, a sop of bread.

(13) Or jazeran, a coat of mail.

(14) Arthur of Brittany, count of Richemont, then in disgrace, who had come to join the army in spite of the king’s orders. All this part of the deposition applies to the battle of Patay.

(15) The same who was afterwards grand master of waters and forests.

(16) Called Gérard Machet in the Chronicle of the Maid. He became bishop of Castres only after the death of Joan of Arc and died invested with that dignity in 1448. (Gallia christiana, I, col. 73.)

(17) Robert le Maçon, master of requests of Charles VI, ennobled in 1400 and lord of Trêves in Anjou. Created chancellor in 1418, he occupied that office only three years, tormented without ceasing by the enmity of the duke of Burgundy, then by the intrigues of the favourites of Charles VII, then Dauphin. Having yielded the place to Martin Gouge, he remained near the king as a simple councillor. Died in 1442. (Hist. généal. de la maison de France, t. VI, p. 300.)

(18) The bishop of Troyes was then Jean Leguisé, whom Charles VII ennobled, himself, his family and the posterity of his own, in recognition of the service which he had rendered him by the capitulation of his metropolis. (Gallia christ., t. XII.)

(19) On the return from Reims, in August 1429.

(20) William Pôle, count of Suffolk, grand master of the house of the king of England, raised to the general command of the army of the Loire after the death of Salisbury.

(21) And would ride upon the backs of the archers. This expression of archers applied marvellously to the English, who owed their superiority to their men of the bow. But it must also be said that the author of the four verses alleged by the witness had considerably paraphrased the primitive text of the prophecy of Merlin, if indeed that prophecy is the one found reported in these terms in the manuscript of the Bibliothèque royale, no. 7301: Descendet virgo dorsum sagittarii et flores virgineos obseulabit.

(22) M. de Gaucourt was called Raoul and not Jean. He had been made knight at the battle of Nicopolis, in 1396. At the time of the siege of Orléans he was councillor, first chamberlain of Charles VII and bailiff of Orléans by provision of the duke of Orléans, then prisoner in England. He had distinguished himself in 1415 by the defence of Harfleur, following which he remained thirteen years in the hands of the English. In 1429 the king made him captain of Chinon, and the following year governor of Dauphiné. He died at the beginning of the reign of Louis XI, deprived at ninety years of the office of grand master of the household which had been given him in 1453, and little rich, to the saying of an advocate who pleaded for his heirs in 1477, for he paid for his ransoms well a hundred and fourteen thousand livres, of which he was not recompensed; and he was moreover pierced through the body by a lance. (Thaumas de la Thaumassière, Histoire du Berry, p. 589; Hist. généal. de la maison de France, t. VIII, p. 366. See the Chronicles of Froissart, Monstrelet, Jean Chartier, Berry, etc.)

(23) I suspect a copyist’s error here, for Guillaume Bellier could not have been bailiff of Troyes at a time when that town was still subject to the English. Besides, he would not have cumulated so high an office as the bailiwick of Troyes with the lieutenancy of Chinon. Guillaume Bellier figures in several titles, and always as an inferior officer of the two houses of France and of Orléans. In 1424 he is styled, in an exemption from octroi which Charles VII grants him, esquire and first veneur of the king. In 1428 he made, as esquire and serjeant (serviens) of the duke of Orléans, a journey to his master in England. He ended by being councillor of the same prince; he is found with that quality in 1440. (Rymer, t. X, p. 396. — Cabinet of titles of the Bibliothèque royale.)

(24) Or Rabateau, councillor of the king, created advocate-general at the Parliament transferred to Poitiers in 1418; afterwards established at Bourges, and président à mortier at the Parliament of Paris. Died about 1444. (Blanchard, Hist. des Présidents à mortier, p. 83.)

(25) First a monk of Saint-Denis and professor of theology. In 1441 Charles VII sent him in embassy to Eugène IV, and that pontiff granted him the mission of Poitiers (1440). Died in 1446. (Gallia christ., VI.)

(26) This gentleman was a pantler at the court in the time of Joan of Arc; he was afterwards squire of the stable and lastly councillor master of the household. A prisoner of the English in 1427, he ransomed himself with a sum of five hundred écus wherewith the Dauphin gratified him. Charles VII sent him to Bordeaux on 1 July 1459 to settle a dispute which had arisen between the municipality of that city and several English ships anchored in the Gironde. He was living in 1472 and received a pension from Louis XI.

(27) Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier, taken in December 1429.

(28) That is to say, the elder. A Jean Luillier was a mercer at Orléans in 1425. (Catalogue of the Joursanvault Archives, no. 650.)

(29) On the registers of the accounts of the town of Orléans, Jacquet L’Esbahy was procureur of the town in 1436.

(30) The same name is written Ylient on the schedules of the expenses of the town of Orléans in 1429, at the Bibliothèque d’Orléans. (Comptes de forteresse, bundle no. 1, piece 4.)

(31) Doubtless Jacques de Thou, seigneur du Bignon, whose father had distinguished himself during the siege of Orléans, and who was the great-grandfather of Christophe de Thou, first president at the Parliament of Paris.

(32) Aignan de Saint-Mesmin, head of one of the most considerable families of the bourgeoisie of Orléans. Charles VII ennobled him in 1450 because of the great services which he had rendered him during his long career. He died at the age of one hundred and eighteen years. (Mémoires pour servir à l’histoire de la famille de Saint-Mesmin, manuscript 151 of the Orléans library.)

Jean de Champeaux #

Jean de Champeaux, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, the same. And with this, he heard from Master Jean Maçon that which the said Cosma heard. He adds further that one Sunday he saw a great conflict which the men-at-arms being in the town of Orléans willed to make against the English, who set themselves in order to fight. Which seen, the same Joan went out to the men-at-arms, and then it was asked of the said Joan whether it were good to fight against the said English on that day, which was a Sunday; who answered that they must hear mass. And then she sent to seek an altar and caused the ecclesiastical ornaments to be brought, and there caused two masses to be celebrated, which she and all the army of men-at-arms heard with great devotion. Which masses being celebrated, the same Joan said that they should look whether the English had their faces turned towards them, and then answer was made her that no; nay they had their faces towards the castle of Mehun. Which heard, she said: In the name of God, they are going; suffer them to depart, and let us go and give thanks to God, nor let us pursue them further, for it is Sunday.

And this same saw Denis Rogier, above named, and the four immediately below subjected, to wit Jongault, Hue, Aubert and Roulliart, with many others.

Pierre Jongault #

Pierre Jongault (33), burgess of Orléans, of the age of fifty years, the same as the preceding.

Pierre Hue #

Pierre Hue, burgess of the aforesaid town, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

Jean Aubert #

Jean Aubert, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, the same.

Guillaume Roulliart #

Guillaume Roulliart, of the age of forty-six years, the same as the preceding.

Gentien Cabu #

Gentien Cabu, burgess, of the age of fifty-nine years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

Pierre Vaillant #

Pierre Vaillant, burgess, of the age of sixty years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

And in this all agree that they never perceived, by whatsoever conjectures, that the same Joan attributed to herself for glory whatsoever deeds of her probity; nay she ascribed all to God, and resisted as much as she could that the people should honour her or give her glory, for she loved more to be alone and solitary than in the company of men, save when there was need in the fact of war.

Jean Coulon #

Jean Coulon, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, the same.

Jean Beauharnais #

Jean Beauharnais (34), of the age of fifty years or thereabout, the same.

And both likewise affirm, as also the other predecessors who often frequented the same Joan whilst she was at Orléans, that they never saw in her aught worthy of reprehension, but in her perceived only humility, simplicity, chastity and devotion to God and the church. They say lastly that it was a great consolation to converse with her.

Master Robert de Farciaulx #

Master Robert de Farciaulx, priest, licentiate in laws, canon and subdean of the church of Saint-Aignan of Orléans, of the age of seventy-eight years, a witness produced, sworn and interrogated, etc., deposed upon her life and morals as the preceding. He adds moreover that in the fact of war she was very learned, albeit she was a simple and young girl; and he asserts that, albeit the captains many times had divers opinions on account of the great resistance of the adversaries, nevertheless she constantly spoke to them and gave them wholesome counsels, giving them heart and saying that they should hope in God and doubt nothing, for all things would come to a good end. Nor else does he know.

Master Pierre Compaing #

Master Pierre Compaing, priest, licentiate in laws, capicerius and canon of the said church of Saint-Aignan, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, of her morals, virtues and manner of life, deposes as the preceding. And he adds moreover that he saw the said Joan, whilst mass was being celebrated, at the elevation of the body of Christ, shed tears in abundance. And he well remembers that she induced the men-at-arms to confess their sins; and in fact he who speaks saw that, at her instigation and admonition, La Hire confessed his sins, and many others of her company. Nor else does he know.

The lords Pierre de la Censure, Raoul Godart, Hervé Bonart #

The lord Pierre de la Censure, priest, canon and provost of the said church of Saint-Aignan, of the age of sixty years; the lord Raoul Godart, priest, licentiate in decrees, prior of Saint-Samson of Orléans, of the age of fifty-five years, and canon of Saint-Aignan; Hervé Bonart, prior of Saint-Magloire, of the order of Saint Augustine, of the age of sixty years: all as the preceding, of her morals, life and manner of life.

The lord André Bordes #

The lord André Bordez, canon of Saint-Aignan of Orléans, of the age of sixty years or thereabout, the same as the preceding. And he adds that he saw that the said Joan chid the men-at-arms when they denied or blasphemed the name of God; and in special, he saw certain men of arms most dissolute in life, who by the exhortation of the same Joan were converted and ceased from evils.

Joan, wife of Gilles de Saint-Mesmin #

In the same year and day, Joan, wife of Gilles de Saint-Mesmin, of the age of seventy years, says that the common fame was and then was that the same Joan the Maid was a good catholic, simple, humble, of holy conversation, modest and chaste, detesting vices and rebuking the vicious in the company of the men-at-arms.

Joan, wife of G. Boyleaue #

Joan, wife of Guy Boyleau, of the age of sixty years, the same as the preceding.

Guillemette, wife of J. de Coulons #

Guillemette, wife of Jean de Coulons, of the age of fifty-one years, the same as the preceding.

Joan, widow of J. de Mouchy #

Joan, widow of the late Jean de Mouchy, of the age of fifty years, the same as the preceding.

Charlotte, wife of G. Havet #

Charlotte, wife of Guillaume Havet, of the age of thirty-six years or thereabout, the same as the preceding.

She adds moreover that by night she slept with the said Joan alone. She says moreover that she never perceived in the same, neither in word nor in deed, whatsoever sign of dissoluteness or lewdness; but only simplicity, humility and chastity. She says further that she had the custom of frequently confessing her sins, and daily heard mass.

She affirms lastly that the said Joan often said to the mother of her who deposes, in whose house she was lodged, that she should hope in God, and that God would help the town of Orléans and drive out the adversaries.

She says further that of custom she had that, before she went to any assault, she ever disposed her conscience and received the holy Eucharist after the hearing of mass.

Reginalde, widow of J. Huré #

Reginalde, widow of the late Jean Huré, of the age of fifty years, says as the preceding, and adds further that she well remembers to have seen and heard, one day, a great lord, then walking in the full street, swear foully and deny God; which also the same Joan saw and heard, who was much troubled, and straightway went to that lord who swore, and took him by the neck, saying: Ah, maistre! do you dare thus to renounce our sire and our master? In God’s name, you shall unsay it before I part hence. And then, as she who speaks saw, that lord repented and amended himself, at the exhortation of the aforesaid Maid. Nor else does she know.

Petronille, wife of J. Beauharnais, and Massée H. Fagoue #

Petronille, wife of Jean Beauharnais, of the age of fifty years; Massée, wife of Henri Fagoue, also of fifty years. Both say as the preceding.

So signed: g. de la sale.

(33) Manuscript 5970; Notre-Dame, Jongault.

(34) He is the second of the name reported in the genealogy of the Beauharnais, drawn up in 1642 and since printed by d’Hozier. In that work he is said to be the brother-in-law of Louis de Contes, squire of the Maid, and possessor of the seigneuries of la Chaussée and of Miramion. It is from his younger brother Guillaume Beauharnais that the prince Eugène is descended in direct line.

IV. Informations Made at Paris and at Rouen #

There follow the depositions of the witnesses examined both at Paris and in the town of Rouen. And first, the citations by virtue whereof the adverse parties and the others believing that it concerns them were cited, to see the witnesses sworn.

Guillaume, by divine mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, judges delegated or commissioned, together with the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, etc., etc. To all and each of the abbots, priors, deans, provosts, archdeacons, treasurers, precentors, cantors, archpriests, canons, rectors and perpetual vicars and chaplains, curates and other ecclesiastical persons, beneficed and not beneficed, exempt and not exempt, and also to public notaries and other notaries wheresoever established, and to each of them in solidum, to whom our present letters shall come, health in the Lord and firm obedience to our mandates, nay more truly apostolic. Know ye that we formerly received with such reverence as was meet the letters of our aforesaid lord, the lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the Third, presented to us by the venerable and learned man Master Pierre Maugier, doctor of decrees, skilled in canon law, at the instance of Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Isabelle his mother, stipulating for Jean d’Arc, brother of the same Pierre d’Arc, of the diocese of Toul, described and named in the said apostolic letters, and moreover proceeded by vigour of the same apostolic letters to certain juridical acts; and there being produced and exhibited before us, in fact, really and in writing, on the part of the said Pierre and Isabelle his mother and of Jean d’Arc, brother of the same Pierre, certain positions and articles against and adverse to the reverend father in Christ the lord bishop of Beauvais, the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity established in the diocese of Beauvais, and also the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of the aforesaid lord bishop of Beauvais; and a certain day being assigned by us to the said bishop, sub-inquisitor and promoter, and also to all and each of the others believing that it concerns them in common or severally, to say and except, by word or in writing, whatsoever they should will to say and allege against the said articles, and also to hear from us and by us our will of and upon the admission or repulse of the said articles produced in this cause; at length, on the day of the date of the presents, there appearing before us judicially the venerable men Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the said Pierre, Isabelle and Jean d’Arc lawfully founded; Jean Le Rebours, procurator also of the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, licentiate in canon law, promoter given and deputed in this cause; reproducing and exhibiting our citation formerly decreed, together with the executions made upon citation of this kind, and accusing the contumacy of the cited not appearing in the same; and also the venerable and circumspect man Master Reginald Bredouille, procurator and in the name of procurator, as he said, of the aforesaid lord bishop of Beauvais, and in his name, as promoter of the criminal causes of the said court of Beauvais, cited to this day, and Brother Jean Calciatoris, of the order of Preaching Friars, prior of the convent of Évreux, for and in the name of the convent of the Preaching Friars of Beauvais, making certain declarations: we were required with due instance by the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau and Jean Le Rebours, procurators, in the names as above, that, the aforesaid declarations being heard, we should will and deign to admit to proof the articles produced in this cause, as we admitted them, and moreover to grant a certain citation in the form underwritten against all and each believing that it concerns them, and likewise deign to decree it. Hence it is that to you all and each, in virtue of holy obedience and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall pronounce against you and each of you should you not do what we command, we command by straitly charging, that for the executing of this our mandate the one of you shall not await the other, nor one excuse himself by another. All and each, of whatsoever state, degree, sex or condition they be, believing that it concerns them in common or severally, on our part, nay more truly apostolic, ye shall peremptorily cite by the affixing of copies of the presents at the doors of the church of Rouen, which place we have deputed for every place; and whom and each of whom we also cite by tenor of the presents, that, on the first juridical day after the coming feast of the blessed apostle Matthias, unless, etc., otherwise, etc.; or on another following day on which we shall sit in tribunal, in the episcopal hall of Paris, they shall appear before us; to see all and each of the witnesses, whom the abovesaid procurator and promoter given in this cause shall will to produce to prove their intent, produced by the same parties and sworn by us, and by the said cited on the said day and the days immediately following, to give and exhibit interrogatories if they will to give any; and with the intimation accustomed to be made in such matters. And what ye shall do therein write faithfully back to us. In witness whereof we have caused these our present letters to be subscribed and signed by the notaries and scribes deputed in this cause, and to be munished with the seal of the court of Rouen. Given and done in the greater archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, in the year of the Lord 1455, the fourth indiction, on the seventeenth day of the month of February, in the first year of the pontificate of the most holy father in Christ and our aforesaid lord, the lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the Third. Present there the venerable and circumspect men lords and masters Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, vicar-general of the lord archbishop of Rouen; V. olonde Bosco; Guillaume Roussel; Jean Grouchet and Jean …, canons of Rouen, with many other witnesses specially called and bidden to the premises.

And I Denis Comitis, priest of the diocese of Coutances, bachelor in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority, was present at the admission of the said articles and at all and each of the other premises whilst, as is premised, they were said, done and made, together with the forenamed witnesses, and saw and heard them so done. Wherefore to these present letters faithfully written by the hand of another I have set my accustomed sign, together with the subscription of Master François Ferrebouc, public notary, and the seal of the aforesaid court appended, required and bidden, in witness and testimony of all and each. So signed: d. comitis.

And me, François Ferrebouc, clerk of Paris, licentiate in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authority and sworn of the courts of the Conservation of the privileges of the alma mater University of Paris indulted by the holy apostolic see, and of the episcopal court of Paris, who was present at the admission of the said articles, the citation, the decree and all and each of the other premises whilst, as is premised, they were said, done and made, together with the forenamed witnesses, and saw and heard them so done on that day. Wherefore to this present public instrument faithfully written by the hand of another, I being hindered by other lawful affairs, and put into the form of public letters of citation, I have set my public and accustomed sign, required and bidden, in witness and testimony of all and each of the premises. F. Ferrebouc.

Tenor of the citation by virtue whereof the witnesses were cited in the diocese of Rouen #

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc. To all priests, vicars, curates and not curates, the other rectors of churches, and public notaries, and other notaries throughout the city and diocese of Rouen, and others wheresoever established, and to each of them in solidum to whom our present letters shall come, health in the Lord and firm obedience to our mandates, nay more truly apostolic. To us, on the part of the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter deputed by us in this part, of Isabelle d’Arc the mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the late deceased Joan the Maid, asserting that, whereas for our instruction in the matter deputed to us and for the conservation of their right, so far as it touches each of them, they have need of the deposition and testimony of certain witnesses, aged and infirm, for the future, and of others, they fear lest by penury of witnesses their right should chance to perish and the truth of the matter be hidden: it has been humbly supplicated that we should will and deign to decree letters of citation in the underwritten form. Willing therefore, as far as we may, that the truth of the matter committed to us in this part come forth into the light, and to administer justice to each as it lies upon us, by the apostolic authority which we wield in this part, to you all and each above named and to each of you in solidum, in virtue of holy obedience and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall pronounce against you and each of you should you not do what we command, we command by straitly charging that for the executing of this our mandate the one of you shall not await the other, nor one excuse himself by another. Ye shall peremptorily and personally cite before us, or one of us, at the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, for the day and hours whereof ye shall be required on the part of the same promoter, Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, the lord Nicolas Taquel, the lord Pierre Bouchier, Master Nicolas de Houppeville, the lord Jean Massieu, Master Nicolas Caval, the lord Guillaume Manchon, Pierre Cusquel, Brother Isambert de la Pierre, Master André Marguerie, Master Richard de Grouchet, Brother Pierre Miget, Brother Martin Ladvenu, the lord Jean Fabri, bishop of Dimetria, the lord Thomas Marie, the lord Jean Riquier, Brother Bardin de la Pierre (1), the lord Raoul Veret, priest, and all others whomsoever, of whatsoever degree, sex and condition they be, of whom ye shall be required by them, to give testimony of the truth in a certain matter of a process formerly conducted in a matter of faith against the deceased Joan, commonly called the Maid, by the late bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, at the instance of Master Guillaume d’Estivet, promoter of the same, and touching the nullity of the process and sentences of the same and the purgation of the same late deceased, moved and hoped to be moved before us. And what ye shall do therein, and of the names and surnames of those cited and of the assignations of days and hours, write faithfully back to us, with the intimations accustomed in such matters. Given at Rouen under the seal of us the archbishop, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the eleventh day of the month of December. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Then follows the relation of the execution.

To the most reverend father and lord in Christ, the lord Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, etc., etc. Your humble subject Richard de Saincte-Mareglise, priest exercising the offices of dean of the Christianity of Rouen, and notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, due reverence with all honour. Let your most reverend and reverend paternities know that I, by virtue of your mandate, to which my present rescription is annexed, have cited peremptorily and personally before you or one of you, at the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, to wit Masters Nicolas Caval, Nicolas de Houppeville, and the lords Jean Fabri, bishop of Dimetria, Guillaume Manchon, Brother Pierre Miget, Jean Riquier, priests, for Friday the nineteenth day of the month of December; and also Master Jean Marguerie, Jean Massieu and Brother Pierre Ladvenu, priests, for the Saturday next following, to give testimony of the truth in a certain matter of a process in a matter of faith, etc., touching, etc. (2); and have done and fulfilled all and each according to the tenor of your mandate. Which I certify to your said most reverend paternities under my manual sign and the seal of the said dean. Given in the year of the Lord 1455, on Thursday the eighteenth day of the month of December. So signed: R. de Saincte-Mareglise.

Tenor of the citation by virtue whereof the witnesses were cited in the diocese of Paris #

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, etc. To all priests, vicars, curates, etc., at the instance and request of the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, etc., to you all and each above named and to each of you in solidum, in virtue of holy obedience and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall pronounce against you and each of you should you not do what we command, we command by straitly charging that for the executing of this our mandate the one of you shall not await the other, etc. Ye shall peremptorily and personally cite before us, in the episcopal hall of Paris, the reverend father in Christ the lord Jean, bishop of Noyon; Masters Thomas de Courcelles and Jean Monet, professors of sacred theology; Jean Tiphaine and Guillaume de la Chambre, masters in medicine, and Gérard de Chiche; and all others and each of whom ye shall be required by the bearer of the presents; to appear before us or one of us, and to give testimony of the truth of those things which they shall know touching this cause, upon which we shall deem them interrogable of our office and otherwise, for a competent day and hour, not feriated, saving nevertheless their salaries, with the intimations accustomed in such matters. And what ye shall do therein write faithfully back to us. Given at Paris under our seals, in the year of the Lord 1455, on the tenth day of the month of January. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

And on the back: Executed by me, Girard Toussaint, public notary, in the year and day contained in the white.

Mandate of both notaries for the recollection of the Rouen witnesses (3) #

By demand of the reverend father and lord in Christ, the lord Guillaume, by divine mercy bishop of Paris, and of the venerable and religious man Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity established in the realm of France, judges deputed by apostolic authority, together with the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Coutances, of a certain cause of nullity of the proceedings and sentences formerly made by the deceased lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, and Brother Jean Lemaître, sub-inquisitor in the diocese of Beauvais, against the late Joan d’Arc called the Maid, and of the purgation of the same: let there be cited the venerable men Father Pierre Miget, professor of sacred theology; Guillaume Manchon, priest, public notary; the lord Jean Massieu; the lord Guillaume Colles, alias Bois-Guillaume; Brother Martin Ladvenu, of the order of Preaching Friars; Master Nicolas de Houppeville; the reverend father in Christ the lord Jean Fabri, professor of sacred theology, bishop of Dimetria; the lord Jean Le Maire (4); Master Nicolas Caval; Pierre Cusquel; Master André Marguerie; Maugier Le Parmentier; Laurent Guedon; the lord Jean Riquier, and all the others (5) examined by the above-said judges, to appear personally on the morrow at the seventh hour of the morning before the aforesaid lord bishop and Master Jean Bréhal, competent judges in this part; to see or hear (6) their depositions formerly made by the same and each of them read through, and, if need be, better declared and reformed. And moreover ye shall cite the lord bishop of Beauvais, Guillaume Bredouille, promoter of the criminal causes of Beauvais, and all and each believing that it concerns them in common or severally, to see and hear the said witnesses produced and sworn, and to give interrogatories if they will to give any, with the intimation accustomed to be made in such matters and under pain of excommunication, at the instance of Master Guillaume Prévosteau, party and promoter, or his procurator. Given at Rouen, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the eleventh day of the month of May. So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Then follows the relation, on the back.

I, Richard de Saincte-Mareglise, priest, notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, gave this mandate to execution to the persons of those named in the white; to wit, to the person of the reverend father in Christ Jean Fabri, bishop of Dimetria; of Masters Nicolas Caval, André Marguerie and Nicolas de Houppeville, and of the lords Guillaume Manchon, Jean Massieu, Guillaume Colles, Jean Le Maire, priests, and Maugier Parmentier, Pierre Cusquel, in the manner and form contained in the white. In witness my manual sign here set, in the year as above, on Wednesday the twelfth of May. So signed: R. de Saincte-Mareglise.

Likewise, there follow the names, surnames and attestations or depositions of the witnesses produced, received, sworn and examined in the cause of nullity of the process and sentences formerly rendered against Joan, commonly called the Maid, by the deceased lord Pierre Cauchon, formerly bishop of Beauvais, and Brother Jean Lemaître, sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity, in the town of Paris, on the days underwritten, before the lords the archbishop of Reims, the bishop of Paris and Brother Jean Bréhal.

Master Jean Tiphaine #

And first the venerable and discreet man Master Jean Tiphaine, priest, master in arts and in medicine, canon of the royal Holy Chapel of Paris, of the age of sixty years or thereabout, otherwise produced and received by the most reverend and reverend fathers and lords in Christ, the lords the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Paris, judges in this part, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, one of the inquisitors of heretical pravity in the realm of France, on the tenth day of the month of January, for the information of the same judges, and afterwards sworn upon the articles delivered in the process of this kind, and examined on the second day of the month of April.

And first, interrogated, by means of his oath, what he knows to attest or depose of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he says and deposes that he knew the same Joan only from the time when she was brought to the town of Rouen to conduct the process against her. And he who speaks was summoned to be present, and for the first time willed not to go, but being summoned a second time he was present, and saw her and heard her interrogated and answering; and she made many fair answers. And at that time when he was in the process of this kind, the judges themselves and the assistants were in a certain little hall behind the greater hall of the castle; and she answered very providently and wisely, with great boldness.

In the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth he deposes that, as he has already said, the first time that he was called in the process of this kind he willed not to go; but the second time he went, because he feared the English, and lest it should have seemed to them that he had willed not to go and on that account he should have incurred their indignation. But with what zeal they proceeded against her he knows not.

Of the contents of the ninth he deposes that the same Joan was in the prisons, in a certain tower of the castle, and he saw her there shackled by the legs, and there was a bed there.

Of the contents of the tenth he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says and deposes, so far as touches the interrogations, that on the day on which he who speaks was present, Master Beaupère was the principal interrogator and made the interrogations, and yet Jacques de Turonie, of the order of Friars Minor, sometimes interrogated her. And he well remembers that the same Master Jacques once asked of the same whether she had ever been in a place in which English had been slain; which Joan answered: En nom Dieu, yes I have. How sweetly you speak! Why did they not depart from France and go to their own country? And there was there a great lord of England, of whose name he does not recall, who said, these things heard: Truly she is a good woman. If she were English! And this he said to the speaking witness and to Master Guillaume Desjardins. The same speaker said further that there is none so great a doctor and subtle who, if he were interrogated by so many lords and in so great a company as the same Joan was, would not have been well perplexed and abashed.

Moreover, interrogated of the infirmity of the same Joan which she had at the time of the process of this kind: he deposes that, she being infirm, he was sent on the part of the lords judges to visit her, and to the same was conducted by a certain one surnamed d’Estivet; and he who speaks, in the presence of the said d’Estivet, of Master Guillaume de la Chambre, master in medicine, and of many others, to know the cause of her sickness, felt her pulse and asked what ailed her and whence she suffered. Who answered that a certain carp had been sent her by the bishop of Beauvais, of which she had eaten, and she feared that it was the cause of her infirmity; and then the same d’Estivet there present rebuked her, saying that she spoke ill; and called her a wanton, saying: Thou, wanton, didst eat herring and other things contrary to thee. To whom she answered that she had not done so; and the same Joan and d’Estivet had many injurious words one with the other. Yet afterwards he who speaks, willing to know more amply of the infirmity of the same Joan, heard from certain of those there present that she had suffered much vomiting.

Nor does he who speaks know aught else, nor remembers, interrogated upon this, that he ever gave any opinion in the process save upon her infirmity (7).

Master Guillaume de la Chambre #

The venerable man Master Guillaume de la Chambre, master in arts and in medicine, of the age of forty-eight years or thereabout, as he says, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined on the days, in the manner and form as the preceding witness.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause of nullity: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he had knowledge of the same Joan only during the process conducted against her, in which he was many times present with other doctors and practicians. And, in his sight, she was a good young woman, for, as he says, he afterwards heard Master Pierre Maurice say that he had heard the same Joan in confession, and that he had never heard such a confession, neither from a doctor nor from whomsoever, and that he believed that she walked justly and holily with God, having regard to her confession.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles, he says and deposes that, as he has already said, he was in the process for many days. And of the zeal which the judges had, he refers himself to their consciences; yet he knows that before (8) he gave his opinion in the process, albeit he subscribed himself, for he did this constrained by the lord bishop of Beauvais; and of this he many times excused himself towards the same bishop, saying that it was not his profession to give opinion in such a matter; finally it was said to him that, unless he subscribed himself as the others had done, he had come ill to the town of Rouen; and for this cause he subscribed himself. He says also that threats were uttered against Master Jean Lohier and Master Nicolas de Houppeville under pain of drowning, because they willed not to be present at the process.

Interrogated of the contents of the ninth article, he says that the same Joan was in prison in the Castle of Rouen, in which he saw her.

Upon the contents of the tenth he deposes that he then heard it said that the same Joan had been visited whether she were a virgin or not, and such she was found; and he who speaks knows, as he could perceive according to the art of medicine, that she was incorrupt and a virgin, for he saw her as it were naked when he visited her for a certain infirmity; and he felt her in the reins, and she was very strait, as much as he could perceive from the look of her.

Upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth, he says and deposes, so far as touches the interrogatories, that he once saw the lord abbot of Fécamp, who interrogated the same Joan; and Master Jean Beaupère with him interposed many and divers interrogatories, to which together the same Joan would not have willed to answer, suchwise that she said to the same that they did her a great injury thus to vex her, and that she had already answered upon those interrogatories.

And as regards the infirmity whereof the said articles make mention, he who speaks deposes that the Cardinal of England and the earl of Warwick sent to seek the same speaker; before whom he who speaks appeared with Master Guillaume Desjardins, master in medicine, and other physicians. And then the same earl of Warwick said to them that the same Joan had been infirm, as had been reported to him, and that he had sent for them that they should think of her, for the king willed by no means that she should die by her natural death; for the king held her dear and had bought her dearly, nor willed that she should die save with justice, and that she should be burned; and that they should so do and with solicitude visit her that she might be healed. And to her came he who speaks and Master Guillaume Desjardins with the others. Which Joan he who speaks and Desjardins felt in the right side and found her fevering; wherefore they concluded for bleeding (9); and this they reported to the earl of Warwick, who said to them: Beware of the bleeding, for she is cunning and might kill herself. And nevertheless she had the bleeding, after which she was immediately healed. She being thus healed, there came a certain Master Jean d’Estivet, who had certain injurious words with the said Joan and called her a harlot, a wanton; whereat the same Joan was much angered, insomuch that she was again fevering and in her former infirmity. And this being brought to the knowledge of the said earl, he inhibited the same d’Estivet from henceforth having the same Joan injured.

Of the contents of the fifteenth he who speaks deposes that he well remembers that, on a certain occasion while she was being interrogated by the bishop and certain of the bystanders, she said that the bishop himself and the others were not her judges.

Of the contents of the sixteenth he likewise says that he heard the same Joan saying that she submitted herself to our lord the Pope.

Of the contents of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second, so far as regards the articles whereof the twentieth and twenty-first treat, he says that he knows not who made them, nor does he believe he gave his opinion upon the same. Of the others he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth he says that he was present at the sermon made by Master Guillaume Évrard; yet he remembers not the things uttered in the sermon; but he well remembers the abjuration which the same Joan made, albeit she much deferred to make it; to the making whereof nevertheless the same Master Guillaume Évrard induced her, saying to her that she should do that which was counselled her, and that she should be delivered from the prisons. And under this condition and not otherwise she did it, reading after a certain little schedule containing six or seven lines, in the volume of a doubled paper leaf; and he who speaks was so nigh that he could in likelihood see the lines and the manner of them.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the twenty-sixth article, he deposes that he heard it said that the English induced the same to resume her habit, and that her woman’s clothes had been taken from her and man’s dress given her; and on this account it was said that the same Joan had been unjustly condemned.

Item, interrogated of and upon the contents of the other articles, he deposes only of the contents of the same that he was present at the last preaching made in the Old Market of Rouen by Master Nicolas Midi; after the end of whose sermon the same Joan was burned; and the wood was already made ready to burn her, and she made such pious lamentations and exclamations that many wept; but certain English laughed. He heard her also saying these words or in effect like: Ah! Rouen! I have great fear lest thou have to suffer for my death! And afterwards she began to cry: Jesus! and to invoke Saint Michael, and at length by the fire she was extinguished. Nor else does he know.

(1) Error of drafting, since the same personage is already cited above under the name of Ysambertus de Petra.

(2) The formula is the same as that of the citation.

(3) The rubric given by the manuscripts consists only of these three words: Per quemcumque notarium.

(4) Notre-Dame manuscript, Lemarié.

(5) Alias in the manuscripts.

(6) The manuscripts, visuros auditum.

(7) He is nevertheless indicated in the procès-verbal of the condemnation as having opined in the sense of the abbot of Fécamp. See t. I, p. 353.

(8) It would need neutiquam for the general sense of the phrase, which has none with antequam.

(9) Notre-Dame manuscript, fleubotomiam; 5970, fleutobomiam.

The lord Bishop of Noyon #

The reverend father in Christ, the lord Jean de Mailly, bishop of Noyon (10), of the age of sixty years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined by the same lords judges, in the presence of the notaries, on the fourteenth day of the month of January, and afterwards recollected upon the articles exhibited in the process on the second day of the month of April, said and deposed as follows below.

And first, interrogated of and upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, he says and deposes, by means of his oath sworn in the word of a prelate, that he had no knowledge of Joan before she was brought into the town of Rouen, where he saw her two or three times; nor does he remember to have been in the process or to have given an opinion.

Interrogated of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles, he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the ninth and tenth he remembers not to have heard that she was visited; yet he knows that if she had been visited and found a virgin, this would not have been a position in the process.

Upon the eleventh up to the twenty-third he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth he says and deposes that he remembers well enough that, the day before the preaching made at Saint-Ouen, he was present at a certain exhortation made to the same Joan; but what was done or enacted he remembers not. He was also present on the morrow, when the preaching was made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Évrard; and there were two ambons or two scaffolds, in French eschafaulx; and in one of them were the bishop of Beauvais and he who speaks and many others; and in the other were Master Guillaume Évrard, the preacher, and the same Joan.

Of the words said by the preacher he remembers not; yet he well remembers that the same Joan said on that day or the preceding that if in her sayings or deeds there was any evil, whether well or ill said or done, this proceeded from her, nor had her king made her do anything. He said also that after the preaching of this kind he saw that the same Joan was bidden to do or say something, and he believes it was the abjuration; and to the same Joan it was said: Joan, do that which is counselled you. Will you make yourself die? And by these words, as is likely, moved, she made the abjuration. And after the abjuration of this kind many said that it was but a mockery, and that she did naught save deride. And among certain ones an Englishman, a doctor and an ecclesiastical man who was of the people of the lord Cardinal of England, said to the bishop of Beauvais that he proceeded in this matter with too much favour, and that he showed himself favourable to the same Joan; to whom the same bishop of Beauvais answered that he lied; and then the Cardinal of England said to the same doctor that he should hold his peace. He says also that afterwards many of the assistants said that they cared not much for that abjuration, and that it was but a mockery; and as it seems to him who speaks, the same Joan cared not much for that abjuration, nor made account of it, and that which she did in the abjuration of this kind she did vanquished by the prayers of the bystanders.

Interrogated of the contents of the twenty-sixth, he deposes that he heard it said by certain ones whom he remembers not that men’s clothes had been handed to her through the window or grating. Nor else does he know.

Of the contents of the other articles he only says that he was present at the last sermon, on the day on which she was burned; and there were there three ambons or eschafaulx in French, to wit one where the judges were, and another where were many prelates, among whom was he who speaks, and one where the wood was made ready to burn the same Joan; and, the preaching ended, the sentence was rendered whereby the same Joan was abandoned to the secular justice. After the rendering of which sentence the same Joan began to make many pious exclamations and lamentations; and among other things she said that she had never been induced by the king to do the things which she did, whether well or ill; and then he who speaks departed, nor would see the same Joan burned. He says also that he saw many of the bystanders weep.

Interrogated upon certain asserted letters of guarantee (11) which the king of England gave to the bishop of Beauvais and the others who interposed themselves in the process of this kind, and in which letters it is stated that the bishop of Noyon was present: he deposes that he well believes he was present; but remembers not much. Yet he knows that the bishop of Beauvais did not conduct the process of this kind at his own expense, as he believes, but at the expense of the king of England, and that the outlays (12) which were made were made by the English.

Nor else does he know upon the same articles, being duly interrogated.

Master Thomas de Courcelles #

Editorial note — Courcelles is independently attested in Paris between the two trials: Jean Maupoint’s journal records that on the Sunday of Brandons (18 February 1441/2) “maistre Thomas de Courcelles, excellent docteur en théologie” preached the solemn sermon at Saint-Magloire, Paris. The modern editor notes of this personage that he “played a great part in the trial of the condemnation of Joan of Arc and deposed in the trial of the rehabilitation” (Journal parisien de Jean Maupoint, ed. G. Fagniez, Paris 1878, p. 28 and note; see documents/writings/originals/).

The venerable and learned man Master Thomas de Courcelles (13), professor of sacred theology, penitentiary and canon of Paris, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, as he says; a witness produced, received, sworn and examined for the information of the lords judges on the fifteenth day of the month of January, and afterwards examined again upon the articles, deposed in the manner and form following:

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, he deposes that he had no knowledge of Joan until he saw her in the town of Rouen, nor of her father, mother or kinsfolk. Of her fame it was said that she asserted she had voices from God.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles, he deposes, by means of his oath, that he believes the same bishop took upon him the burden of the process conducted against the same Joan in a matter of faith, because he was a councillor of the king of England, and because he was bishop of Beauvais, in whose territory the same Joan had been taken and apprehended; and he heard it said that some gift had been given to the inquisitor by a certain one called Surreau, a receiver (14), to be interested in the process of this kind; but of the bishop, he knows not whether he received anything. He who speaks knows also that, at the time when the same Joan was brought to Rouen, he who speaks was summoned (and was at Paris) by the aforesaid bishop of Beauvais to go to Rouen for the said process; and he went in the company of Masters Nicolas Midi, Jacques de Turonie, Jean de Rouel (15) and others whom he remembers not, to the town of Rouen, at the expense of those who conducted them, of whom one was Master Jean de Rénel (16). Nor does he know whether any preparatory informations were made at Rouen or in the place of origin of the same Joan, nor did he see them, for in the beginning of the process, and first when he who speaks was present, there was only the question which was said that she had had voices and that she asserted them to be of God.

And albeit to the same speaker there was shown the process in which it is stated that in the speaker’s presence certain informations were read (17), he says that he remembers not that he ever heard any read. He says nevertheless that Master Jean Lohier then came to the town of Rouen, and it was ordained that the process should be communicated to him in some wise; and after the same Lohier saw the process of this kind, he said to the speaker that it seemed to him that there ought not to be proceedings against the same Joan in a matter of faith without a preceding information upon the ill-fame, and that such an information was required of right. He says also that he well remembers that in his first deliberation he never deliberated the same Joan to be a heretic save under condition, in case she should pertinaciously maintain that she ought not to submit herself to the Church (18); and lastly, so far as his conscience can testify before God, it seems to him that he said that she was as before, and if she were before a heretic, that she then was (19), nor did he ever positively deliberate her to be a heretic. He says also that in the first deliberation there was great contention and difficulty among those opining whether the same Joan ought to be reputed a heretic. He asserts also that he never deliberated of any punishment to be inflicted upon the same Joan.

Of the contents of the seventh and eighth he remembers nothing.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the ninth article, he says and deposes that the same Joan was in the prisons of the castle, in the keeping of a certain Jean Gris and his servants, and that she was in iron fetters; but whether ever he knows not. He says nevertheless that many of the assistants were of the opinion and would well have willed that the same Joan had been placed in the hands of the Church and in ecclesiastical prisons; but he remembers not that this was spoken of in the deliberations.

Of the contents of the tenth article he says and deposes that he never heard it laid in the deliberations that the same Joan ought to be visited whether she were a virgin or not, albeit it seems to him likely and he believes, by the things which he heard and which were said by the said lord bishop of Beauvais, that she was found a virgin. And he believes that if she had not been found a virgin but corrupted, they would not have kept silence in the same process.

Upon the eleventh, thirteenth and fourteenth he deposes that many interrogations were made to the same Joan; but of them he remembers not, save that once she was interrogated whether those of her party kissed her hands; nor moreover does he remember that the same Joan complained of the interrogations which were made to her.

Item, of the contents of the twelfth and eighteenth articles, he deposes that he well remembers that once it was ordained, after many interrogations made to the same Joan, that henceforth the interrogations should be made before few; but who moved them or with what intent, he knows nothing; yet it seems to him that Master Jean de la Fontaine was one of those ordained to interrogate her. Of the contents of the fifteenth he knows nothing. Of the contents of the sixteenth he deposes that many times the same Joan was interrogated upon the fact of the submission, and required that she should will to submit her sayings and deeds to the determination of the Church; upon which she made many answers which are contained in the process, to which he refers himself. Nor otherwise would he know to depose.

Upon the contents of the nineteenth he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second he deposes that certain articles, twelve in number, were made and extracted from the asserted confessions and answers of the same Joan, and which were made, as it seems to him by likely conjectures, by the late Master Nicolas Midi; and upon those twelve articles so extracted all the deliberations and opinions were made and given. Yet he knows not whether it was deliberated that they should be corrected, and whether they were corrected.

Upon the contents of the twenty-second article, he knows only that he many times heard from Master Nicolas Loiseleur that he had many times spoken with the same Joan in a dissimulated habit, but what he said to her he knows not; and to such a degree that he said to the same speaker that he would manifest himself to the same Joan and make known to her that he was a priest. He believes also that he heard the same Joan in confession.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles he deposes that, a little before the first preaching made at Saint-Ouen, Master Jean de Châtillon, in the presence of the speaker, made certain exhortations to the same Joan; and he likewise heard Master Pierre Maurice say that he had brotherly exhorted the same Joan to submit herself to the Church. Nor has he memory of aught else.

Interrogated moreover who made the schedule of abjuration which is contained in the process, which begins Thou, Joan, he says that he knows not; nor moreover does he know that it was read to the same Joan or given her to understand. He says moreover that afterwards a certain preaching was made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Évrard; and he who speaks was in the ambon behind the prelates; yet he remembers not any words uttered by the same preacher save that he said the pride of this woman. And he says that afterwards the bishop began to read the sentence; yet he remembers not what was said to the same Joan, nor what she answered. He says nevertheless that he well remembers that Master Nicolas de Vendères made a certain schedule which began How many times the eye of the heart; but whether it be that schedule contained in the process, he knows not. Nor does he know whether he saw that schedule in the hands of the same Master Nicolas before the abjuration of the same Maid or after, but he believes he saw it before; and he well heard that certain of the assistants spoke with the bishop of Beauvais, in that he did not perfect his sentence and received the same Joan to call her back; but of the words uttered, and who said them, he remembers not.

Then, interrogated what he knows to attest or depose of the contents of the twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth articles: he says and deposes that, after the first preaching, words came that the same Joan had resumed the male habit; and on this account the same bishop of Beauvais went to the prison of the same Joan, in whose company he who speaks was; and he addressed the same, interrogating for what cause she had resumed the male habit. Who answered that she had resumed that habit because it seemed to her more fitting to bear the male habit with men than the habit of a woman.

Item, interrogated lastly what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the other articles: he says and deposes that he was present at the last preaching made in the Old Market on the day on which the same Joan died; yet he did not see the same Joan burned, for as soon as the preaching was made and the sentence rendered he departed. He says moreover that before the preaching and sentence of this kind she had received the sacrament of the Eucharist, as he believes, for he was not present when she received it. Nor else does he know.

(10) See t. I, p. 190.

(11) These letters are reported below as a piece of the procedure.

(12) The outlays, the expenses.

(13) See t. I, p. 30, note 3.

(14) The mandate of payment delivered for the cooperation of Jean le Maître is in fact addressed to Pierre Surreau, receiver-general in Normandy. See the pieces justificatives in t. IV.

(15) Notre-Dame manuscript, Ruet. This personage is not named in the procès-verbaux of the first judgement.

(16) Renel, secretary of the king of England.

(17) Tome I, page 32.

(18) Ibid., p. 428.

(19) Ibid., p. 467.

Master Jean Monnet #

Master Jean Monnet, professor of sacred theology, canon of Paris, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined upon the articles produced in this cause, on the third day of April.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of and upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that of the same Joan, or of her father and mother and kinsfolk, he had no knowledge save from the time when he who speaks went to Rouen, with Master Jean Beaupère, whose servant he who speaks was, and in the company of Masters Pierre Maurice, Thomas de Courcelles and many others who were summoned to be present at the process; during which process he saw the same Joan many times.

Item, interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles: he deposes that, when the same Masters Jean Beaupère, Thomas de Courcelles and Pierre Maurice and the other summoned came to Rouen, a little after the process against the same Joan was begun, and he who speaks was present three or four times and wrote the interrogations made to the same Joan and her answers, not as notary but as clerk and servant of the same Master Jean Beaupère, and he who speaks recognised his writing in the paper or process made in French.

And among other things he who speaks remembers that he heard the same Joan say, speaking to the same speaker and to the notaries, that they did not write well, and many times she made them correct. He says also that many times, in her interrogations and answers, when she was interrogated upon certain things whereof it seemed to her that she ought not to answer, she said that she referred to the consciences of the interrogators whether she ought to answer or not. He says moreover that the process was begun against her because the same Joan was too prejudicial to the English, and that she had already done them very many harms. Yet he believes that the process of this kind was conducted at the expense of the English; but with what zeal the judges proceeded, he refers to their consciences.

Upon the ninth article he knows nothing, save only that she was detained in the Castle of Rouen.

Upon the tenth article he who speaks deposes that he heard it said that the same Joan, during the process, was visited whether she were a virgin or not, and was found a virgin; and of this he has memory, because it was then said that the same Joan had been hurt in the lower parts from riding, when she was visited upon her virginity.

Moreover, interrogated of and upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth, he says and deposes that very difficult questions and interrogations were made to the same Joan, to which a master in theology would with difficulty have answered, and it seems to the same speaker that the same Joan was much burdened in this. He says also that during the process of this kind she was infirm; but whether she was visited by the physicians he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the fifteenth, sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth articles he knows nothing; and of certain things he refers himself to the process.

Upon the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first he says and deposes that of those articles he knows not who made or fabricated them, or whether (20) they were well or ill extracted from the confessions of the same Joan. Yet he knows that Master Jean Beaupère went to Paris and brought those twelve articles.

Upon the contents of the twenty-second he deposes only that he heard it said that certain ones went to speak with the same Joan in a dissimulated habit; but who he was who did such things he knows not.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles, he who speaks says and deposes that he was at the preaching made at Saint-Ouen, and he who speaks was in the ambon, sitting at the feet of Master Jean Beaupère his master; and when the preaching was finished, when the sentence began to be read, the same Joan said that, if she were counselled by clerks and it seemed to her consciences, she would willingly do that which was counselled her; and these things heard, the same bishop of Beauvais inquired of the Cardinal of England, who was there, what he ought to do, having regard to the submission of the said Joan. Which cardinal then answered the same bishop that he ought to receive the same Joan to penance. And then that sentence which he had begun to read was set aside, and he received the same Joan to penance. And then he who speaks saw a certain schedule of abjuration, which was then read, and to the same speaker it seems that it was a little schedule of as it were six or seven lines; and he well remembers, as he says, that she referred herself to the consciences of the judges whether she ought to revoke herself or not. He says moreover that on that day on which the aforesaid things were done, it was said that the torturer was in the square, awaiting that she be handed over to the secular justice.

Of the contents of the other articles he knows nothing, for, as he says, he departed from the town of Rouen on the Monday or Sunday preceding the death of the same Joan. Nor else does he know.

Louis de Contes #

The noble and prudent man Louis de Contes (21), squire, lord of Novion and of Reugles, of the age of forty-two years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined upon the contents of the articles produced in the process of this nullity, on the third day of the month of April, after Easter.

And first, interrogated of and upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, all the others being omitted because he knows nothing of them: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that, in the year when the same Joan came to the king in the town of Chinon, he who speaks was as it were fourteen or fifteen years old and served and dwelt with the lord de Gaucourt, who was captain of the said place of Chinon. And at that time the same Joan arrived at the said place of Chinon, accompanied by two men; who was led to the king; and he who speaks many times saw the same Joan go and return to the king, and a lodging was assigned to the same Joan in a certain tower of the castle of Coudray (22). In which tower indeed he who speaks dwelt with the same Joan, and for the time which he stayed there, conversing continually with her by day; but by night she had women with her. And he well remembers that, at that time when he stayed in the said tower of Coudray, for many days men of great estate came to speak with the same Joan; but what they did or said he knows not, for always, when he who speaks saw the same men approach, he withdrew; nor does he know who those men were.

He says moreover that, at that time when the same Joan and the speaker were in the same tower, he many times saw the same Joan on bended knees, as it seemed to him, praying; yet he could not perceive what she said, albeit sometimes she wept. And afterwards the same Joan was led to the town of Poitiers, and afterwards brought back to the town of Tours, into the house of a certain one called Lapau; and in which place the lord duke of Alençon gave the same Joan a horse, which he who speaks saw in the said house of the same Lapau. And in the said town of Tours it was said and intimated to the speaker that he should be the groom of the same Joan, together with a certain Raymond; and from that hour he ever stayed with the same Joan and went ever with her, serving her in the office of groom, both at Blois and at Orléans, and until they came before the town of Paris.

He says moreover that, the same Joan being in the town of Tours, armour was given to the same Joan, and the same Joan then had estate from the king. And from the town of Tours she came to the town of Blois, in the company of the men of arms of the king, which company then had great (23) confidence in the same Joan. And the same Joan stayed with the men-at-arms in the said town of Blois for certain times, of which he remembers not; and then it was concluded to depart from the town of Blois and go to the town of Orléans, by the side of the Sologne; and the same Joan departed armed with her arms, with the company of the men-at-arms, ever admonishing the men-at-arms that they should have great confidence in the Lord and that they should confess their sins. And in this company he who speaks saw the same Joan receive the sacrament of the Eucharist.

He says moreover that, they having arrived beside the town of Orléans on the side of the Sologne, the same Joan, the speaking witness and many others were conducted across the water, on the side of the city of Orléans, and thence entered the town of Orléans. And he who speaks says that the same Joan was much hurt in coming as far as the town of Orléans, for she lay with her arms on the night of her departure from the town of Blois. And the same Joan was lodged in the town of Orléans, in the house of the treasurer (24), before the gate of Bannier (25); and in which house, as it seems to the speaker, the same Joan received the sacrament of the Eucharist.

And he says that on the morrow, on which they entered the town of Orléans, the same Joan went to the lord Bastard of Orléans and spoke with him, and on the return was much angered that, as she said, there was an appointment that on that day there would be no going to the assault. Nevertheless the same Joan went to a certain boulevard which the king’s men-at-arms had against the boulevard of the English, and there the same Joan spoke with the English being in the other boulevard, saying to them that they should depart in the name of God: else she would drive them out; to which Joan a certain one called the Bastard of Granville said many injuries, asking of the same Joan whether she willed that they should surrender themselves to a woman, calling the French being with the same Joan maquereaulx mescréans — miscreant pimps. These things done, the same Joan returned to her lodging and went up into her chamber, and the speaker believed she would go to sleep. Straightway and a little after she came down below and said to the same speaker these words: Ah, bloody boy, you did not tell me that the blood of France was being shed! commanding the same speaker to go and seek her horse; and she meanwhile caused herself to be armed by the lady of the house and her daughter, and when the speaker came from making ready her horse he found the same Joan already armed; and she said to the speaking witness that he should go and seek her banner, which was above; and he who speaks handed it to the same Joan through the window. Which banner being received, the same Joan hastily ran toward the gate of Burgundy; and then the same hostess said to the speaker that he should go after her; which also he did. And there was then a certain onset or skirmish toward Saint-Loup, and in that onset the boulevard was taken, and the same Joan met certain wounded French, whereat she was angered. And the English prepared themselves for defence when the same Joan with haste came upon them, and as soon as the French saw the same Joan they began to cry out, and the bastille or fortress of Saint-Loup was taken. And he heard it said that certain ecclesiastical men assumed ecclesiastical garments, coming to meet the same Joan; whom the same Joan received, nor suffered that any evil be done to them, and caused them to be brought with her to her lodging, the other English being slain by the folk of the town of Orléans. And that evening the same Joan came to sup at her lodging; who was very sober, for many times in the whole day she ate naught save a morsel of bread; and he marvelled that she ate so little. And whilst she was at her lodging she ate only twice in the day.

He says moreover that on the following day, about the hour of tierce, the men-at-arms of our lord the king crossed the bank in boats, to go against the bastille or fortress of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc (26), and the French took the same, and also the bastille of the Augustins (27); and the same Joan passed with the same men-at-arms the river Loire, and the speaker himself with her, and they returned to the town of Orléans, in which the same Joan lay in her lodging with certain women, as she had been wont to do, for ever by night she had a woman lying with her if she could find one; and when she could not find one, when she was in war and in the fields, she lay clad in her clothes. And on the day immediately following, the same Joan, many lords gainsaying, to whom it seemed that she willed to put the king’s people in great peril, caused the gate of Burgundy and a certain little gate being beside the great tower to be opened, and passed the water with other men-at-arms to attack the bastille or fortress of the Bridge, which the English still held. In which place the king’s people stood to attack from the first hour until night, and there the same Joan was hurt and disarmed of her arms, to have her wound dressed; and after she was dressed she again clad herself in arms and went with the others to the attack and assault, which had lasted from the first hour until evening unceasingly. And at length the boulevard was taken, the same Joan ever standing with the men-at-arms at the assault, exhorting them to have good heart and not to draw back, for they would have that fortress in brief; saying, as it seems to him, that, when they should perceive the wind carrying the banners towards the fortress, they would have it. And insomuch that, towards evening, when the king’s people saw that they wrought nothing and that night was already nigh, they despaired of the taking of that fortress. Yet the same Joan ever persisted, promising them infallibly that that day they should have that fortress. And the king’s people made ready a fresh assault; which seeing, the English put up no defence, but were utterly dismayed, and were as it were all drowned; nor was there on the part of the English in that last onset or assault any defence. And on the morrow all the English being about the town departed to the town of Beaugency and the town of Mehun. Whom the king’s army followed, in which was the same Joan; and there they made a composition of surrendering the town of Beaugency or of fighting. And the day of battle coming, the English departed from the said town of Beaugency; whom the king’s people followed with the same Joan; and La Hire had the vanguard; whereat the same Joan was much angered, for she much desired to have the charge of the vanguard. So also the king’s people bore themselves that La Hire, who led the vanguard, fell upon the English, and the king’s people had the victory, and as it were all the English were slain.

He says moreover that the same Joan was very pious and had great pity for so great a slaughter, for, when on a certain occasion a Frenchman was leading certain English captives, he who led them smote one of the (28) English on the head, insomuch that he rendered him as it were dead. The same Joan seeing this descended from her horse and caused the same Englishman to confess, holding him by the head and consoling him as she could. Afterwards the same Joan, in the company of the king’s people, went before the town of Jargeau, which was taken by assault, and there very many English were made captive, among whom were

(20) The manuscripts, vel sive.

(21) We have been able to find nothing upon Louis de Contes save that he was the brother-in-law of Jean Beauharnais, that burgess of Orléans whose deposition has been reported above, p. 31; and that, in the time when he was the Maid’s page, the men of war gave him the surname of Minguet. (See the so-called Chronicle of the Maid, p. 507 of Godefroy’s edition.)

(22) Today called the Coudray-Montpensier, a league from Chinon.

(23) Manuscript 5970 on the contrary reads minimam, but the other lesson, drawn from the Notre-Dame manuscript, is more conformable to the narrative of the chroniclers.

(24) Jacques Boucher, then argentier of the duke of Orléans and treasurer of the town.

(25) Such is still the name of the faubourg by which one comes from Paris to Orléans.

(26) The church of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc is situated on the levee of the Loire, a kilometre upstream of the bridge of Orléans. The English, in fortifying this position, had willed to make of it less a bastille than a watch to guard the passage. (Journal du siège d’Orléans — Jollois, Histoire du siège, p. 17.)

(27) Read Augustinorum, and see below, p. 79. The bastille of the Augustins established in the convent of that name covered the famous fortress of the Tourelles, situated at the end of the bridge of Orléans. (Jollois, ibid., p. 36.)

(28) Read: of the other.

Suffolk and La Poule (29). And thence, after the raising of the siege of Orléans and the victories obtained, the same Joan with the men-at-arms went towards the king then being in the town of Tours, and it was concluded that the king should go to Reims for his consecration. And the king went out with his army, in which was the same Joan, making toward the town of Troyes, which was surrendered to the king, and thence to the town of Châlons, which likewise was reduced into the king’s hands; and then to the town of Reims, in which our same lord the king was crowned and consecrated, in the presence of him who speaks; who was, as has been said, the groom of the same Joan, and with whom he ever was. And he stayed with the same until the same Joan came before the town of Paris.

He says moreover that, so far as he could have knowledge of her, the same Joan was a good and worthy woman, living catholicly; who heard mass right willingly, for she never failed to hear mass if it were possible to her. She was also much angered when she heard the name of Our Lord blasphemed and when she heard any one swear; for also many times he heard that, when the lord duke of Alençon swore or said some blasphemy, she reprehended him; and generally none of the army would have dared to swear or blaspheme before her without being reprehended by the same.

He says that she willed not that there should be women in the army, for once, beside the town of Château-Thierry, when she had seen a certain woman, the leman (30) of a certain man of arms who was a knight, she pursued the same woman with a drawn sword; which woman nevertheless she smote not, but sweetly and charitably admonished her that she should not be found henceforward in the company of the men-at-arms, else she would do the same woman a displeasure.

Nor does he who speaks know aught else, for, as he says, from the time when the same Joan came before the town of Paris he saw not the same Joan.

Gobert Thibault #

The honest and prudent man Gobert Thibault, squire of the squire-ty of the king of France and elected upon the fact of the subsidies in the town of Blois, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, as he says, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined before the aforesaid lords judges, on the fifth day of the month of April.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he who speaks was in the town of Chinon when the same Joan arrived toward the king, who was then in the town of Chinon; but of the same Joan he then had no great knowledge. But of the same he afterwards had ampler knowledge, for, when the king willed to go to the town of Poitiers, the same Joan was led there, and was lodged in the house of Master Jean Rabateau. And he who speaks knows that the same Joan was in the town of Poitiers interrogated and examined by the late Master Pierre de Versailles, professor of sacred theology, then abbot of Talmont and at the time of his death bishop of Meaux, and by Master Jean Erault, also professor of sacred theology; with whom he who speaks went, by command of the late lord bishop of Castres. And she was, as he said before, lodged in the house of the said Rabateau, in which house the same de Versailles and Erault spoke with the same Joan in the speaker’s presence; and when they arrived at that house, the same Joan came to meet them and smote the speaker upon the shoulder, saying to the same speaker that she would fain have more men of the speaker’s will. Then the same de Versailles said to the same Joan that they were sent on the king’s part to her; who answered: Well do I believe that you are sent to interrogate me; saying: I know neither A nor B. And she was then interrogated by the same to what end she came. She answered: I come on the part of the King of heaven, to raise the siege of Orléans, and to lead the king to Reims for his crowning and consecration. And then she asked of the same whether they had paper and ink, saying to Master Jean Erault: Write those things which I shall say to you. You, Suffort, Classidas and La Poule, I summon you, by the King of the heavens, that ye get you gone to England. Nor did the same Versailles and Erault do aught else that time, that he remembers; and the same Joan stayed in the town of Poitiers as long as the king did. The same Joan also said that her counsel had told her that she ought sooner to have gone to the king. And the speaker saw those who had brought the same Joan to the king, to wit Jean de Metz, Jean Coulon and Bertrand de Poulangy (31), with whom she had great familiarity and friendship; and he was once present when they who had brought her told the late lord of Castres, then the king’s confessor, that they had passed through Burgundy and through the places occupied by the enemies; yet ever they passed without any impediment: whereat they much marvelled.

He says further that he heard the said late lord confessor say that he had seen in writing that a certain Maid was to come who was to help the king of France. Nor did he who speaks see, nor knows whether the same Joan was otherwise examined, than as he deposed above. Yet he heard it said by the said lord confessor and other doctors that they believed the same Joan to be sent by God, and that they believed she was she of whom the prophecy spoke; and that, having regard to her bearing, simplicity and manner of life, the king could help himself by her, since in the same they found or could perceive naught save good, nor did they perceive in her aught contrary to the catholic faith.

He says nevertheless that he was not present at those things which were done in the town of Orléans; yet the common fame was that all things were done by means of her, and as it were miraculously. And he who speaks says that, on that day when the lord de Talbot was brought into the town of Beaugency who had been taken at Patay, he who speaks went to the said town of Beaugency, and from the place of Beaugency the same Joan went with the men of arms to the town of Jargeau, which was taken by assault, and the English were put to flight; and thence the same Joan returned into the town of Tours, in which was our lord the king; and from the town of Tours they began the journey to go to Reims, for the consecration and crowning of the king; and the same Joan said to the king and the men-at-arms that they should go boldly, and that all things would fall out prosperously, and that they should not fear, for they would find none who could hurt them, nay they would have no resistance; saying further that she doubted not that she would have folk enough, and that many would follow her.

He says also that the same Joan caused men of arms to be gathered between the town of Troyes and the town of Auxerre, and many were found, for each one followed her; and the king and his people came without impediment as far as Reims; for the king suffered no repulse, but the gates of the cities and towns opened to him of their own accord.

The same witness says also, by means of his oath, that the same Joan was a good christian, willingly hearing mass and daily, often receiving the sacrament of the Eucharist, and was much angered when she heard swearing, and this was a good sign, as the king’s confessor said, who inquired solicitously of her deeds and life.

He says also that in the army she was ever with the men-at-arms, and he heard it said by many familiar with the same Joan that they never had concupiscence of her, albeit sometimes the will of lust was present, yet never did they presume of her, and they believed that she could not be lusted after; and many times, when they spoke of the sin of the flesh and of certain words which could draw to lust, when they saw her and drew nigh, they could not speak of this, nay they suddenly lost the motion of the flesh. And of this he interrogated many who sometimes lay by night in the company of the said Joan, who answered him as he deposed above, saying further that they never had carnal concupiscence whilst they beheld the same. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Simon Beaucroix #

The noble man Simon Beaucroix, squire, a married clerk, dwelling at Paris in the Hôtel-Neuf (32), a witness produced, received, sworn and examined before the aforesaid lords, the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Paris, and Brother Thomas Ferel, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology, deputed sub-inquisitor in this part by the aforesaid Brother Jean Bréhal, on the twentieth day of the month of April; of the age of fifty years or thereabout, as he says.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he was in the town of Chinon, with the lord Jean d’Aulon, knight, seneschal of Beaucaire (33), and in which town was our lord the king, when the same Joan came toward the king. Who, after she had spoken with the king and the others of the king’s council, was placed in the keeping of the said d’Aulon. And from the town of Chinon the same Joan came in the company of the said d’Aulon to the town of Blois, and from the town of Blois, by the Sologne, as far as the town of Orléans. And he well remembers that the same Joan commanded all the men-at-arms that they should confess and set themselves in good state, asserting that God would help them, and that if they were in good state they would obtain the victory with God’s help. And the same Joan was then of the intention that the men of arms ought to go straight to the fortress or bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; which they did not, nay they went between the city of Orléans and Jargeau, to a certain place where the citizens of Orléans had sent boats to receive the victuals and conduct them into the town of Orléans. And the victuals were put into the boats and conducted to the town of Orléans; and because the men of arms could not cross beyond the river Loire, certain ones said that they must return and go to cross the river Loire at the town of Blois, for there was no nearer bridge in the king’s obedience; whereat the same Joan was much indignant, fearing lest they should will to depart and the work remain imperfect. Nor would the same Joan go with the others to cross at the town of Blois; but the same Joan crossed with two hundred lances or thereabout, along the bank, in boats, and they crossed to the other side of the bank and entered the town of Orléans by land. And the lord marshal de Boussac went the whole night to seek the king’s army which was at the town of Blois. And he who speaks remembers that, a little before the coming of the lord marshal de Boussac to the town of Orléans, the same Joan said to the said lord Jean d’Aulon that the said lord marshal was coming, and that she well knew he would have no ill. And when the same Joan was in her lodging, she, led by the spirit, as he says, suddenly said: In the name of the Lord, our people have much to do! And she sent to seek her horse and armed herself, and went toward the fortress or bastille of Saint-Loup, where there was a certain onset of the king’s people against the English; and after the same Joan arrived at that onset, the said fortress was taken. And on the morrow the French went in the company of the same Joan to attack a certain fortress of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; and they drew nigh as far as a certain island (34), and when the English perceived that the king’s people were crossing the water, they left the said bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc and withdrew to another fortress situated at the Augustins, where he who speaks saw the king’s army in the greatest peril, the same Joan saying: Let us go boldly, in the name of the Lord. And they came as far as the English, who were in great peril and had three fortresses or three bastilles (35). And incontinently without great difficulty the same bastille of the Augustins was taken; and afterwards the captains concluded that the same Joan should enter the town of Orléans; which nevertheless she willed not to do, saying: Shall we leave our people?

And on the morrow they came to attack the fortress situated at the end of the bridge, which was very strong and as it were impregnable; and the king’s people had there much to do, for the assault lasted the whole day until night; and he saw that the said lord seneschal of Beaucaire caused the bridge to be broken with a bombard. And when it was already evening and they were as it were despairing of having this fortress or bastille of the bridge, it was said that the banner of Joan should be brought (36), and it was brought (37), and they began to attack the said fortress, and straightway, without great difficulty, the king’s people entered with the said banner, and the English began to flee, insomuch that, when they came to the end of the bridge, the bridge was broken, and many of the English were drowned. And on the morrow the king’s people again went out to vanquish the English who, seeing the French, fled; and when the same Joan saw them fleeing and the French following them, she said to the French: Suffer the English to go, nor slay them. Let them depart; their departure sufficeth me. And on the same day they went out of the town of Orléans and returned to the town of Blois, to which they arrived the same day. And there the same Joan stayed two or three days (38), and then she was at Tours and at Loches, where the king’s people prepared themselves to go to the town of Jargeau; and they went and took the same town by assault.

Nor does he know aught else of these things which she did; yet he knows that the same Joan was a good catholic, fearing God; who most often confessed every two days, and also every week received the sacrament of the Eucharist, and heard mass each day, and exhorted the men-at-arms to live well and confess often. And he who speaks well remembers that, at the time when he conversed with the same, he never had the will to do ill.

He says further that the same Joan ever lay with young girls, nor would she lie with old women. She also much abhorred oaths and blasphemies, and rebuked those who swore and blasphemed; and in the army she would never have willed that any of her company should plunder aught; for of victuals which she knew to be plundered she would never eat. And once a certain Scot gave her to understand that she had eaten of a plundered calf: whereat she was much angered, and on this account willed to smite the said Scot.

He says also that she never willed that ill-famed women should ride in the army with the men-at-arms: wherefore none would have dared to be found in the company of the same Joan; but whomsoever she found, she constrained to depart, unless the men-at-arms themselves willed to take them to wife.

And finally he who speaks believes that she was a true catholic, fearing God, and keeping his precepts, and also obeying the mandates of the Church so far as she might; pious also, not only toward the French but also toward the enemies. And these things he who speaks knows, for he conversed with her for long times, and many times helped her to arm.

He says moreover that the same Joan much grieved and it displeased her that certain good women came to her, willing to salute her, and it seemed a sort of adoration, whereat she was angered. Nor else does he know.

Master Jean Barbin #

The venerable and learned man Master Jean Barbin, doctor of laws, advocate of our lord the king in his court of Parliament, of the age of fifty years, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined before the same lords judges, on the last day of the month of April.

And first, interrogated upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles produced in this cause, the others being omitted since he could depose nothing of them: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that, at the time when the same Joan went toward the king in the town of Chinon, he who speaks was in the town of Poitiers; and he heard it said that the king at first sight willed not to give faith to the same Joan, but willed that she should first be examined by clerks, and also sent, as he heard, into the place of the nativity of the same Joan, to know whence she was. And that the same Joan should be examined, she was sent to the town of Poitiers, in which he who speaks then was, and in the same town of Poitiers he first had knowledge of the same Joan. Who, when she came into the same town, was lodged in the house of Master Jean Rabateau; and at the time when she was lodged there, he heard it said by the wife of the said Rabateau that she was every day after dinner on bended knees for a great space of time, and also by night, and that she many times entered a certain little chapel of that house and there prayed for a great time. And many (39) clerks visited her, to wit Master Pierre de Versailles, professor of sacred theology, at the time of his death bishop of Meaux, and Master Guillaume Aymeri, also professor of sacred theology, and others graduated in theology, of whose names he remembers not, who likewise interrogated her as they willed. And he who speaks then heard it reported by the same doctors that they had examined her and had made her many questions, to which she answered very prudently, as if she had been a good clerk; so that they marvelled at her answers and believed that this was divinely, having regard to her life and manner of life. And finally it was concluded by the clerks after the examinations and interrogations made by them that there was in her nothing evil nor anything contrary to the catholic faith; and, seeing the necessity in which the king and the realm then were, since the king and the inhabitants obeying him were at that time in despair and without hope of any aid save it proceeded from God, that the king could help himself by her. And in those deliberations a certain Master Jean Erault, professor of sacred theology, reported that he had otherwise heard it said by a certain Marie d’Avignon (40), who had aforetime come to the king, to whom she had said that the realm of France had much to suffer, and would sustain many calamities, saying further that she had had many visions touching the desolation of the realm of France, and among other things she saw many armours which were presented to the same Marie; at which the same Marie being affrighted feared lest she should be constrained to receive those armours; and it was said to her that she should not fear, and that she should not bear arms of this kind, but a certain Maid who should come after her should bear the same arms and deliver the realm of France from the enemies. And he firmly believed that the same Joan was she of whom the same Marie d’Avignon had spoken.

He says moreover that the men-at-arms reputed her as it were a saint, for she so bore herself in the army, in sayings and deeds, according to God, that she could be reprehended by none.

He says further that he heard Master Pierre de Versailles say that, when on a certain occasion the same Master Pierre was in the town of Loches in the company of the same Joan, certain folk seized the feet of her horse and kissed her hands and feet. And he himself said to the same Joan that she did ill to suffer such things, which belonged not to her, saying that she should beware of such, for she made men idolatrise. The same Joan answered: In truth, I should not know how to guard myself from such, unless God guarded me.

And briefly he who speaks says that, in his sight, the same Joan was a good catholic, and that whatsoever was done by her was of God; and he is moved to say this because she was in all things to be commended, as well in manner of life as in food and drink and the rest; nor did he ever hear aught sinister said of the same, but ever heard her maintained and reputed a good and catholic woman.

The lady Marguerite La Touroulde #

The honest and prudent woman, the damsel Marguerite La Touroulde, widow of the late Master René de Bouligny, in his lifetime councillor of our lord the king (41), of the age of sixty-four years or thereabout, produced, sworn and examined in the year and day contained in the deposition of the preceding witness.

And first, interrogated, by means of her oath, what she knows to depose or attest of and upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause of nullity: she says and deposes that, when the same Joan arrived toward the king at Chinon, she who speaks was in the town of Bourges, where the queen was; at which time there was in this realm and in the parts obedient to the king such calamity and penury of moneys that it was pity; nay all obeying the king were as it were in despair. And this she who speaks knows because her husband was at that time receiver-general, who at that time had, neither of the king’s money nor of his own, save four écus; and the city of Orléans was besieged by the English, and there was no way whereby it could be helped. And in that calamity the same Joan came, and, as she who speaks firmly believes, she came from God, and was sent to relieve the king and the inhabitants obeying him, for then there was no hope save from God. Yet she who speaks did not see the same Joan save at that time when the king returned from the town of Reims in which he had been consecrated; and the king came into the town of Bourges, in which were the queen and she who speaks with her. And the king drawing nigh, the queen went to meet the king at the town of Selles-en-Berry, and she who speaks with her; and while the queen went to meet the king, the same Joan came before and saluted the queen, and the same Joan was then led to Bourges and lodged, by command of the lord d’Albret, in the house of her who speaks, albeit the late husband of her who speaks had told the same that the same Joan should be lodged in the house of a certain Jean Duchesne; and she stayed in the same house for the space of three weeks, lying, drinking and eating. And as it were daily she who speaks lay with the same Joan, nor in her saw or perceived aught sinister; but she ruled and governed herself as a worthy and catholic woman, for she most often confessed, heard mass willingly, and many times required the speaker to go to matins; for she who speaks at her instance many times went and led her.

She says moreover that when they sometimes spoke one with another and it was said to the same Joan that she doubted not to go to the assaults because she well knew that she would not be slain: she answered that she had no more security than the other men-at-arms. And the same Joan sometimes narrated how she had been examined by the clerks, and that she had answered them: There is in the books of Our Lord more than in yours.

And she who speaks says further that she heard those say who had brought her to the king that at first sight they believed her foolish, and were of the intention to put her in a certain strong place; but when they began the journey to conduct her, they were made ready to all the same Joan’s good pleasures, and as much desired to present her to the king as she herself did; nor could they have resisted the will of the same Joan. They said that in the beginning they had the will to require her carnally; but, when they believed to speak of it, they were ashamed suchwise that they durst not speak to the same of it or have a word with her. And she heard the same Joan say that the duke of Lorraine, who had a certain infirmity, willed to see her; and with the same the same Joan had spoken, and had said to him that he ruled himself ill, and that he would never be healed unless he amended himself, and had exhorted the same that he should receive his good spouse (42).

She says moreover that the same Joan much abhorred the play of dice.

She says also that the same Joan was very simple and ignorant, and knew absolutely nothing, in the speaker’s sight, save in the fact of war. And she who speaks remembers that many women came to the speaker’s house whilst the same Joan dwelt in the same, and brought paternosters and other beads that she might touch them; whereat the same Joan laughed, saying to the same speaker: Touch them yourselves, for they shall be as good from your touch as from mine. The same Joan was also very liberal in alms, and most willingly succoured the needy and the poor, saying that she was sent for the consolation of the poor and the needy.

She says moreover that she many times saw her in the bath and in the stews (43), and, so far as she could perceive, believes her to be a virgin. And whatsoever she knows, she was all innocence in her fact, save in arms, as she said above, for she rode with a horse, bearing a lance as the best man-at-arms would have done; and at this the men-at-arms marvelled.

(29) La Poule (in English Pôle) was the family name of the Suffolks; all bore it alike. It is easy nevertheless to recognise that the witness wills to designate here by Suffort, William Pôle, then count, since duke of Suffolk, whom Henry V had created count of Dreux, and by La Poule, his brother John Pôle, captain of Avranches. The same distinction between the two brothers will be seen below, p. 74, established by Joan of Arc herself.

(30) In plain French, amiete, that is to say, little friend, mistress.

(31) Corruption of the name of Poulangy.

(32) Hospitium novum is the Hôtel-Neuf, formerly du Petit-Musc, which Charles VI caused to be rebuilt. It communicated with the hôtel de Saint-Paul; a circumstance whence it may be inferred that Simon Beaucroix was attached to the court. (See Sauval, Histoire et Antiquités de Paris, t. II, p. 65.)

(33) At the moment of the deposition, for in 1429 Jean d’Aulon was as yet neither knight nor seneschal of Beaucaire.

(34) The island here in question has disappeared upon the rebuilding of the bridge of Orléans, but it still figures in the old plans under the name of the Île-aux-Toiles. In the Journal du Siège it is called the little island over against Saint-Aignan. It almost joined the levee of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc. (Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, p. 39.)

(35) Only on the left bank of the Loire; to wit the fort of the Augustins, that of the Tourelles, and that of Saint-Privé, to the west of the two preceding.

(36) Notre-Dame manuscript, auferretur.

(37) The manuscripts give ablatum.

(38) Read diebus.

(39) Notre-Dame manuscript, magni.

(40) Marie Robine, called the Gasque d’Avignon, a woman whose predictions made a great stir at the beginning of the fifteenth century. This is what I find written on her account in the manuscript of the Bibliothèque du roi, no. 10318-2. Fol. 18: She had a vision, as she recites in that vision, how God commanded the king of France (Charles VI) by the said Marie that he should not make nor suffer subtraction to be made to the pope Benedict XIII, but hinder it with all good power.

(41) He is styled in the original dires councillor of the king upon the fact of all the finances, and was called Régnier de Boullegny. He had figured in the finances from the time of Charles VI, for the States-General of 1412 demanded his destitution as one of the useless and guilty. (Martial d’Auvergne, Bibl. Roy. — Monstrelet.)

(42) Marguerite de Bavière, who lived apart from her husband, in the practices of devotion. Charles of Lorraine then suffered himself to be governed by a girl named Alison Dumay, of whom he had several children. (Calmet, Hist. de Lorraine, t. II, liv. 27.)

(43) In the stews.

Jean Marcel #

Jean Marcel, citizen and burgess of Paris, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, produced, sworn and examined by the same lords commissioners in the aforesaid year and day, etc.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he in no wise knew the same Joan at the time when she was brought into the town of Rouen; and first saw her when she was preached at Saint-Ouen.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh, eighth and ninth articles, he deposes that he knows only the things which follow: to wit that he who speaks dwelt in the town of Rouen at the time when the same Joan was taken near Compiègne and brought into the town of Rouen. And he says that Master Pierre Cauchon was then bishop of Beauvais, who, as he heard it said, required her that he might make her process; but with what zeal or how he proceeded, he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the tenth article he who speaks deposes that he heard it said that the lady of Bedford (44) caused the same Joan to be visited whether she were a virgin or not, and that she was found a virgin; and he heard it said by a certain Jeannotin Simon, a tailor of tunics, that the lady duchess of Bedford had caused a certain woman’s tunic to be made for the same Joan, which when he willed to put upon her she took him sweetly by the breast. Who was indignant at this and gave the said Jeannotin a slap.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth, he deposes only that he heard a certain Master Jean Le Sauvaige (45), of the order of Preaching Friars, who many times spoke with the speaker of the same Joan, say that he had been in the process conducted against her, whereof he would speak with great difficulty. Yet one thing he told him, that he had never seen a woman of such age who had given so great pains to the examiners; and he much marvelled at the answers of the same Joan and at her memory, for she had memory of the things she had said. And once, when the notary had written something and reported what he had written, the same Joan said to the notary that she had not so answered, and referred herself to the bystanders; which bystanders all said that the same Joan spoke well; and the correction of that answer was made.

Of the contents of all the other articles he who speaks deposes that, as he said above, he was at the sermon made at Saint-Ouen, and there first saw the same Joan; and he remembers that Master Guillaume Erard, doctor in theology, made the preaching in the presence of the said Joan, who, as it seems to the speaker, was in the male habit; but what was done or said in the same sermon he knows nothing, for, as he says, he stood far from the preaching, and albeit he who speaks heard that Master Laurent Calot and certain others said to Master Pierre Cauchon that he delayed too much the uttering of his sentence, and that he judged ill, and the same Master Pierre Cauchon answered that they lied.

He says moreover that he was at the second preaching, on the day on which the same Joan was burned by fire, and heard the same Joan crying and saying many times Jesus aloud in the fire. And he most firmly believes that she died catholicly and ended her days well, and in the state of a good christian. And this he knows from the report of the religious who accompanied her in the hour of her death; and he saw many, and as it were the greater part of the bystanders, weeping and sorrowing for pity, because it was said that the same Joan had been unjustly condemned.

Nor does he who speaks know aught else, being duly interrogated upon the contents of the said articles.

The lord Duke of Alençon #

The illustrious and most mighty prince and lord, the lord Jean, duke of Alençon (46), of the age of fifty years or thereabout, produced, received, sworn and examined before the aforesaid lords judges, on the third day of the month of May of the aforesaid year of the Lord 1456.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose of and upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that, when the same Joan came toward the king, the king was in the town of Chinon and he who speaks in the town of Saint-Florent (47), and he who speaks being there and disporting himself at quail-hawking, in French aux cailles, a certain steward of the speaker came to him, notifying him that there had come toward the king a certain girl asserting herself sent on God’s part to drive off the English and raise the siege set by the same English before the town of Orléans. For which cause he who speaks on the morrow went to the king being in the town of Chinon, and found the said Joan speaking with the king. And he who speaks drawing nigh, the same Joan asked of the speaker who he was, and the king answered that he was the duke of Alençon. Then the same Joan said: You are the right well come. The more there are of the blood of the king of France together, the better. And on the morrow the same Joan came to the king’s mass, and when she perceived the king she bowed herself, and the king led the same Joan into a certain chamber; and with him were he who speaks and the lord de la Trémoille, whom the king retained, commanding the others to withdraw. Then the same Joan made many requests to the king, and among others that he should give his realm to the King of heaven, and that the King of heaven, after the donation of this kind, should do for him as he had done for his predecessors and restore him to his pristine state; and many other things, which he who speaks recalls not, were spoken until dinner. And after dinner the king went to disport himself in the meadows, and there the same Joan ran with a lance, and on this account he who speaks, seeing the same Joan so bear herself in bearing the lance and running with the lance, gave the same Joan a horse. And afterwards the king concluded that the same Joan should be examined by the men of the church; and there were deputed the bishops of Castres, the king’s confessor; of Senlis (48), of Maguelonne (49) and of Poitiers (50); Master Pierre de Versailles, afterwards bishop of Meaux, and Master Jordan Morin, and very many others of whose names he recalls not. Who interrogated the same Joan, in the presence of him who speaks, to what end she had come and who had made her come to the king. Who answered that she had come on the part of the King of heaven, and that she had voices and counsel which counselled her what she should do; but of these things he who speaks remembers not. But afterwards the same Joan, who then dined with the speaker, said to the speaker that she had been much examined, but she knew and could more than she had said to those interrogating her. And the king, the relation of the said commissioners for examining her heard, again willed that the same Joan should go to the town of Poitiers; and there she was again examined. Yet he who speaks was not present at the examination of this kind made at Poitiers. Yet he knows that afterwards in the king’s council it was reported that those who had examined her said that in the same they had found nothing contrary to the catholic faith, and that, the necessity considered, the king could help himself by her. And these things heard, the king sent the speaker toward the queen of Sicily (51) to prepare victuals to be led to Orléans for the army to be conducted; and there he found the lord Ambroise de Loré and the lord Louis, of whose surname he remembers not (52), who prepared the victuals. But there was need of moneys, and to have moneys for the said victuals he who speaks returned to the king and notified him how the victuals were made ready, and there lacked only moneys for the victuals and the men-at-arms. And then the king sent certain ones to deliberate the moneys necessary to accomplish this work; insomuch that the men-at-arms with the victuals were made ready to go to the town of Orléans, to try whether the siege could be raised. With which men-at-arms the same Joan was sent; and the king caused armour to be made for the same Joan. And so the king’s men-at-arms departed with Joan; but what they did on the way, and of the things which were done in the town of Orléans, he who speaks knows nothing save by hearsay, for he was not present nor went with those men-at-arms; but afterwards he saw the fortresses being before the town of Orléans and considered their fortification; which he believes were taken rather miraculously than by force of arms, and especially the fortress of the Tourelles at the end of the bridge and the fortress of the Augustins, in which, if he who speaks had been with few men-at-arms, he would well have dared to await for six or seven days all manner of power of men-at-arms, and it seems to him that they would not have taken them; and, as he heard it reported by the men-at-arms and captains who were there present, that as it were all the deeds at Orléans they ascribed to God’s miracle, and that they had not been done by human work, but had come to pass from above. And this he heard many times said by the lord Ambroise de Loré, late provost of Paris. Nor did he see the same Joan from the time of her departure from the king until after the siege of Orléans was raised. And they wrought so much that there were gathered together of the king’s people to the number of six hundred lances, desiring to go to the town of Jargeau, which the English held occupied; and that night they lay in a certain wood; and the morrow coming, there came other men-at-arms of the king whom the lord Bastard of Orléans and the lord Florent d’Illiers (53) were conducting, and certain other captains; and they being gathered one with another, they found that they were about twelve hundred lances; and there was then contention among the captains, for certain were of opinion that assault should be made on the town, others to the contrary, asserting that the English had great power and were in great multitude. The same Joan then seeing the difficulty among them said that they should not fear any multitude, nor make difficulty of giving assault to the same English, for God was conducting their work; the same Joan saying that, unless she were sure that God was conducting this work, she would liefer keep sheep than expose herself to such perils. And these things heard, they took their way toward the town of Jargeau, believing to take the suburbs and there pass the night; which the English knowing came to meet them, and at first sight repelled the king’s people. Which the same Joan seeing, her banner taken, went to the onset, admonishing the men-at-arms to have good heart. And they wrought so much that that night the king’s men-at-arms were lodged in the suburbs of Jargeau. And the speaker believes that God was conducting this work, for that night as it were no watches were made, so that, if the English had come out of the town, the king’s men-at-arms would have been in great peril. And the king’s men-at-arms made ready the artillery and in the morning caused bombards and engines to be drawn against the town, and after certain days had among themselves a council what should seem to be done against the English being in the town of Jargeau for the recovery of the said town. They being in council, it was reported that La Hire was speaking with the lord de Suffolk; whereat he who speaks and the others who had the charge of this people of men-at-arms were ill content with the said La Hire; and the same La Hire was sent for, who came. After whose coming it was concluded that assault should be made against the town, and the heralds cried: To the assault! and the same Joan said to the speaker: Forward, gentle duke, to the assault! And, when it seemed to the same speaker that they wrought prematurely so soon to begin the assault, the same Joan said to the speaker: Doubt not; the hour is ready when it shall please God; and that one must work when God willed; work, and God will work; saying further to the same speaker: Ah! gentle duke, fearest thou? Knowest thou not that I promised thy wife to bring thee back safe and sound? For in truth, when he who speaks departed from his wife to come with the same Joan to the army, the speaker’s wife said to the same Joan that she much feared for him who speaks, and that he had lately been prisoner, and that so great moneys had been laid out for his ransom, that she would fain have asked the same speaker to remain. Then the same Joan answered: Lady, fear not. I shall give him back to you safe, and in such or better state than he is.

He says also that, during the assault against the town of Jargeau, the same Joan said to the speaker being in a certain place that he should depart from that place, and that unless he departed, that machine, showing a certain engine being in the town, will slay thee. And the speaker departed, and a little after, by the same engine, in the same place whence he who speaks had departed, a certain one was slain who was called Monseigneur du Lude (54); whereat he who speaks had great fear, and much marvelled at the sayings of the same Joan, the aforesaid things considered. Afterwards the same Joan went to the assault, and he who speaks with the same. And the men-at-arms attacking, the count of Suffolk caused it to be cried that he willed to speak with the speaker; who nevertheless was not heard, nay they accomplished the assault. And the same Joan was on the ladder, holding her banner in her hand, which banner was smitten, and the same Joan was smitten upon the head by a stone which was broken upon the headpiece (55) of the same Joan. Yet the same Joan was cast down to the earth; and when she had risen she said to the men-at-arms: Amys, amys, sus! sus! Nostre Sire a condempné les Angloys. This hour they are ours; have good heart! And instantly the same town of Jargeau was taken, and the English departed toward the bridges: whom the French pursued; and in the pursuit more than eleven hundred were slain.

And the town taken, he who speaks, Joan and the men-at-arms went to the town of Orléans, and from the town of Orléans went to Meung (56), where the English were in the town, to wit the Child of Warwick and Scales. And he who speaks with few men-at-arms passed the night in a certain church beside Meung, where he who speaks was in great peril; and on the morrow they went to Beaugency, into certain meadows where they found other men-at-arms of the king, and there a certain onset was made against the English being in the town of Beaugency. After which onset the English quitted the town and entered the castle; and watches were set before the castle, lest

(44) Anne de Bourgogne, daughter of Jean-sans-Peur, married in 1423 to the duke of Bedford.

(45) Called in the procès-verbaux of the condemnation Radulphus.

(46) It is this Jean d’Alençon who, for having corresponded clandestinely with the king of England, was afterwards condemned to perpetual prison; whom Louis XI pardoned at his accession, and who died in 1476 after having had himself condemned a second time.

(47) Saumur.

(48) The then bishop of Senlis must be understood, Simon Bonnet, and not he who occupied the see in 1429, who was devoted to the party of the English.

(49) The manuscripts read Magloriensis.

(50) Hugues de Combarel, whom the sire de Giac would have cast into the river in 1426, because at the States held at Mehun-sur-Yèvre he had voted the taille on the express condition that the king should put order to the pilleries of the men of war. (Chronique de la Pucelle, p. 492.)

(51) Yolande d’Aragon, mother-in-law of Charles VII, a woman of a great capacity who had much part in the government, when the intrigues of the favourites did not hinder her from acting. The fact reported by the witness is confirmed by the following article which I extract from a title preserved at the library of Orléans: To Geffroy Diron, of Orléans, for having busied himself for the space of twenty days in two journeys which he made from Orléans to Blois to receive and put in safety the wheat which the queen of Sicily had caused to be brought to the said place of Blois. (Mandates and quittances of the expenses of the town of Orléans in 1429 and 1430, bundle 2, piece 29.)

(52) Perhaps Louis de Culant. See above, p. 4.

(53) Gentleman of the pays chartrain, captain of Châteaudun, who has left his name to a street of Orléans. (See Hist. de Charles VII by Godefroy, p. 849.)

(54) The so-called Chronicle of the Maid, which reports the same event, applies it to a gentleman of Anjou, which shows that the seigneury of the Lude is in question, which Jean de Daillon acquired in 1457 from his mother-in-law Jeanne de Vendôme-Ségré; but it is not found from whom this last held it. (Hist. gén. de la maison de France, t. VIII, pp. 189 and 728.)

(55) So. Read capellinam, in French chapeline, a light helmet in the form of a skull-cap, without mask or beaver.

(56) Meung-sur-Loire.

the English should come out. And they being before the castle, they heard news that the lord constable was coming with certain men-at-arms; wherefore he who speaks, the same Joan and the others of the army were ill content, willing to depart from the said town, for they had in mandate not to receive the lord constable into their company. And the speaker said to the same Joan that if the constable himself should come, he would depart. And on the morrow, before the coming of the lord constable, news came that the English were coming in great number, in whose company was the lord de Talbot, and the men-at-arms cried: à l’arme! and then the same Joan said to the speaker, who willed to depart on account of the coming of the lord constable, that it was needful to help oneself. And at length the English surrendered the castle by composition and departed with the safe-conduct which he who speaks granted them, who at that same time was lieutenant for the king in this army. And when the English departed, there came a certain one of the company of La Hire, who said to the speaker and the king’s captains that the English were coming, and that they would soon have them at will (57), and that they were as it were a thousand men of arms. Which the same Joan hearing, asked what that man of arms said, and it being notified to her, she said to the lord constable: Ah! fair constable, you did not come by my doing; but since you have come, you are right welcome. And many of the king’s people feared, saying that it were good to send for the horses. But the same Joan said: En nom Dieu, we must fight them; if they were hung from the clouds we should have them, for God sends them to us that we may punish them, asserting herself to be sure of the victory, saying in French words: The gentle king shall have this day the greatest victory that ever he had. And my counsel tells me that they are all ours. And the speaker knows that without great difficulty the English were vanquished and slain, and among the others Talbot was taken. And there was made a very great slaughter of the English, and afterwards the king’s people came to the town of Patay in the Beauce; into which town the said Talbot was brought before him who speaks and the lord constable, the same Joan being present. For he who speaks said to the said Talbot that he did not believe in the morning that it would so befall him; which Talbot indeed answered that it was the fortune of war. And thence they returned toward the king, who afterwards deliberated to go to the town of Reims for his crowning and consecration.

And he sometimes heard the said Joan saying to the king that the same Joan would endure for a year and not much more, and that they should think in that year of working well, for she said she had four charges, to wit: to rout the English; to have the king crowned and consecrated at Reims; to deliver the duke of Orléans from the hands of the English; and to raise the siege set by the English before the town of Orléans.

He says moreover that the same Joan was chaste, and much hated those women who followed the men-at-arms. For he who speaks heard, at Saint-Denis on the return from the king’s coronation, that the same Joan pursued with a drawn sword a certain young girl being with the men-at-arms, so far that, pursuing her, she broke her sword. She was also much angered when she heard any men-at-arms swear, and chid them much, and most of all him who speaks, who sometimes swore; and when he saw her he refrained from swearing.

He says also that sometimes in the army he who speaks lay with the same Joan and the men-at-arms on the straw, and sometimes saw the same Joan making herself ready, and sometimes saw her breasts, which were fair; yet he who speaks never had carnal concupiscence of her.

He says further that, so far as he could perceive, he ever held her for a good catholic and worthy woman, for he saw her many times receive the body of Christ; and, when she saw the body of Christ, she wept, many times with great tears. She also received the holy eucharist twice in the week, and confessed often.

He says also that the same Joan in all her deeds, outside the fact of war, was simple and young; but in the fact of war she was very expert, as well in the bearing of the lance as in gathering the army and ordering battles, and in the preparation of the artillery; and at this all marvelled that she wrought so warily and providently in the fact of war, as if she had been a captain who had exercised the deeds of war for twenty or thirty years, and most of all in the preparation of the artillery, for in this she bore herself right well.

Nor else does he know, interrogated upon this.

Brother Jean Pasquerel #

The venerable and religious man Brother Jean Pasquerel, of the order of the Hermit Friars of Saint Augustine, of the convent of Bayeux, produced, received and sworn yesterday by the lords commissioners, and today, the fourth of the month of May, examined by the notaries by mandate of the lords commissioners.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles read to him: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that, when he first had news of the same Joan and how she had come toward the king, he who speaks was in the town of Anché (58), in which town were the mother (59) of the same Joan and certain of those who had brought the same Joan toward the king; and because they had some acquaintance with the speaker, they said to the same speaker that it was fitting that he should come with them to the said Joan, and that they would never leave the same speaker until they had brought him to the same Joan. And with them he came as far as the town of Chinon and thence as far as the town of Tours, in whose convent of the town of Tours he who speaks was lector. And in the same town of Tours the same Joan was then lodged in the house of Jean Dupuy, burgess of Tours, and they found the same Joan in the same house, and those who had brought the same speaker addressed the same Joan, saying: Joan, we have brought you this good father; if you knew him well, you would much love him. To whom the same Joan answered that she was well content with the speaker, and that she had already heard him spoken of, and that on the morrow she willed to confess to the same speaker. And on the morrow he heard her in confession and sang mass before her, and from that hour he who speaks ever followed her, and dwelt with her as far as the town of Compiègne, where she was taken.

And he heard it said that the same Joan, when she came toward the king, was visited twice by women what she was, and whether she were man or woman, and whether corrupt or virgin; and she was found a woman, yet a virgin and a maid. And they visited her, as he heard, the lady de Gaucourt (60) and the lady de Trêves (61). And afterwards she was led to Poitiers, to be examined by the clerks being there in the university, and to know what was to be done of her; and Masters Jordan Morin and Pierre de Versailles, who died bishop of Meaux, and many others examined her; and, she being examined by them, they concluded that, the necessity considered which then menaced the whole realm, the king could help himself by her, and that in her they had found nothing contrary to the catholic faith. And this done, she was brought back to the town of Chinon, and believed she should speak with the king: which she could not that time. At length, by deliberation of the Council, the same Joan spoke with the king; and that day, whilst the same Joan entered the king’s house to speak with him, a certain man being upon a horse said these words: Is not that the Maid there? denying God that if he had her by night he would not render her back a maid. But the same Joan then said to the same man: Ha! en nom Dieu, thou deniest him, and thou art so nigh thy death! Afterwards the same man, within the hour, fell into the water and was drowned. And this he says as he heard from the said Joan and many others who said they had been present at this. And the same Joan was led toward the king by the lord count of Vendôme, who introduced her into the king’s chamber. And as soon as he saw her, the same Joan asked him his name; who answered: Gentil Daulphin, my name is Jehanne la Pucelle; and the King of the heavens sends you word by me that you shall be consecrated and crowned in the town of Reims, and you shall be lieutenant of the King of the heavens, who is king of France. And after many interrogations made by the king, the same Joan again said: I tell thee on the part of Messire that thou art the true heir of France and the king’s son; and he sends me to thee to lead thee to Reims, that there thou mayest receive thy coronation and consecration, if thou wilt. And these things heard, the king said to the bystanders that the same Joan had told him certain secrets which none knew or could know save God; wherefore he much trusted in her. And all the premises he heard from the same Joan, for at the premises he was not present.

He heard also from the same that she was not content with so many interrogations, and that they hindered her from accomplishing the business for which she was sent, and that there was need and it was time to act; saying further that she had inquired of the messengers of her lord, to wit God, appearing to her, what she ought to do, and they said to the same Joan that she should take the banner of her lord; and on this account the same Joan caused her banner to be made, in which was depicted the image of our Saviour seated in judgement in the clouds of heaven, and a certain angel was depicted holding in his hands a fleur-de-lis which the image blessed. And he who speaks arrived at Tours at that time when that banner was being painted.

And a little after, the same Joan went with the other men-at-arms to raise the siege being at Orléans: and he who speaks was in the company of the same Joan, from whom he departed not until she was taken before Compiègne; and served her as chaplain, hearing her in confession and singing mass.

And the speaker says that the same Joan was very devout toward God and blessed Mary, and as it were daily confessed and frequently communicated. For she said to the same speaker, when she was in any place where there were convents of the Mendicants, that he should give her memory of the days on which the little boys of the Mendicants received the sacrament of the Eucharist, that on that day she might receive with the same boys, as she many times did; for with the little boys of the Mendicants she received the sacrament of the Eucharist. He says also that when she confessed, she wept.

Moreover the speaker says that, when the same Joan went out of the town of Tours to come to Orléans, she asked the speaker that he should not leave her, but ever stay with her as her confessor: which the speaker promised her. And they were in the town of Blois about two or three days, awaiting the victuals which were there loaded into boats; and there she said to the speaker that he should cause a banner to be made for gathering the priests, in French une bannière, and that in the same banner he should cause to be depicted the image of Our Lord crucified: which also he who speaks did. And the banner of this kind being made, the same Joan every day twice, to wit in the morning and at evening, caused all the priests to be gathered by him who speaks; which being gathered, they sang antiphons and hymns of blessed Mary, and with them was the same Joan; nor would she suffer any men-at-arms among those priests unless they had confessed that day, admonishing all the men-at-arms that they should confess, that they might come to the congregation of this kind; for in the same congregation all the priests were ready to confess whomsoever who willed to confess to them.

And when the same Joan went out of the town of Blois to go to Orléans, she caused all the priests to be gathered with that banner, and the priests themselves went before the men-at-arms. Who went out by the side of the Sologne so gathered, singing Veni Creator spiritus and very many antiphons, and lay that day in the fields, and also the following day. And on the third day they arrived near the town of Orléans, where the English held the siege beside the bank of the river Loire; and the king’s men-at-arms arrived nigh enough to the English, so that the English and the French could see each other with the eye, and the king’s men-at-arms were conducting the victuals. And the bank was then so small that the boats could not go up nor come as far as the bank where the English were; and as it were suddenly the water rose, so that the boats arrived toward the men-at-arms; into which boats the same Joan with certain men-at-arms entered and went into the town of Orléans. And he who speaks, by order of the said Joan, with the priests and the banner returned to the town of Blois; and thence, a few days passed, he who speaks with many men-at-arms came to the city of Orléans by the side of the Beauce, with the said banner and the priests, without any impediment; and when the same Joan knew of their coming, she went to meet them, and together they entered the town of Orléans without impediment, and brought in the victuals, the English looking on. And it was a marvel, for all the English with a great multitude and power, armed and ready for battle, saw the king’s men-at-arms in a small company in comparison of the English; they saw also and heard the priests chanting, among whom was the speaker bearing the banner; and yet no Englishman was moved, nor made any onset upon the same men-at-arms and priests. And they being so received into the city of Orléans, the men-at-arms again went out of the town of Orléans, the same Joan urging, and went to attack and make assault upon the English being in the fortress or bastille of Saint-Loup. And he who speaks with the other priests, after dinner, came to the lodging of the said Joan, and when they came there the same Joan cried: Where are they who ought to arm me? The blood of our people is running upon the ground. And she being armed, straightway went out of the city and went to the said place of the fortress of Saint-Loup (62), where was the onset or assault; and on the way she found many wounded, whereat she greatly condoled, and arrived with the others at the assault, suchwise that by force and violence the same fortress was taken, and the English being in the same taken. And he who speaks remembers that it was on the vigil of the Ascension of the Lord, and many English were there slain: whereat the same Joan much grieved, because she said they were slain without confession, and much bewept them, and forthwith the same confessed to him who speaks. And she commanded the same speaker

(57) This is the lesson of the ms. ND.; the ms. 5970 gives vulneratim.

(58) Villa Aniciensis is the town of Puy-en-Velay, which cannot here be in question. M. Le Brun de Charmettes, in his Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, t. I, p. 148, supposes that one must read villa Aziacensi, to make Azay-le-Rideau; but one would remain nearer the text in conjecturing villa Ancensi, which would be Anché, a village situated between Chinon and l’Île-Bouchard.

(59) M. Le Brun de Charmettes, ibid., conjectures with reason that mater is a fault and that one must read frater.

(60) Jeanne de Preuilly.

(61) Jeanne de Hortemer.

(62) So; read Saint-Loup.

that he should publicly admonish all the men-at-arms that they should confess their sins and render thanks to God for the victory obtained; else she would not be with them, nay would leave their company; saying further, on the said day of the vigil of the Ascension of the Lord, that within five days the siege being before the town of Orléans would be raised, nor would any Englishman remain before the city: which so came to pass, for, as he already said, on the said Wednesday the fortress or bastille of Saint-Loup was taken, where the nuns are (63), and in which fortress there were more than a hundred chosen men well armed, of whom none remained but was taken or slain. And that day at evening, when she was in her lodging, she said to the same speaker that on the morrow, which was the feast-day of the Ascension of the Lord, she would not make war nor arm herself, out of reverence for the said feast, and that that day she willed to confess and receive the sacrament of the Eucharist: which also she did; and that day she ordered that none should presume on the morrow to go out of the town and go to onset or assault unless he had first gone to confession; and that they should beware lest ill-famed women should follow her, for on account of sins God would suffer the battle to be lost. And so it was done, as the same Joan had ordered.

He who speaks says also that that day of the feast of the Ascension of the Lord the same Joan wrote to the English being in the fortresses or bastilles in this wise:

You, men of England, who have no right in this realm of France, the King of heaven commands and sends word to you by me, Joan the Maid, that you leave your fortresses and depart into your own parts, or I shall make you such a hahai (64) whereof there shall be perpetual memory. And these are the things which for the third and last time I write to you, nor shall I write more. So signed: Jhesus Maria, Jehanne la Pucelle. And further: I should have sent you my letters more honourably; but you detain my heralds, in French mes héraulx; for you have detained my herald called Guyenne. Whom you shall will to send back to me, and I shall send you certain of your people taken in the fortresses of Saint-Loup, for they are not all dead.

And afterwards she took an arrow and bound the said letter with thread at the end of the said arrow, and commanded a certain crossbowman that he should shoot the arrow of this kind toward the English, crying: Read; it is news! And the English received the same arrow with the letter and read it. Which read, they began to cry with a very great cry, saying: They are news from the whore of the Armagnacs! At which words the same Joan began to sigh and weep with an abundance of tears, calling upon the King of heaven in her aid. And afterwards she was comforted, as she said, for she had had news from her lord; and at evening, after supper, she ordered the speaker that he should rise on the morrow earlier than he had done on the day of the Ascension, and that he should confess her right early in the morning: which also he did.

And on the said day, to wit Friday, on the morrow of the said feast of the Ascension, he who speaks rose right early in the morning and heard the same Joan in confession and sang mass before her and her people in the town of Orléans; and afterwards they went to the assault, which lasted from morning until evening. And the same day the fortress of the Augustins was taken with a great assault, and the same Joan, who had been wont to fast on Fridays, could not fast that day, for she had been too much vexed, and the same Joan supped. After her supper there came to the same Joan a valiant and notable knight, of whose name he who speaks remembers not, and said to the same Joan that the captains and the king’s men-at-arms had been together in council, and that they saw that they were few men-at-arms in comparison of the English, and that God had done them a great grace for the contents (65) obtained, [adding]: Considering that the town is full of victuals, we shall be able well to keep the city awaiting the king’s succour; nor does it seem expedient in counsel that the men-at-arms go out tomorrow. The same Joan answered: You have been in your council, and I have been in mine; and believe that the counsel of my Lord shall be accomplished and shall hold, and counsel of this kind shall perish; saying to the same speaker, who was then near her: Rise on the morrow right early, and more than you have done today, and do as well as you can. Keep yourself ever near me, for on the morrow I shall have much to do and more than ever I had, and on the morrow blood shall issue from my body above the breast.

And the Saturday coming, he who speaks rose right early and celebrated mass; and the same Joan went to the assault at the fortress of the Bridge, where Glasdale the Englishman was; and the assault lasted there from morning until sunset without intermission. In which assault and after dinner the same Joan, as she had foretold, was smitten by an arrow above the breast, and when she felt herself wounded she feared and wept, and was comforted, as she said. And certain men-at-arms seeing her so hurt willed to charm her, in French charmer; but she would not, saying: I should liefer die than do aught that I knew to be sin, or to be against the will of God; and she well knew that she must once die; yet she knew not when, where or how, nor at what hour; but, if remedy could be put to her wound without sin, she willed well to be healed. And they applied to the same wound oil of olives with lard, and after the application of this kind the same Joan confessed to him who speaks, weeping and lamenting. And she returned again to the onset or assault, crying and saying: Clasdas, Clasdas, yield thee, yield thee to the King of heaven. Thou didst call me whore; I have great pity of thy soul and of thy people. Then the same Glasdale, armed from head to foot, fell into the river Loire and was drowned; whereat the same Joan, moved by pity, began mightily to weep for the soul of the same Glasdale and of the others drowned there in great number. And that day all the English who were beyond the bridge were taken or slain.

And thence, on the Sunday before the rising of the sun, all the English who had remained in the fields gathered themselves together and came as far as upon the fosses of the town of Orléans, and went to the town of Meung upon the Loire; and there remained certain days. And on the said Sunday a solemn procession with a sermon was made in the town of Orléans; and they concluded to go to the king, and the same Joan went toward the king, and the English gathered themselves and went to the town of Jargeau, which was taken by assault. And thence the English were vanquished and overcome beside the town of Patay.

And thence the same Joan, willing to proceed further, as she had said, to the coronation of the king, led the king to the town of Troyes in Champagne, and from the town of Troyes to the town of Châlons, and from Châlons into the town of Reims, where the king was there miraculously crowned and consecrated, as the same Joan had foretold at the beginning of her coming. And many times he heard the said Joan say that of her deed there was a certain ministry; and when it was said to her: Never were such things seen as are seen of your deed; in no book is it read of such deeds; she answered: My Lord has a book in which never any clerk has read, how perfect soever he be in clerkship.

He who speaks says moreover that, so often as she rode through the fields and drew nigh the fortresses, she ever lodged apart with women; and he saw her on many nights set herself on bended knees to the ground, praying God for the prosperity of the king and the accomplishment of her mission committed to her by God.

He says moreover that, in the army and when she was in the fields, victuals necessary were sometimes not found; yet she never would have eaten of stolen victuals. And the speaker firmly believes that she was sent from God, for she exercised good works and was full of all virtues; for of the poor men-at-arms, although they were of the English part, she had much compassion, for, when she saw them at the last or wounded, she caused them to confess. She also much feared God, for, for nothing would she have willed to do aught that would displease God; for, when she was wounded in the shoulder by a certain shot of a crossbow, suchwise that the shaft appeared on either side, certain ones willed to charm her, promising her that she would be healed immediately. She answered that it was sin, and that she had liefer die than offend Our Lord by such enchantments.

He says moreover that he well marvels that so great clerks as were they who delivered her to death in the town of Rouen dared to make attempt upon the same Joan and to cause to die so poor and simple a christian so cruelly and without cause (at least which should suffice for death), and whom they could have kept in prisons or elsewhere without that she had done them displeasure; and most of all that they were her capital enemies; and it seems to him that they unjustly assumed the judgement.

And of her acts and deeds our lord the king and the duke of Alençon know most fully and are informed of certain secrets which they could declare if they willed. Nor else does he know, save that the same Joan many times said to the same speaker that, if it should befall her to end her life, the lord king should cause chapels to be made to beseech the Most High for the salvation of the souls of those who had died in the war for the defence of the realm.

So signed: I Brother Jean Pasquerel have so written and deposed, in the year of the Lord 1456, on Friday, the morrow of the Ascension of the Lord. J. Pasquerel.

Brother Jean de Lenozolles #

The venerable and religious man Brother Jean de Lenozolles, priest of the order of Saint Peter Celestine, of the age of fifty-eight (66) years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined in the aforesaid year, on the seventh day of the month of May.

And first, interrogated what he knows to attest or depose of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause: he deposes that he had no knowledge of the same Joan, for he only saw her in the two preachings which were made at Rouen.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the fifth to the twenty-third, he deposes that of the contents of the same he who speaks knows only that, at the time when the same Joan was detained at Rouen, he was servant of the late Master Guillaume Erard. And he who speaks came from Burgundy with the same master of his as far as the town of Rouen, and when they arrived there the speaker heard that mention was made of the process of this kind; but what was done in the same process he who speaks knows nothing, for he departed from the said town of Rouen and went to Caen, and stayed there until about the feast of Pentecost: on which feast he returned to Rouen and found his master, who said to him that he had the charge of making a certain preaching for the same Joan, whereat he was much displeased, saying to the same speaker that he would have willed to be in Flanders, and that the matter much displeased him. Then, interrogated of the contents of the said articles, he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he was at the preaching made by the said master of his at Saint-Ouen; but what was said he remembers not, for he stood afar. And he remembers that the popular rumour at the end of the sermon was that the same Joan had revoked herself, and that she had been brought back, whereat many rejoiced; but what she had revoked he knows not. And he says that after the revocation of this kind there was given her a woman’s garment by Masters Pierre Maurice and Nicolas Loyseleur, and so she was brought back into the prison. Yet he heard it said that her male garment was left to her in the prison: which male garment she afterwards resumed; but for what cause or who moved her, he knows not. Yet he knows that, after the resumption of this kind of the habit, the judges were gathered to know what was to be done; but what they concluded he knows not, save by hearsay, it being commonly said that she had been adjudged relapsed because she had resumed the male habit and said that her voices had appeared to her.

He says also that he saw the same Joan at the second preaching, at which he who speaks was present; and in the morning, before the preaching of this kind, he saw the body of Christ brought to the same Joan very solemnly, the litany being sung and Orate pro ea said, and with a great multitude of torches; but who deliberated or ordered this he knows nothing. Nor was he who speaks present at the reception, albeit he heard it said afterwards that she had received very devoutly and with a great abundance of tears. And a little after the same Joan was led into the pulpit made ready in the Old Market, and there the preaching was made by Master Nicolas Midi; but what was done in the preaching of this kind he remembers not, for he was far from the preacher.

He says also that he did not see her rendered to secular justice; but, a little after the preaching of this kind, he saw her led to the supplice, and there saw her burned. He says nevertheless that she cried aloud Jesus, many times repeated. Nor else does he know.

The lord Simon Charles #

The noble and learned man the lord Simon Charles, president of our lord the king in his Chamber of Accounts (67), of the age of sixty years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined in the aforesaid year and day.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he knows only the things which follow: to wit that, in the year in which the same Joan came toward the king, he who speaks had been sent by the king in an embassy to Venice, and returned about the month of March; at which time he heard it said by Jean de Metz, who had brought the same Joan to the king, that she was on the way to the king. And the speaker knows that, when the same Joan arrived at the town of Chinon, it was deliberated in the Council whether the king should hear her or not. And first they interrogated her to what end she had come and what she sought. Albeit she would say nothing unless she spoke to the king, she was nevertheless constrained on the king’s part to tell the cause of her mission, and she said that she had two things in mandate on the part of the King of heaven: one to wit to raise the siege

(63) The bastille of Saint-Loup was indeed established on the site of a convent of women which the Orléanais had demolished in the preceding month of December. (Journal du siège.)

(64) Read de hahai. Instead of hahu there is hahai in the letter reported, Procès de condamnation, t. I, p. 244.

(65) Translate contentments, if nevertheless contentis is not a fault.

(66) The manuscript ND.: Forty-five.

(67) He was only maître des requêtes in 1429 (according to the dires of the B. H.

of Orléans; the other to lead the king to Reims for his crowning and consecration. Which heard, certain of the king’s councillors said that the king ought to give no faith to the same Joan; and others that, since she said herself sent by God and that she had certain things to speak with the king, the king at least ought to hear her. Yet the king willed that she should first be examined by clerks and ecclesiastical men; which also was done. And at length, albeit with difficulty, it was appointed that the king should hear her. And when she entered the castle of Chinon to come before the king, still the king, by the counsel of the greater of his court, doubted to speak with her, until it was reported to the same king that Robert de Baudricourt had written to the king that he had sent him a certain woman, and she had been led through the country of the king’s enemies and had as it were miraculously crossed many rivers at the ford, to be brought to the king. And on this account the king was moved to hear her, and audience was given to the same Joan. And when she went toward the king, he drew himself apart from the others; yet the same Joan well knew him and showed him reverence, and she spoke with the king for a long space. And she being heard, the king appeared to be rejoicing. And thence the king, willing to do nothing further unless he had counsel from the ecclesiastical men, sent the same Joan again to the town of Poitiers, that she might there be examined by the clerks of the university of Poitiers; and after the king knew her examined, and that it had been reported to him that naught was found in her save good, the king caused armour to be made for her and delivered men to her; and she had command in the fact of war.

And he who speaks says that the same Joan was very simple in all her doings, except in the fact of war, in which she was most expert. And he who speaks heard from the mouth of the king many good words of the same Joan, and this was at Saint-Benoît-sur-Loire: in which place the king had pity of her and of the pain she bore, and commanded her that she should rest. And then the same Joan said to the king, weeping, that he should not doubt and that he should obtain his whole realm, and that shortly he should be crowned. And he says that she much chid the men-at-arms when she saw them do aught which seemed to her not to be done.

And of the things which were done at Orléans he knows nothing save by hearsay, for he was not present; but one thing he heard said by the lord de Gaucourt, that when she was at Orléans and it had been concluded by the men who had the charge of the king’s people that it seemed not good that any onset or assault should be made, on the day on which the bastille of the Augustins was taken, and the same lord de Gaucourt was commissioned to keep the gates lest any should go out of the gate: yet the same Joan was not content with this; nay she was of opinion that the men-at-arms ought to go out with the people of the town and go to the assault at the said bastille, and of this opinion were many men-at-arms and men of the town; and the same Joan said to the same lord de Gaucourt that he was a bad man, saying to him: Will you, will you not, the men-at-arms shall come and shall prevail as they have otherwise prevailed. And against the will of the same lord de Gaucourt the men-at-arms went out with the men of the town (68), and went to the assault to attack the said bastille of the Augustins, which they took by force and violence. And, as he heard it said by the same lord de Gaucourt, he was in the greatest peril.

He says further that the same Joan was with the king as far as the town of Troyes, through which the king willed to pass to go to Reims to have his coronation; and the king being before the aforesaid town of Troyes, and when the men-at-arms saw that they had no victuals, and so were in despair and as it were departing, the same Joan said to the king that he should not doubt of aught and that on the morrow he should obtain the city. And then the same Joan took her banner, and many men on foot followed her, to whom she commanded that each should make faggots to fill the fosses. Who made many, and on the morrow the same Joan cried: To the assault! feigning to cast faggots into the fosses. And the citizens of Troyes seeing this, fearing the assault of this kind, sent to the king to treat of a composition to be had with the king. And the composition was made by the king with the citizens, and the king entered the town of Troyes with great array, the same Joan bearing her banner near the king.

And he says that a little after, the king with his army went out of the town of Troyes and went toward Châlons and thence to Reims; and when the king doubted lest haply he should have resistance at Reims, the same Joan said to the king: Doubt not, for the burgesses of the town of Reims shall come to meet you; and that, before he should draw nigh the city of Reims, the burgesses would surrender themselves. And the king feared the resistance of those of Reims because he had no artillery, in French, nor engines to set a siege, if they should be rebels. For the same Joan said to the king that he should proceed boldly and doubt of nothing, for, if he would proceed manfully, he should obtain his whole realm.

He who speaks says moreover that he believes she came from God, for she did the works of God, often confessing and receiving the sacrament of the Eucharist as it were every week. He who speaks says moreover that, when she was in arms and on horseback, she never came down from the horse for the necessities of nature; and all the men-at-arms marvelled how she could stay so long upon the horse. Nor else does he know.

The witnesses produced in this cause, and received, sworn and examined by us, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop of Reims, a judge deputed by apostolic authority, in the presence of the venerable and religious man Brother Thomas Verel, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, vicar and substitute of the lord inquisitor of the faith, and of Gérard Detasalle, priest, public notary, deputed for this by us in the absence of the notaries of the cause, in the town of Paris, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the days contained in the depositions of the same witnesses. And the sayings and depositions and attestations of the same follow in these words:

The lord de Termes #

And first, the noble and prudent lord Thébaud d’Armagnac, otherwise de Termes, knight, bailiff of Chartres, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, examined upon the contents of the articles produced in this cause, on the seventh day of May.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the same articles: he deposes that he had knowledge of the same Joan only when she departed to the town of Orléans to raise the siege there set by the English: in which town of Orléans, and for its keeping, he who speaks was in the company of the lord of Dunois. And when they knew that the same Joan had come, the said lord count of Dunois, he who speaks and many others crossed the river Loire, and went to seek the same Joan, who was on the side of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; and they brought the same Joan into the said town of Orléans. After whose coming he who speaks saw her in the assaults made at the bastilles of Saint-Loup and the Augustins, Saint-Jean-le-Blanc and the Bridge; in which assaults the same Joan was so valiant and so bore herself that it would not be possible to any man to do better in the fact of war. And all the captains marvelled at her valour and diligence, and the pains and labours borne by her.

And he believes that she was a good and worthy creature, and that the things she did were more of divinity than of humanity, for she often reprehended the vices of the men-at-arms; and (as he heard the same said by a certain Master Robert Baignart, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, who had heard her many times in confession) that the same Joan was a woman of God, and that she was sent by God; and that she was of good soul and good conscience.

He says also that, after the siege of Orléans raised, he who speaks with many other men-at-arms went in the company of the said Joan to Beaugency, where the English were. And on the day on which the English lost the battle at Patay, he who speaks and the late La Hire, knowing the English to be gathered and ready for battle, said to the same Joan that the English were coming and were in battle array ready for the fight. Who answered, saying to the captains: Strike boldly; they shall take to flight; nor would they stay there long. And then at her word the captains disposed themselves to attack, and straightway the English were turned to flight. And the same Joan had foretold to the French that of her people none or few would be slain, nor would they have loss: which so befell, for of all our men there was slain only a certain nobleman of the speaker’s company.

He who speaks says also that he was with our lord the king before the town of Troyes and as far as the town of Reims, in the company of the said Joan.

And of all the deeds done by the same Joan he believes more to be of divinity than of humanity, for, as the speaker says, she confessed most often, received the sacrament of the Eucharist, and was most devout in hearing mass. He says nevertheless that outside the fact of war she was simple and innocent; but in the conduct and disposition of the men-at-arms, and in the fact of war, and in ordering battles and animating the men-at-arms, she so bore herself as if she had been the subtlest captain in the world, who had been taught in war all his days. Nor else does he know.

The lord Haimond de Macy #

The lord Haimond, lord of Macy, knight, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined by us, the aforesaid archbishop, in the presence of the same Brother Thomas Verel, in the aforesaid year and day.

Interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he first had knowledge of the same Joan because he saw her imprisoned in the Castle of Beaurevoir, for and in the name of the lord count of Ligny; whom he many times saw in the prison and with her many times spoke. And he who speaks many times attempted, playing with her, to touch her breasts, trying to put his hands in her bosom: which nevertheless the same Joan would not suffer, nay repelled him who speaks with all her might. And the same Joan was of honest conversation, as well in words as in bearing.

He says also that the same Joan was led to the castle of Crotoy, where there was then detained prisoner a very notable man called Master Nicolas de Queuville, chancellor of the church of Amiens, doctor of both laws, who often celebrated in the same prisons, and whose mass the same Joan most often heard; insomuch that he heard it said afterwards to the same Master Nicolas that he had heard the same Joan in confession, and that the same Joan was a good and most devout christian; and very many good things he said of the same Joan.

He who speaks says further that the same Joan was led into the castle of Rouen, into a certain prison toward the fields; and in the same town, during the time in which the same Joan was detained in the same prisons, the same lord count of Ligny came, in whose company was he who speaks. And on a certain day the same lord count of Ligny willed to see the same Joan, and came to her in the company of the lords counts of Warwick and of Stafford (69), the chancellor of England, then bishop of Thérouanne (70), being present, and the brother of the said count of Ligny, and he who speaks; and the same count of Ligny addressed the same Joan, saying these words: Joan, I have come hither to put you to ransom, provided nevertheless that you will promise that you will never arm yourself against us. Who answered: En nom Dé, you mock me, for I well know that you have neither the will nor the power; and those words she said repeated times, for the same lord count persisted in the said words, saying further: Je sçay bien que ces Angloys me feront mourir, believing after my death to win the realm of France; but, if there were a hundred thousand godons (71), in French, more than there are at present, they shall not have the realm. And at these words the count of Stafford was indignant, and drew his dagger as far as the middle to smite her; but the count of Warwick hindered him. And after certain times, he who speaks still being in the town of Rouen, the same Joan was led into the place before Saint-Ouen, where a certain preaching was made which Master Nicolas Midi (72) made, who among other words said, as he who speaks heard: Joan, we have such pity of thee: it behoves that thou revoke those things which thou hast said, or that we deliver thee to secular justice. And she answered that she had done no ill, and that she believed in the twelve articles of the faith and in the ten commandments of the Decalogue; saying further that she referred herself to the Roman Court and willed to believe in all things in which holy Church believed. And notwithstanding these things, she was much pressed to revoke herself; who nevertheless said these words: You take much pains to seduce me; and to avoid the peril she said that she was content to do all things which they willed. And then a certain secretary of the king of England, then present, called Laurent Calot, drew out of his sleeve a certain little written schedule, which he delivered to the same Joan to sign; and she answered that she knew neither to read nor to write. Notwithstanding this the same Laurent Calot, secretary, delivered to the same Joan the said schedule and a pen to sign; and by way of derision the same Joan made a certain round thing. And then the same Laurent Calot took the hand of the same Joan with the pen, and caused to be made by the same Joan a certain sign whereof he who speaks remembers not. And he believes that she is in paradise.

Coleta, wife of Pierre Milet #

Coleta, wife of Pierre Milet, clerk of the élus of Paris, of the age of fifty-six years, received, sworn and examined by us, the aforesaid archbishop, in the presence of the said Brother Thomas and the notary, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the eleventh day of the month of May.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause, she who speaks deposes that she first had knowledge of the same Joan when she came to Orléans. And she says that she was lodged in the house of Jacques Bouchier, where she who speaks

(68) All the manuscripts have for a single word villatenen.

(69) Humfrey, count of Stafford, constable of France for the king of England.

(70) Louis de Luxembourg, bishop of Thérouanne.

(71) A popular expression of the fifteenth century to designate the English; as one said lately the goddem.

(72) Error of the witness. It is of Guillaume Erard that he means to speak.

went to visit the same Joan. Which Joan ever and continually spoke of God, saying: Messire has sent me to succour the good town of Orléans.

She says also that she many times saw the same Joan hear mass with the greatest devotion, as a good christian and catholic.

She says moreover that the same Joan, at the time when she came to Orléans to raise the siege, slept in the house of her host, called Jacques Le Bouchier, on the vigil of the Ascension of the Lord, and suddenly awakened, called her groom, called Mugot (73), and said to him: En nom Dé, it is ill done. Why was I not sooner awakened? Our people have much to do; and she asked for her arms and caused herself to be armed, and her groom brought her her horse; and she mounted upon the horse armed, holding her lance in her fist; and began to run through the Great Street suchwise that fire issued from the pavement, and went straight as far as Saint-Loup, and caused it to be proclaimed with the sound of a trumpet that none should take anything in the church.

She says also and deposes that, on the day on which the fortress or bastille of the Bridge was taken, in the morning, she being in the house of her said host, a certain one brought her a shad; which the same Joan seeing, said to her host: Keep it for me until evening, for this evening I shall bring you a godon, and I shall cross over the bridge.

She says further that the same Joan was very sober in food and drink, and bore herself honestly in conversation, gesture and carriage; and she who speaks firmly believes that her deed and her works were the work of God rather than of man.

Nor else does she know, duly interrogated.

Pierre Milet #

Pierre Milet, clerk or registrar of the élus of Paris (74), of the age of seventy-two years or thereabout, a witness produced, received and sworn and examined by us, in the presence of the said sub-inquisitor and notary, on the eleventh day of the month of May.

And first, interrogated of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause: he deposes, by means of his oath, that he had knowledge of the same Joan la Pucelle only during the siege set by the English before the town of Orléans, in which town he who speaks with the others was besieged (75). And that time enduring, the same Joan arrived at Orléans, and was lodged in the house of Jacques Bouchier, in which house she demeaned herself justly, holily and soberly and with the greatest honesty, most devoutly heard mass daily, and most often received the sacrament of the Eucharist.

He says further that a little after her coming to Orléans she sent to the English holding the siege before the town, and summoned them in writing, and sent a certain schedule very simply made, which he who speaks read, which in effect contained that she notified the English that it was God’s will, saying these words in her tongue: Messire commands you that you go hence into your country; for it is his pleasure, or else I will make you such a hahay — (76)

Of the taking of the bastille or fortress of Saint-Loup he deposes that she was sleeping in the house of her host, and straightway awaking said that her people had much to do; and caused herself to be armed, and went out of the town, and caused it to be proclaimed that none should take goods in the church.

And he deposes in like manner of the bastille of the Bridge as his wife.

He says further that she reprehended those whom she knew to be delinquent, and most of all the men-at-arms when they blasphemed or swore or said any blasphemies. She also drove back the women who were with the men-at-arms, and uttered many threats to them that they should depart from the men-at-arms.

And he firmly believes that her works and deeds were rather of divinity than of humanity. He heard it said also by the lord de Gaucourt and other captains that she was much learned in arms; and each one marvelled at her skill. Nor else does he know.

Master Anian Viole #

Master Anian Viole, licentiate in laws, advocate in the venerable court of Parliament, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, sworn and examined by us, the archbishop, in the presence of the same sub-inquisitor and notary.

Interrogated of the contents of the prescribed articles: he deposes that, of the knowledge of the same Joan la Pucelle, he had knowledge only from the time of the siege of Orléans; during which the same Joan arrived at the town of Orléans and was lodged in the house of Jacques Bouchier. And he well remembers that on a certain day, after dinner, on the day on which the fortress of Saint-Loup was taken, she sleeping, suddenly awoke and said: En nom De, our people have right much to do. Bring my arms, and bring the horse. And straightway the horse brought and her arms taken, she went to the fields with the other men-at-arms who were at the fortress of Saint-Loup, and a little after the fortress of this kind was taken and the English vanquished.

He says also that, before the taking of the fortress of the Bridge, she had said that that fortress would be taken, and that she would return over the Bridge: which seemed to all impossible, at least very difficult. Nay she had said before that she would be wounded before the said fortress of the Bridge, and so it befell.

He says further that, on a certain Sunday after the taking of the said fortresses of the Bridge and of Saint-Loup, the English ordered themselves for battle before the town of Orléans; wherefore many and the greater part of the men-at-arms willed to fight them, and went out of the town, the same Joan being wounded with the men-at-arms, clad in a certain jazerant, and ordered the men-at-arms; yet she forbade them to attack the English, for, as she said, it was the Lord’s pleasure and will that, if they willed to depart, they should suffer them to go. And for that hour the men-at-arms returned to the town of Orléans. And then it was said that she was so expert (77) in the ordering of the men-at-arms for battle as any could be; nay a captain nourished and taught in war could not have done so expertly, whereat the captains were marvellously astonished.

He said further, interrogated upon this, that she frequently confessed, most often received the sacrament of the Eucharist, and in all gesture and conversation bore herself most honestly; and in other things, outside the fact of war, she was so simple that it was a marvel. And on this account he believes, the things considered which were done and followed, that she was led by the spirit of God, and that in her was a divine, not a human virtue. Nor else does he know.

Recollection of the Rouen witnesses #

In the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, in the months and days written below, in the city of Rouen, before the lords the archbishop of Reims and Guillaume, bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France, on the part of the honest persons Isabelle d’Arc, the lord Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Jean d’Arc, brothers, and of the venerable man Master Simon Chapitault, master in arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter in this business: in this cause against and adverse to the reverend father in Christ and lord, the lord bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais and the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, there were produced, received, sworn and examined the witnesses whose names and surnames follow below.

Brother Pierre Migier #

And first, Brother Pierre Migier, professor of sacred theology, prior of the priory of Longueville-Giffard, of the diocese of Rouen, of the Cluniac order, of the age of seventy years, otherwise on the sixteenth day of December in the year 1455 examined as a witness about to swear, and afterwards, on the twelfth day of the month of May next following, recollected; a witness produced, received and examined on the said sixteenth day of December.

And first, upon the contents of the second, third and fourth articles of the articles delivered by the side of the same plaintiffs, interrogated: of the father and mother of Joan he could depose or attest nothing, nor of the same Joan, save from the time when she was brought to the town of Rouen, in which town he saw the same many times, during the process carried on against her. And it seems to him that she answered those interrogating her catholicly and prudently in the things pertaining to the faith, her age and state considered, albeit it seems to him that she persisted too much in the visions which she said she had; and she seemed to him very simple; and that, if she had been in her liberty, he believes she would have been as good a catholic as any other good catholic. And he heard that she had received the body of Christ at the same Joan’s instance. He knows also that, on the day on which she was delivered to secular justice, she began to cry and lament, calling on the name of the Lord Jesus; and so bore herself that very many grieved much; and he who speaks could not look upon her, nay departed, moved by pity even to tears, as also many did, and most of all the lord bishop of Thérouanne, who died cardinal of Thérouanne.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles, what he knows to depose: he deposes as to the fifth that he was present at the conducting of the process made against the said Joan, or in the greater part, and in the consultations in which he heard that mention was made of certain informations; yet he saw them not nor heard them read.

And as to the sixth, he deposes that, as he believes and as he could perceive from the effects thence following, the English pursued the same Joan with a capital hatred and hated her, and thirsted for her death in every wise, for she had been in aid of the most christian king of France. And, as he heard from a certain English knight, the English feared her more than a hundred men-at-arms; and they said that she used sorcery, fearing her on account of the victories obtained by her; and they decreed that a process should be brought against her, which, as he esteems, the judges began at the motion and under the impressions of the English, since the English ever detained her under their guard and keeping, nor suffered her to be detained in ecclesiastical prisons.

And he who speaks adds that, the first sermon made at Saint-Ouen being finished, when the said Joan had been admonished to revoke herself and she deferred, it was said to Master Pierre Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, by an English ecclesiastic, that he was a favourer of the same Joan. To whom the said bishop answered: You lie; I ought by my profession to seek the salvation of the soul and body of the same Joan. And he who speaks himself was denounced to the lord Cardinal of England as being a favourer of the same Joan: whereat the speaker excused himself toward the lord Cardinal, fearing peril of body. And he believes that none would have dared to afford her counsel or defence unless it had been granted him. And he believes certain of the judges not to have been wholly free; others however he believes to have been willing; and it seems to him that, the hatred of the English conceived against her considered, the process may deservedly be called unjust, and consequently the sentence unjust; and, as it seems to him, that by the process of this kind they tended to the infamy of the king of France.

Of the contents of the seventh article he knows nothing save as he deposed above.

Upon the contents of the ninth article, as to the same Joan’s age, he deposes that he believes her to have been twenty years. And she was so simple that she believed that the English would release her for money, nor did she believe that they tended to her death. As to the prisons, he says that the English put her in private or lay prisons, and kept her with chains, nor did any speak with her; nay she was kept by certain English who suffered none to speak with her. Yet he knows not that she was in iron fetters.

Of the contents of the tenth he knows nothing.

Upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth he knows nothing save as he deposed above.

Upon the contents of the fifteenth, he says that he well remembers that the same Joan many times said that of her sayings and deeds she referred herself to our lord the Pope.

Upon the contents of the seventeenth article, he deposes that he heard from her many times in the process, whilst she was interrogated, that she asserted and protested that she willed to hold nothing against the catholic faith, and that, if in her sayings and deeds there were aught which deviated from the faith, she willed to repel it from herself; and that she expressly professed many times that she submitted herself and all her sayings and deeds to the judgement of the Church and of our lord the Pope.

Of the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first, the others omitted, he knows nothing, and refers himself to the confession of the said Joan and the articles drawn up, from which it may appear.

Of the contents of the twenty-second article, he deposes that he heard it said that, during the conducting of the process, there were certain ones hidden behind the curtains, who were said to write certain of the sayings and confessions of the same Joan; but what was done of this, he knows nothing; and this he heard from Master Guillaume Manchon, notary in the process of this kind with two others. Of this also he who speaks complained to the judges, saying that it seemed to him not a good fashion. And whatsoever be of those hidden notaries,

(73) A corrupted form of the surname of Imerguet which the men-at-arms gave to Louis de Contes. See above, p. 69.

(74) Clerk or registrar of the élus of Paris.

(75) Read obsessus.

(76) The phrase has remained thus unfinished in all the manuscripts.

(77) For experta.

he most truly believes that the notaries who signed the process were faithful, and that they faithfully set down the things which were of the process.

Upon the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, he deposes that it is true that two sentences were uttered against her, as is contained in the process, and that she was abandoned to secular justice. Nor does he know that any sentence was uttered by the secular justice; but straightway, the sentence uttered by the bishop and she abandoned, she was taken by the English men-at-arms and led to the supplice with great fury. As to the fact of the abjuration, whereof in the article, he says that it was made by her and was in writing, and lasted as many, or thereabout, as a Pater noster.

Of the contents of the twenty-sixth, he knows only what he heard said, that a man went to her by night, in the habit of a captive, feigning himself a captive of the part of the king of France, and persuading the same Joan that she should persist in her assertions, and that the English would not dare to inflict any ill upon her; and (as he heard from Guillaume Manchon, another notary) that it was a certain Master Jean Loyseleur who feigned himself captive. Nor does he know aught of the male garments set before her, as mention is made in the article; nor does it seem to him that for the resumption of the male habit she ought to have been adjudged heretic; nay it seems to him that he who on that sole occasion adjudged her heretic, ought to be punished with the penalty of retaliation.

Of the contents of the twenty-seventh he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-eighth, twenty-ninth, thirtieth, thirty-first, thirty-second and thirty-third, beyond what he deposed, he says that many of those present in the process were right wroth and reputed the execution very rigorous and ill done; and it was the common voice that she was ill judged.

The same witness says also that otherwise in a certain ancient book, where the prophecy (78) of Merlin was recited, he found written that there was to come a certain maid out of a certain hoar-wood, from the parts of Lorraine.

And of all and singular the articles read and expounded to him, and of their contents, he could depose nothing else save as he deposed above. Nor else does he know.

The lord Guillaume Manchon #

The lord Guillaume Manchon, priest, notary of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen and curate of the parish church of Saint-Nicolas of Rouen, of the age of sixty years or thereabout, as he says; otherwise, on the seventeenth day of December in the year of the Lord 1455, at the instance of the procurator of the said plaintiffs, produced by the lords the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Paris and Brother Jean Bréhal as a witness about to swear and of ancient memory, and again on Wednesday, the twelfth day of the month of May, produced, received and examined upon the articles of the same plaintiffs (79). And first, interrogated of the contents of the second, third and fourth articles of the same articles: he deposes that, of the knowledge of the father and mother and kinsfolk of the same Joan, he had no knowledge. And of the same Joan he had knowledge when she was brought to the town of Rouen; and, as it was said, she was taken in the diocese of Beauvais; on which occasion the lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, pretended himself to be judge, and with all his might procured that she should be rendered to him, writing to the king of England and the duke of Burgundy, from whom finally he obtained her; by means nevertheless of the sum of a thousand pounds or écus and three hundred pounds of annual revenue, which (80) the king of England delivered to a certain man of arms of the duke of Burgundy who had taken the same Joan. And at length the process in the matter of faith was begun against the aforesaid Joan, in the conducting of which he who speaks was assumed as notary, with a certain Guillaume Boisguillaume; and on this account he had knowledge of the same Joan. Who, as it seemed to him, was very simple, albeit sometimes she answered very prudently, and at whiles simply enough, as may be seen in the process.

And he believes that, in so difficult a cause, she was not of herself sufficient to defend herself against so many doctors, unless she had been inspired.

And the process produced by him being exhibited to him, in force of a citation, which he asserted to be the true process made in the conducting of the cause, he recognised that the same had been signed by him and his fellows, and, as he says, contained the truth, and that he made it with two others, of whom one was given to the lord Inquisitor, another to the king of England and another to the lord bishop of Beauvais. And the said processes were made upon a certain minute in French, which also, as he said, he delivered to the lords judges, which is written in his own proper hand. Which processes were afterwards reduced from French into Latin by Master Thomas de Courcelles and the speaker, in the form in which they now stand, as best and according to the truth could be done, long after the death and execution made of the same Joan. He says nevertheless that the same Master Thomas did as it were nothing in the fact of the process, of the libel (81) and the rest, nor did he much interpose himself in this.

The same witness being interrogated, and the process made in French being shown to him, in which there are in the head of certain articles many Nota, what those Nota serve: he answered that at the first interrogations made to Joan there was made the greatest tumult, on the first day of her interrogation, in the chapel of the castle of Rouen, and as it were each word of the same Joan was interrupted when she spoke of her apparitions, for there were there certain secretaries of the king of England, two or three, who registered as they willed the sayings and depositions of the same Joan, omitting the excuses of the same and the things which made to her discharge. And he who speaks then complained of this, saying that, unless another order were set, he would not undertake the charge of writing in the same matter; and on this account on the morrow the place was changed, and they came together in a certain hall of the castle being near the great hall; and there were two English keeping the door. And since sometimes there was a difficulty upon the answers of the same Joan and her sayings, and that certain ones said that she had not so answered as was written by the speaker, where it seemed difficult to them, he put Nota in the head, that she might be again interrogated and the difficulty cease. And this is what those Nota set in the head denote.

And whether the same Joan lived catholicly, he knows naught else save that often, during the process, he heard her asking to hear mass, to wit on the Sundays of Palm Sunday and Easter, asking on the same day of Easter to confess and receive the lordly body; and yet it was not suffered that she should confess save to a certain Master Nicolas Loyseleur; and she much complained that it was denied her.

Of the contents of the fifth and sixth, he deposes that, albeit it is contained in the process that the judges said they had caused informations to be made, and yet he remembers not to have seen or read them, he knows nevertheless that, if they had been produced, he would have inserted them into the process. And whether the judges proceeded out of hatred or otherwise, he refers himself to their conscience. Yet he knows and firmly believes that, if she had been of the parts of England, they would not so have treated her, nor made such a process against her. For she was brought to the town of Rouen and not to Paris, for, as he believes, the king of England was in the town of Rouen, and the principals of his council; and she was set in the prisons of the castle of Rouen. And he who speaks in this matter was constrained to be present as notary, and this he did unwillingly, for he would not have dared to contradict the precept of the lords of the king’s Council. And the English pursued the process of this kind, and it was conducted at their expense. Yet he believes the bishop of Beauvais not to have been pressed to conduct the process against the said Joan, nor also the promoter; nay they did this willingly. Of the assessors and other councillors, he believes that they would not have dared to contradict or to refuse to come, nor was there any who did not fear; for in the beginning of the process a certain congregation was made, in which were the lord bishop of Beauvais, the abbot of Fécamp, Master Nicolas Loyseleur, and many others, in a certain house near the castle, who sent for the speaker (82); and the bishop said to the same speaker that he must serve the king, and that they intended to make a fair process against the said Joan, and that he should advise of another notary who should assist him; and then he named Boisguillaume. And he who speaks said that many times before the beginning of the process of this kind, and during it, the same Joan oftener required that she should be led to the episcopal or spiritual prisons; yet they heard her not as to this, nor yielded to her request, for, as he says, he believes that the English would not have delivered her to them, and that the bishop would not have willed her to be set outside the castle.

He says also that no councillors would have dared to speak of this, since each one feared to displease the same bishop and the English; for at that time when the process was made, the late Master Jean Lohier arrived at the town of Rouen. Who, sent for by the lord of Beauvais and required to say his opinion upon the process of the same Joan, certain answers made to the same bishop which he knows not, for he was not present, on the morrow he met the same Lohier in the church and inquired of him whether he had seen the process. Which Lohier answered that he had seen it and that the process was null and could not be sustained, for they made the said process in the Castle and in a place not safe for the judges and councillors and practisers; because also the process touched many who had not been summoned, and likewise because she had no counsel, with many other reasons. And finally the same Lohier said to the same speaker that he should await no longer in this city of Rouen and that he would depart; and that, as it seemed to him, they were of intention to make her die. And he departed, and he who speaks is certain that from that day he would not have dared to remain in the same town and in the obedience of the English. And two days or thereabout afterwards passed, the same lord bishop, interrogated by the doctors and councillors whether he had spoken with the said Lohier, answered that yes, and that the said Lohier had willed to put their process in interlocutory and to impugn it, and that he would do nothing for him.

He says also that when a certain Master Jean de Fonte, who had been sent to make certain interrogatories to the same Joan, in the place of the lord bishop of Beauvais, and for this in the holy week, with two religious brothers of the order of Preaching Friars, to wit Ysambert de la Pierre and Martin Ladvenu, had come to the same Joan to induce her to submit herself to the Church: this brought to the notice of the lord of Warwick and the lord bishop of Beauvais, they were ill content, and for fear the said de Fonte departed from this city nor returned more, and the other two brothers were in great peril.

He says also that a certain Master Nicolas de Houppeville was summoned to be present at the process, and because he refused, he was in great peril. He says also that Master Jean Le Maistre, sub-inquisitor, so far as he could, deferred to be present at the process of this kind, and it much displeased him to be present.

He says also that once Jean de Châtillon, whilst the interrogatories were made to the same Joan, and he in some wise favoured the same Joan, saying that perchance she was not bound to answer, or aught else whereof he precisely remembers not: yet these things pleased not the lord bishop of Beauvais and certain others affected to the cause, and of which words there was a great tumult, and then the same bishop said to the same de Châtillon that he should hold his peace and suffer the judges to speak.

He says also that he well remembers that to another speaking to the same Joan and in some wise directing and admonishing her in the fact of the submission to the Church, the same bishop said in a certain session: Hold your peace, in the devil’s name! Yet he remembers not the name of him to whom it was said.

He says also that on a certain occasion, when some one, of whose name he remembers not, said something of the same Joan which pleased not the lord de Stafford, the same lord de Stafford so pursued the same speaker as far as a certain place of immunity with a drawn sword, so far that, unless it had been said to the same de Stafford that the place in which that man was, was a sacred place and of immunity, he would have smitten him who speaks.

He says also, interrogated upon this, that those who seemed to him affected to the cause were Beaupère, Midi and de Touraine.

Interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the seventh and eighth articles: he deposes that he knows nothing save as he deposed above.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the ninth article: he answers that of the contents of the same he knows that, on a certain occasion the bishop of Beauvais, the count of Warwick and the same witness who speaks entered the prison in which the same Joan was, and there found her in iron fetters; and, as he then heard, it was said that by night she was bound with a certain iron chain about the body, albeit he did not see her so bound. Yet there was in the same prison no bed or any couch; but there were there four keepers or five miserable men. Item, interrogated of the contents of the tenth article: he answers that he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth, he deposes that, after he who speaks and Boisguillaume were assumed as notaries to make the process of the said Joan, the lord de Warwick, the bishop of Beauvais and Master Nicolas Loyseleur said to the speaker and his said fellow notary that she spoke marvellously of her apparitions, and that, to know the truth more fully from her, they had advised that the same Master Nicolas should feign himself to be of the parts of Lorraine, of which the same Joan was, and of the obedience of the king of France, and should enter the prison in a short habit (83), and that the keepers should withdraw and they should be alone in the prison. And there was in a certain chamber adjoining the same prison a certain hole specially made for this cause, in which they ordered him who speaks and his fellow to be present, to hear the things which should be said by the same Joan; and there were he who speaks and the count, who could not be seen by the same Joan. Which Joan the same Loyseleur then began to interrogate, feigning certain news of the king’s state and his revelations; to whom the same Joan answered, believing him

(78) Or prophetia?

(79) Articulorum in the manuscripts.

(80) The manuscripts, Qui.

(81) There is in the manuscripts libello.

(82) Unless perhaps ipsum loquentem.

(83) In a short habit, that is to say, of a layman.

to be of his country and of the king’s obedience. And when the bishop and the count had said to the same speaker and his fellow that they should register the answers aforesaid, he who speaks answered that he ought not to do this, and that it was not honest to begin a process in such fashion, and that if she should say such things in form of judgement, they would willingly register them. And he says that ever after, the same Joan had great confidence with the said Loyseleur, so that he many times heard her in confession after the said feignings, nor was the same Joan commonly led to judgement unless the same Loyseleur had first spoken with her.

He says moreover that, during the process, she was wearied with many and divers interrogations; and as it were daily interrogatories were made to her in the morning, in which they persisted for about three or four hours; and sometimes out of the sayings of the same Joan they drew certain difficult and subtle interrogations, whereof after dinner they again interrogated her for two or three hours. And many times there was made a passage from one interrogatory to another, changing the purpose; and, notwithstanding the passage of this kind, she answered prudently, and had the greatest memory, for most often she said: I have otherwise answered you of this, saying: I refer me to the clerk, meaning him who speaks.

Upon the contents of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth he knows nothing, and of this refers himself to his process.

Upon the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first, otherwise interrogated, when the promoter constituted in the cause had delivered seventy (84) articles against the same Joan, and yet in the end of the process the articles are only reduced to twelve, who made the other articles, and why the promoter’s articles were not put into the instrument of the sentence, since it was his petition which is among those articles, and the twelve articles (85) were put: he deposes that, long before the articles contained in the process were made, she had been many times interrogated and had made many answers, upon which interrogatories and answers those articles were made, by the counsel of the assistants, which the promoter delivered, that the matters, which were diffuse, might be taken in order; and afterwards upon all she was interrogated, and it was concluded by the councillors, and most of all by those who had come from Paris, that as the custom was, out of all the articles and answers there ought to be made certain little articles and the principal points collected, to gather the matter briefly, that the deliberations might be made better and more speedily. And for this the twelve articles were made; but he who speaks in no wise made the same articles, nor knows who composed or extracted them.

Item, interrogated how this could be done, that so great a multitude of articles and answers should be reduced into twelve articles, most of all in a form so distant from the confessions of the said Joan, since it is not likely that such men would have willed to compose such articles: he says that he believes that in the principal process made in French he inserted the truth of the interrogatories and articles delivered by the promoter and the judges, and of the answers of the said Joan; but of the same twelve articles he refers himself to the composers, whom he would not have dared to contradict, neither he nor his fellow.

Interrogated, when those twelve articles were brought forward, whether he made a collation of the same articles with the answers of the same Joan, to see whether they were consonant with the same answers: he says that he remembers not.

And the articles of this kind being read and shown to him, and a patent difference evidently perceived; a certain little note written in his hand being also shown to the same speaker, as he who speaks asserted; Guillaume Colles, otherwise Boisguillaume, and Nicolas Taquel, notaries in the process of this kind, being also commanded to recognise the little note of this kind, of the date of the fourth day of April, in the year of the Lord 1431; in which little note in French, contained in the process, it is expressly held that the twelve articles of this kind were not well drawn up, but were, at least in part, foreign to the confessions, and on this account were to come to be corrected; and corrections seem to have been there added and certain things taken away; yet they were not corrected according to the little note of this kind:

Therefore the same three notaries being interrogated why they were not corrected; and by whom it stood; and how they inserted them into the process and sentence without correction; and how they were sent to the deliberating parties, whether with correction or without correction: he who speaks and the other two notaries answered that the same little note is written in the hand of the same Manchon; but who made the twelve articles of this kind, they know nothing. They say nevertheless that then it was said that it was the custom that such articles ought to be made and drawn from the confessions of the accused in the matter of heresy, and as the masters and doctors in theology had been wont to do at Paris in the matter of faith. Item, that they believe that, of the correction of the articles of this kind to be made, it was so appointed as appears in the said little note shown and recognised by them; but whether the correction of this kind was added in the articles sent as well to Paris as elsewhere to those giving opinion, they know not. Yet they believe not, for it appears to them by a certain other little note written in the hand of Master Guillaume d’Estivet, promoter in this cause, that they were transmitted on the morrow by the same d’Estivet without correction. And of the rest he refers himself to the process.

Item, the same Manchon interrogated whether he believes those articles to have been composed into truth, and whether there is a great difference between the same articles and the answers of the same Joan: he says that those things which are in his process are true. Of the articles he refers himself to the composers, for he made them not.

Item, interrogated whether the deliberations were made upon the whole process, or upon those twelve articles: he answers that he believes the deliberations were not made upon the whole process, since it was not yet put in form, for it was reduced into the form in which it is after the death of the same Joan; but deliberations were given upon the twelve articles of this kind.

Interrogated whether those twelve articles were read to the same Joan: he answers no.

Interrogated whether he ever perceived the difference between those articles and the confessions of the same Joan: he says that he remembers not, for they who exhibited them said that it was the custom to draw out such articles; and he who speaks did not advert to this, and also would not have dared to rebuke so great men.

Item, the instrument of the sentence (86) being shown to him, signed in his hand and that of the other notaries, in which the articles of this kind were inserted; interrogated whether he signed it, and why he inserted into the same the twelve articles of this kind and not the petition of the promoter: he answers that he signed the instrument of this kind as also his fellows; and of the narrations in the sentence he refers himself to the narration of the judges; but of the articles he says that it so pleased the judges to do, who willed this.

Upon the contents of the twenty-second article, he deposes that in the beginning of the process, whilst the same Joan was interrogated, there were certain notaries hidden in a certain window, with cloths between, that they might not be seen; and he believes that Master Nicolas Loyseleur was hidden with the same, who looked upon the things which the same notaries wrote; and the same notaries wrote the things which they willed, the excuses of the same Joan omitted. And he who speaks was at the feet of the judges with Guillaume Colles and the clerk of Master Guillaume Beaupère (87), who wrote; but in their writings there was a great difference, so far that among them there was a great contention; and on this account, as he said above, in those things in which he doubted (88), he made a Nota, that the same Joan might afterwards be interrogated.

Upon the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth and twenty-sixth, he deposes that, the process completed, deliberations were sought and collation was made of them; and it was concluded that there should be a preaching; and she was set on a certain little scaffold, Master Nicolas Loyseleur assisting her for counsel, who said to her: Joan, believe me, for if you will, you shall be saved. Take your habit, and do all things which shall be ordered you; else you are in peril of death. And if you do those things which I say to you, you shall be saved, and shall have much good and shall not have ill; but you shall be delivered to the Church. And she was then led upon the scaffold or pulpit; and two sentences were composed, one of abjuration and the other of condemnation, which the bishop had with him. And when the same bishop uttered and read the sentence of condemnation at the end of the condemnation, the same Master Nicolas Loyseleur said to Joan that she should do that which he had said to her, and that she should take the female habit. And because then there was a little interval, an Englishman who stood by there said to the bishop that he was a traitor: to whom the bishop answered that he lied. And these things intervening, the same Joan answered that she was ready to obey the Church; and then they caused her to say the abjuration of this kind, which was read to her; but he knows not whether she spoke after the reader, or whether after it was read she said that she so said. But he says that she smiled. He says also that the executioner with the cart was in the street, awaiting that she should be given to be burned. He says also that he did not see that letter of abjuration made; but it was made after the conclusion of the opinions and before they came to that place; nor does he remember that the same schedule of abjuration was ever expounded to the same Joan, or given to be understood, or read, save in that instant when she made the abjuration of this kind. And that first preaching, sentence and abjuration were made on the Thursday after the feast of Pentecost; in which sentence she was condemned to perpetual prisons.

Interrogated what moved the judges to condemn her to perpetual prisons, seeing that they had promised her that she should have no ill: he says that he believes this befell on account of the diversity of the obediences; and they feared lest she should escape. And whether they judged well or not, the speaker refers himself to the right and the consciences of the judges.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh articles: he deposes that, during the process, he who speaks heard that the same Joan complained to the said bishop and the count of Warwick, when she was interrogated why she did not clothe herself in a woman’s garments, and that it was not becoming to a woman to have a man’s tunic, and hose tied with many thongs strongly bound: saying that she durst not put off the said hose, nor keep them unless they were strongly bound, for, as she said (89), the said bishop and count well knew that her keepers had many times attempted to violate her; and once, when she cried, the same count came at the cry and to her aid, so that unless he had come, the said keepers would have violated her; and of this she complained.

Of the contents of the other articles consisting in fact, beyond the things he deposed, he who speaks says that, on the Sunday on the following feast of the Holy Trinity, when he who speaks and the other notaries were sent for by the bishop and the count of Warwick to come to the castle of Rouen, because it was said that the same Joan was relapsed and had resumed the male habit: they so sent for came into the said castle, and they being in the court of the said castle, the English being there to the number of fifty or thereabout, with arms, made an assault upon the speaker and his fellows, saying to them that they were traitors and that they had borne themselves ill in the process. And with the greatest difficulty and fear they could escape their hands; and he believes they were wroth because at the first preaching and sentence she had not been burned. And he says further that on the Monday, sent for by the same bishop and count, he went to that castle into which he would not have dared to enter for the fear otherwise put to him and his fellows, unless he had had security from the said count of Warwick; who conducted him who speaks as far as the place of the prison; and there he found the judges in the place of the prison, and certain others in small number. And in the presence of him who speaks she was interrogated for what cause she had resumed the male habit of this kind. Who answered that she had done this for the defence of her modesty, for she was not safe in the female habit with her keepers, who had willed to make attempt upon her modesty, and whereof she had many times complained to the same bishop and count; and that the same judges had promised her that she should be in the hands and prisons of the Church, and that she should have a woman with her; saying further that, if it pleased the same lords judges to put her in a safe place, in which she should not fear, she was ready to receive the woman’s habit, as the speaker says is contained in the process. And of the other things which were said to be abjured by her, she said she understood nothing of the contents of the same abjuration. And whatsoever she had done, this had been for fear of the fire, seeing the executioner ready with the cart. And he who speaks says further that afterwards the same lords judges with the councillors deliberated upon this, insomuch that on the Wednesday next following the same bishop pronounced another sentence, as is more largely contained in the process.

Interrogated whether the sacrament of the Eucharist was administered to the same Joan: he answers that yes, on the said Wednesday, in the morning, before the sentence of this kind was borne against her.

Interrogated moreover how they delivered to her the sacrament of the Eucharist, seeing that they had declared her excommunicate and heretic, and whether they absolved her in the form of the Church: he says that upon this it was deliberated by the judges and councillors whether to her asking the sacrament of the Eucharist ought to be given, and that she should be absolved in the penitential forum; yet he did not see any other absolution exhibited to her.

He says moreover that, after the sentence uttered by the bishop, by which she was delivered and abandoned to secular justice, the bailiff said only, without other process or sentence: Take her, take her. Which heard, the same Joan made such pious lamentations that as it were all were moved

(84) The manuscripts read lxxvii; but there are only 70. See t. I, p. 322.

(85) There is a transposition in the texts: Since it was his petition and the twelve articles were put, which is among those articles.

(86) This piece will be found reported below.

(87) Jean Monnet, who deposed above, p. 62.

(88) So; read rather dubitabat.

(89) The manuscripts give dicebant.

to weeping, and also the judges.

And the speaker says that he was so moved that for a month he remained terrified. And he who speaks knows that her issue and end was, as appeared to all, very catholic; nor did she ever will to revoke her revelations, but stood in the same until the end.

He says also that of the moneys which he had for his pains and labours in being employed in the said process, he bought a missal, that he might have memory of her and pray God for her.

Nor else does he know, and further refers himself to the contents of the process, and to the things he otherwise deposed before Master Philippe de la Rose, treasurer of Rouen, commissioned and deputed by the lord cardinal d’Estouteville (90), legate in France; and which deposition was read to him, in which he fully persists.

The lord Jean Massieu #

The lord Jean Massieu, priest, curate of the parish church of Saint-Cande-le-Vieux (91) of Rouen, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, otherwise as the preceding witness, on the seventeenth day of the month of December, as a witness about to swear, cited, sworn and examined, and afterwards on the twelfth day of the month of May, upon the articles of the same plaintiffs again sworn and examined.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest upon the contents of the articles written below, others being omitted for their prolixity and others by consent of the producers; to wit upon the contents of the second, third and fourth articles of the same plaintiffs and complainants: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he knows only the things which follow. To wit that, of the father and mother, kinsfolk, life and conversation of the same Joan, before the time of the process begun against the same Joan, he could depose nothing save by hearsay of the same Joan, who was interrogated upon these during the said process carried on against her; nor had he any knowledge of her save from the time when she was brought to the town of Rouen, in which she was detained in the prisons of the castle of Rouen, that against her a certain process might be made afterwards made, and in which process he who speaks, who was then dean of the christianity of Rouen, was the executor of the mandates against the same Joan. He had also the charge of convoking the councillors, and of leading and leading back the said Joan before the judges; whom he many times led and led back from the prison to the judgement, and executed many mandates against the same, calling her to judgement; and for this cause he had great familiarity with her. And, in his sight, she was a good, simple and devout girl; for it befell once, whilst he led her before the judges, that she asked the speaker whether there was in his way any chapel, or any church, in which was the body of Christ; and to whom he who speaks said yes, showing her a certain chapel being within the castle, in which was the body of Christ. Then the same most instantly asked him that he would lead her past before the chapel, that she might there salute God and pray; which he who speaks willingly did, and suffered the same Joan to pray before that chapel on bended knees; who there on bended knees very devoutly made her prayer. Whereat nevertheless the lord bishop of Beauvais was ill content, and forbade the same speaker that he should no more suffer her so to pray. Of her conversation otherwise he could depose nothing.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the fifth and sixth articles, he deposes that he knows not whether they made any information against her, for he never saw any. Yet he knows that very many had great hatred against her, and most of all the English, who much feared her, for before her capture they would not have dared to appear in a place in which they had believed her to be. And he heard it then said that all the things which the bishop of Beauvais did were at the instigation of the king of England and his council, then being at Rouen; and he believes that the same bishop did not act moved by zeal of justice, but at the will of the same English, who were then in great number in the town of Rouen, in which was then the king of England. And among the councillors there was then a murmur that the same Joan was in the hands of the English. For certain councillors said that the same Joan ought to be in the hands of the Church; yet the same bishop cared not, but left her in the hands of the English. For the same bishop was much affected to the party of the English; for also many of the councillors much feared and were not in their free will, for Master Nicolas de Houppeville, who, seeing the fashion of this kind, willed not to be present in the councils, was banished with many others of whose names he remembers not.

He says also that Master Jean Fabri, of the order of the Hermit Friars of Saint Augustine, now bishop of Demetriade, seeing the same Joan most greatly wearied upon that which was inquired of her whether she were in a state of grace, and, albeit she had made answers competent in his sight, yet upon this the interrogators much infested her: said that she was too much vexed. Then the interrogators said to him that he should hold his peace; yet he knows not nor remembers who they were. Yet he knows that the abbot of Fécamp, in his sight, proceeded in that matter rather out of hatred of the same Joan and favour of the English, than by zeal of justice. He says moreover that, when Master Jean de Châtillon, then archdeacon of Évreux, said to the same bishop and assistants that the process, in the manner in which it was made, seemed to him to be null; but for what cause he remembers not: it was forbidden to the same speaker, who, as is premised, convoked the assistants and councillors, that he should no more convoke the same de Châtillon in the process of this kind; nor from that hour did the same de Châtillon take part.

He says also likewise that Master Jean de Fonte was commissioned for certain days to interrogate her; and who was present at the same process, absented himself, for he had said certain things which in the said process seemed to him not to be done. He knows also that Master Jean Le Maistre, the inquisitor inserted into the process, many times refused to be present at the process of this kind, and did his best that he should not be present at the process; but by certain ones known to him it was said to him that unless he were present, he would be in peril of death; and this he did constrained by the English, as he many times heard from the said Le Maistre, who said to him: I see that, unless the matter of this kind be proceeded in to the will of the English, death menaces. And he who speaks himself was in great peril, because, in conducting and re-conducting the same Joan, he who speaks had met a certain Englishman, chanter of the chapel of the king of England, called Anquetil, which Englishman indeed interrogated the speaker what seemed to him of the same Joan. And when he who speaks had answered that in her he knew naught save good, and that she seemed to him a good woman: the same chanter reported this to the count of Warwick, who was ill content with the speaker, and for this had much to do; but nevertheless by excusing himself he escaped.

Then, interrogated what he knows to attest or depose of the contents of the seventh article: he says and deposes, beyond the things he deposed, that he remembers that, on a certain day during the process and about its beginning, the same Joan said to the bishop of Beauvais that he was her adversary; and then the said bishop answered: The king has ordered that I make your process, and I shall make it.

Item, interrogated what he knows to attest or depose upon the contents of the eighth and ninth articles: he deposes that, of the prison, he knows verily that the same Joan was in the castle of Rouen, in a certain middle chamber, into which one ascended by eight steps; and there was there a bed in which she lay; and there was there a certain great beam in which was a certain iron chain, with which the same Joan being in iron fetters was bound, and it was closed with a padlock set upon the same beam. And she had five English of the most miserable state, in French houcepailliers, who kept her, and much desired the death of the same Joan, and most often mocked her; and she reproved the same for such things.

He says also that he heard from Étienne Castille, a smith, that he had constructed for the same a certain cage of iron, in which she was detained upright, and bound by the neck, hands and feet; and that she had been in the same state from the time when she had been brought to the town of Rouen, until the beginning of the process carried on against her. Yet he did not see her in the same state, for, when he led and re-conducted her, she was ever outside the fetters.

Item, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the tenth article: he says and deposes that he well knows that she was visited whether she were a virgin or not by matrons or midwives, and this by the order of the duchess of Bedford, and signally by Anne Bavon and another matron of whose name he remembers not. And after the visitation they reported that she was a virgin and whole, and he heard the same reported by the same Anne; and on this account the same duchess of Bedford caused it to be forbidden to the keepers and others lest they should bring her any violence.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth articles: he says and deposes that, whilst the same Joan was interrogated, there were six assistants with the judges who interrogated her, and sometimes, when one interrogated and she answered the question, another interrupted her answer, so that she many times said to the same interrogators in these words: Beaux seigneurs, one after another.

Of the contents of the fifteenth and sixteenth articles he knows nothing save as he deposed above.

Of the contents of the seventeenth, he deposes that he heard from the same Joan that it was asked whether she willed to submit herself to the Church triumphant or militant: who answered that she willed to submit herself to the ordinance of the Pope. And he says that it was vulgarly said that a certain Master Nicolas Aucupis feigned himself a prisoner, and entered the prison with her, and that by this means he induced her to say and do certain things contrary to the same Joan, touching the said submission.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first articles: he says that of those articles he knows nothing, nor who expounded them.

Then, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles: he deposes that of the contents of the same, as to the abjuration whereof mention is made in the articles, that when the preaching was made by Master Nicolas Erardi at Saint-Ouen, the same Erardi held a certain schedule of abjuration, and said to Joan: Thou shalt abjure and sign that schedule. And then that schedule was delivered to the speaker to read, and the speaker read it before the same Joan. And he is well mindful that in the same schedule it was provided that thereafter she should not bear arms, the male habit, or shaven hair, and many other things whereof he remembers not. And he well knows that that schedule contained about eight lines, and no more; and he knows firmly that it was not that whereof mention is made in the process, for he who speaks read another than that which is inserted in the process, and the same Joan signed it.

Further he says that, whilst the same Joan was required to sign the said schedule, a great murmur arose among those present, so far that he heard that the bishop said to a certain one: You shall make me amends, asserting that injury had been done him, and that he would not proceed further until amends had been made him. And meanwhile he who speaks warned the same Joan of the peril menacing her, upon the signature of the said schedule; and the speaker well saw that the same Joan understood not the said schedule, nor the peril which menaced her. And then the same Joan, oppressed that she should sign the said schedule, answered: Let the same schedule be seen by the clerks and the Church, in whose hands I ought to be put; and if they give me counsel that I should sign it and do the things which are said to me, I shall willingly do it. Then the same Master Guillaume Erardi said: Do it now, else thou shalt end thy days by fire today. And then the same Joan answered that she had liefer sign than be burned; and at that hour there was a great tumult of the peoples standing by, and many stones were cast; but by whom he knows not. And that schedule signed, the same Joan inquired of the promoter whether she should not be put in the hands of the Church, and into what place she should go back. Then the promoter answered her that into the castle of Rouen, into which she was led, clad in a woman’s garments.

Further interrogated of the contents of the twenty-sixth article, he deposes that on the day of the Holy Trinity, when the same Joan was accused of relapse, she answered that, she lying in the bed, her keepers removed the woman’s garments from the bed in which she lay and set her male garment there; and, albeit she had required the same keepers that they should restore to her the female habit, that she might rise from the bed, intending to purge her belly, they refused to deliver it to her, saying to her that she should have none other than the said male habit. And when she had further said that the keepers well knew that the judges had forbidden her lest she should be clad in that garment, none the less they refused to deliver to her the female habit which they had taken away; and at length, constrained by natural necessity, she had assumed the same male habit, nor could she have any other habit from the same keepers all that day, so that she was seen by many in that male habit, and for this adjudged relapsed; for on that day of the Holy Trinity many were sent for that they might see her in that state, to whom she said the excuses of this kind; and among whom he saw Master André Marguerie, who was in great peril for, when he said: It is good to inquire of her for what cause she resumed the male habit, then an Englishman raised a certain spear which he held, and willed to smite the same Master André. And then the same Master André and very many fled terrified.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the other articles, he deposes that of the abjuration he knows naught else save the things he deposed above. Of the sentence and death of the same Joan he knows the things which follow: to wit that, on the Wednesday morning, on which day the same Joan died, Brother Martin Ladvenu heard the same Joan in confession, and, the confession of the same Joan heard, the same Brother Martin Ladvenu sent him who speaks to the lord of Beauvais, to notify him how she had been heard in confession, and that she asked that the sacrament of the Eucharist be delivered to her. Which bishop gathered certain ones upon this; by whose deliberation the same bishop said to the same speaker that he should tell Brother Martin that he should deliver to her the sacrament of the Eucharist, and all things whatsoever she should ask. And then he who speaks returned to the castle and reported this to the said Brother Martin. Which Brother Martin indeed delivered to her in the speaker’s presence

(90) See this deposition at chapter v of the Procès, t. II, p. 339.

(91) Saint-Cande-le-Vieux, a church of Rouen today destroyed.

the sacrament of the Eucharist. And this done, she was brought in the woman’s habit, and was led by the said speaker and Brother Martin as far as the place where the same Joan was burned. In which way the same Joan made such pious lamentations that he who speaks and Brother Martin could not contain themselves from tears. For she commended her soul so devoutly to God and the Saints that she provoked the hearers to tears. And she was brought into the Old Market, where was Master Nicolas Midi, who was to make the preaching. Which preaching made, the same Midi said to the same Joan: Joan, go in peace; the Church can no more defend thee, and delivers thee into the secular hand. Which things heard, the same Joan, on bended knees, made her prayers to God most devoutly, and asked the same speaker that he should have a cross; and then a certain Englishman being there made a certain little cross of a stick, which she kissed and put in her bosom with the greatest devotion.

Yet she willed still to have the cross of the church, and she had it, and embracing it and weeping kissed it, commending herself also to God, blessed Michael, blessed Catherine and all the saints; and in the end she embraced the same cross, saluting the bystanders. And she came down from the pulpit, the said Brother Martin accompanying her as far as the place of the supplice, where she ended her life very devoutly.

He heard also then said by Jean Fleury, clerk and registrar of the bailiff, that the executioner had reported that, the body burned by the fire and reduced to powder, the heart remained whole and full of blood. And it was said to him that he should gather the ashes and whatsoever remained of her and cast them into the Seine; which also he did. Nor else does he know.

The lord Guillaume Colles #

The lord Guillaume Colles, otherwise Boisguillaume, priest, public notary, of the age of sixty-six (92) years or thereabout, otherwise cited, sworn and examined on the eighteenth day of the month of December, and thence examined and recollected upon the articles in the process of this kind, on the twelfth day of the month of May.

And first, interrogated upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that he had no knowledge of the said Joan, save when she was brought to the said town of Rouen for the process to be made against her, in which process he who speaks was the second notary.

And the process of this kind being shown to him, he recognised his sign being at the end of the said process, and that that is the true process made against the same Joan; and there were made, as he says, five like processes of which that exhibited is one. There were also, as he says, fellow notaries in the process of this kind the lord Guillaume Manchon and the lord Pierre Tasquel, who faithfully set down the interrogations and answers as is held in the same process; for in the morning they registered the interrogations and answers, and after dinner made collation one with another, nor would the same notaries have done aught for anyone, for they feared none as to this. And he well remembers that the same Joan answered very prudently, for sometimes she said, when she was interrogated of a thing whereof she had otherwise been interrogated, that she had otherwise answered and that she would not answer; and then she caused her answers to be read by the notaries.

Item, interrogated what he knows to depose upon the contents of the fifth, sixth and seventh articles: he deposes that he well knows that the lord bishop of Beauvais began the process against her because he said that she had been taken within the bounds of the diocese of Beauvais; but whether out of hatred or otherwise, he refers himself to his conscience. Yet he knows that all things were done at the expense of the king of England and at the prosecution of the English; and he well knows that the same bishop and the others who interposed themselves in the process of this kind obtained letters of guarantee from the king of England (93), for he saw them.

And when certain letters of guarantee were shown to him, he asserted them to be those which he had otherwise seen, for he well knew the sign of Master Laurent Calot set upon the same.

And of the informations whereof in the articles, he knows nothing, for he did not see them, nor believes that any were ever made.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the eighth and ninth, he says that the same Joan was in a strong prison and in iron fetters; yet she had, as he says, a bed. She had also English keepers, of whom she many times complained, saying that they much oppressed her and ill treated her.

He says also that Master Nicolas Loyseleur, feigning himself a cobbler and a captive of the part of the king of France, and of the parts of Lorraine, sometimes entered the prison of the same Joan, saying to her that she should not believe those men of the Church, for, if thou believe them, thou shalt be destroyed. And he believes that the bishop of Beauvais well knew those things, for else the same Loyseleur would not have dared to do such; whereat many assisting in the same process murmured against the same Loyseleur. And he says that the said Loyseleur at length died suddenly at Basel; and he heard it then said that, when the same Loyseleur saw the same Joan condemned to death, he was compunctious at heart, and mounted the cart willing to cry mercy to the same Joan; and at this many English being there were indignant, so that, unless it had been for the count of Warwick, the same Loyseleur would have been slain, and the same count enjoined the same Loyseleur that he should depart from the city of Rouen as quickly as he could, if he willed to save his life.

Further he says that Master Guillaume d’Estivet likewise entered the prison, feigning himself a prisoner, as also the same Loyseleur had done; and he says that the same d’Estivet was promoter, and in this matter was much affected on account of the English, whom he much willed to please. He was also an ill man, ever seeking, during the process of this kind, to calumniate the notaries and those whom he saw proceeding for justice; and to the same Joan he inflicted many injuries, calling her harlot and filth. And he believes that God in the end of days punished him, for he ended his days miserably; for he was found dead in a certain dovecote being outside the gate of Rouen.

Of the contents of the tenth article, he deposes that he heard it said by many of whom he remembers not, that the same Joan had been visited by matrons, and that she had been found a virgin; and that the lady duchess of Bedford had caused the said visitation to be made, and that the duke of Bedford was in a certain secret place where he saw the same Joan visited.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth articles: he says and deposes that, during the process, the same Joan most often complained that subtle and impertinent questions were made her. And he well remembers that on a certain occasion she was interrogated whether she were in grace. She answered that it was a great thing to answer in such; and in the end she answered: If I be, may God keep me; if I be not, may God will to put me, for I should liefer die than not be in the love of God. At which answer the interrogators were much astonished, and at that hour left off, nor interrogated more for that time.

He says also, interrogated upon this, of the contents of the said articles, that he knows not that to any in particular out of hatred of the said process or otherwise any coercion was made, or that any were constrained to be present at the process of this kind, save only that Master Nicolas de Houppeville willed not to be present at the process of this kind; but departed from the town of Rouen, and this, as he believes, lest he should be constrained to be present.

Interrogated of the contents of the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that of the contents of the same he refers himself to the process; else he knows not.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first, the others being omitted because he knows nothing upon them: he deposes that he knows well that in the process there are twelve articles; but who drew them up, or whether they be foreign to the confessions of the said Joan, he refers himself to the process. Yet he knows that he nor the other notaries made them.

Of the contents of the twenty-second, twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, he deposes that of the schedule of abjuration which was made at the first sentence, he knows that it was read in public; but by whom he remembers not. And he believes that the same Joan in no wise understood it, nor was it expounded to her, for a great time she refused to sign that schedule of abjuration; and at length constrained, for fear she signed it and made a certain cross. And whether after the abjuration of this kind she took the woman’s habit or not, he remembers not, referring himself upon this to the process and to that which is contained in it.

Item, interrogated upon all the other articles in the sum expounded to him, he deposes that, as to the reception of the habit, on the Sunday following after the first sentence, he who speaks was sent for to the castle of Rouen, and went there with the other notaries that they might see the same Joan in the male habit; which having arrived at the castle, they entered the prison and saw her clad in a man’s garments. And she was interrogated why she had resumed the habit of this kind: who said certain excuses which are contained in the process. Naught else he knows, and believes rather that she was induced to do this, for certain of those who were present in the process made great applause and joy because she had resumed the habit of this kind; albeit many notable men grieved, among whom he saw Master Pierre Morice much grieving, and many others.

He deposes also that on the Wednesday following, the same Joan was led into the Old Market of Rouen; and a preaching was there made by Master Nicolas Midi, and the sentence of relapse pronounced by the lord bishop of Beauvais; after the uttering of which sentence she was straightway taken by the seculars and led, without any other sentence or process, to the executioner to be burned. Who, whilst she was so led, made very many pious lamentations, calling on the name of Jesus, and as it were all the bystanders could not contain themselves from weeping; and he knows verily that the judges and they who were present incurred a great reproach from the people; for, after the same Joan was burned by fire, the people pointed at those who had been present and abhorred them. And he heard it maintained that all who had been culpable of her death died a most shameful death: for example the same Master Nicolas Midi was smitten with leprosy after a few days, and the bishop died suddenly, having his beard made.

Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Brother Martin Ladvenu #

Brother Martin Ladvenu, priest, religious of the order of the Preaching Friars of the convent of Rouen, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, cited, sworn and examined otherwise on the nineteenth day of the month of December, and again on the thirteenth of May examined upon the articles contained in the process, and interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the same, hatred, love and favour set aside.

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the said articles: he deposes that of the knowledge of the father and mother or friends and kinsfolk of the said Joan, he could attest or depose nothing; but he saw the same Joan in the town of Rouen, when she was there brought and rendered to the lord bishop of Beauvais. And she was very simple, about the age of twenty years or thereabout, and scarce knew the Pater noster, albeit sometimes, when she was interrogated, she answered prudently.

Then, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles: he says and deposes that he well knows that the said Joan was brought to the city of Rouen and thrust into the prisons of the castle; and the process in the matter of faith was made and thrust against her, at the procuration and expense of the English. Yet, as he heard it said, he says that the bishop and the others who intermeddled with the process of this kind willed to have a letter of guarantee from the king of England, and they had it; which he recognised in the hands of the lords judges. And the letter of this kind was shown, signed with the manual sign of Master Laurent Calot, which sign, as he says, he well knew. He says further that, as it seemed to him, certain of the assistants in the process of this kind assisted on account of fear of the English, and others because they willed to favour the same English; for he who speaks knows that Master Nicolas de Houppeville was led to the king’s prisons, because he had refused to be present at the process of this kind. He knows also that the same Joan in the process of this kind had no doctor or councillor, save about the end of the process, and that none would have dared to counsel the same Joan or direct her in any wise, on account of the fear of the English; for once, during the process, certain ones were sent by order of the judges to direct the same Joan; but they were repelled by the English, and threats were inflicted upon them. He knows also that Brother Jean Le Maistre, sub-inquisitor, who was present at the process of this kind, and with whom he who speaks most often went, was constrained to be present at the process of this kind; for, as he says, a certain Brother Ysambert de la Pierre, who was the fellow of the said inquisitor, when once he willed in some wise to direct her, it was said to him that he should hold his peace, and that thereafter he should abstain from such, else he should be drowned in the Seine.

Upon the seventh, eighth and tenth he knows nothing.

Upon the ninth he knows only that the same Joan was in lay prisons, in fetters and bound with chains, and that none could speak to her save by the permission of the English who kept her day and night.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth articles: he deposes that many times difficult interrogations were made to the same Joan which were not becoming to so simple a woman; and the interrogators much vexed her, for they did not cease sometimes to interrogate her for three hours in the morning, and as many after dinner; but with what intention they did this, interrog

(92) Seventy-six in the manuscript of ND.

(93) These letters are produced below by the procurator of the d’Arc family.

ators he knows nothing.

Upon the contents of the fifteenth he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the sixteenth and seventeenth, he deposes that he many times heard the same Joan interrogated whether she willed to submit herself to the judgement of the Church, and she inquiring what the Church was, when it was answered her that they were the Pope and the prelates representing the Church, she answered that she submitted herself to the judgement of the supreme Pontiff, asking that she be led to him. And he heard otherwise from the mouth of the said Joan, outside judgement nevertheless, that she willed to hold nothing against the catholic faith; and if aught in her sayings or deeds were which deviated from the faith, she willed to repel it from herself, and to stand to the judgement of clerks.

Of the contents of the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second he knows nothing save as he deposed above.

Upon the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, he deposes that he was present at the first sentence, and at the sermon made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Erard. And he firmly believes that all the things which were done, were done in hatred of the most christian king of France, and to defame him; for in the same sermon the same Master Guillaume Erard, exclaiming in a certain passage of his sermon, said in effect such words: O house of France! thou hast ever lacked monsters until now; but now in cleaving to this sorceress woman, heretic, superstitious, thou art defamed. To which the same Joan answered: Speak not of my king; he is a good christian.

Upon the contents of the twenty-sixth and twenty-seventh, he deposes that he heard from the same Joan that a certain great English lord had entered to her into the prisons and attempted to oppress her by force. And she said to the same speaker that this was the cause why she had resumed the male habit after the first sentence.

Upon the other articles in the sum interrogated, so far as they consist in fact: he deposes that, on the day of the death of the same Joan, in the morning, the same witness who speaks, by the licence and ordinance of the judges, and before the sentence uttered, heard the same Joan in confession and ministered to her the body of Christ; which most devoutly and with the greatest tears, so far that he could not relate, she humbly received. And from that hour he left her not until the departure of the spirit; and as it were all the bystanders wept for pity, and most of all the bishop of Thérouanne. And he doubts not but that she died catholicly; for he would, as he says, that his soul were where he believes the soul of the same Joan to be.

And he says that after the sentence uttered, she came down from the pulpit in which she had been preached, and was led by the executioner, without any other sentence of a lay judge, into the place in which the wood had been made ready to burn her; which wood was in the pulpit; and from beneath the same executioner set the fire. And when the same Joan perceived the fire, she said to the speaker that he should come down, and that he should lift the cross of the Lord on high, that she might see it: which also he did.

He says also that, whilst he was beside her to instruct her in her salvation, the bishop of Beauvais and certain canons of the church of Rouen came to see her; and, when the same Joan perceived the same bishop, she said to him that he was the cause of her death, and that he had promised her that he would put her in the hands of the Church, and he had left her in the hands of her capital enemies.

He says also, interrogated upon this, that they proceeded ill against the same Joan, for no sentence was uttered by the laymen, but only by the bishop; and on this account when, two years passed, a certain Georget Folenjant had been rendered by the ecclesiastical justice to the secular justice, before the same George was rendered, he who speaks on the part of the archbishop and the inquisitor was sent to the bailiff, and notified him that the same George ought to be delivered into the hands of the secular justice, and that he should not so do as he had done of the Maid, but should lead him into his court and do what justice should counsel, nor so swiftly as he had proceeded against the same Joan, but maturely.

He says also and deposes, interrogated upon this, that ever until the end of her life she maintained and asserted that the voices which she had had were from God, and that whatsoever she had done, she had done by God’s precept, nor believed she had been deceived by the same voices; and that the revelations which she had had were from God. Nor else does he know.

Master Nicolas de Houppeville #

Master Nicolas de Houppeville, master in arts and bachelor in theology, of the age of sixty-five years or thereabout, otherwise examined as a witness about to swear, and again on the thirteenth day of May examined upon the articles.

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that of the same Joan, her father, mother and kinsfolk he had no knowledge, save only when the same Joan was brought to the town of Rouen, in which town the process against her was conducted. And it seems to him that she was about the age of twenty years, and was simple and ignorant of right, nor was she of herself sufficient to defend herself in the same process, albeit she had a great constancy, whence many argued that she had a spiritual aid.

Item, interrogated what he knows to attest of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles: he deposes that he never had the estimation that the same bishop began the process against the same Joan in the matter of faith for the good of the faith or zeal of justice, to bring back the same Joan; but out of the hatred which they had conceived against her, because she favoured the part of the king of France. Nor does he believe that the same bishop did this by fear or under impression, but did it willingly, albeit certain were present there, some for favour of the English, others for fear; for he heard from Master Pierre Minier that he had given his opinion in writing, which had not been pleasing to the bishop of Beauvais.

He says also that threats were inflicted by the count of Warwick upon Brother Ysambert de la Pierre, of the order of Preaching Friars, who was present in the process, to whom it was said that he should be drowned in the Seine unless he held his peace, because he directed the same Joan and reported her words to the notaries. And this he heard said by Brother Jean Le Maistre, sub-inquisitor.

The same witness who speaks says also that he, about the beginning of the process of this kind, was in certain deliberations, in which the same witness was of opinion that neither the bishop, nor they who willed to undertake the charge of judgement, could be judges; nor did it seem to him a good fashion of proceeding, that they who were of the contrary part should be judges, seeing that she had already been examined by the clergy of Poitiers and by the archbishop of Reims, the metropolitan of the same bishop of Beauvais. From which deliberation he who speaks incurred a great indignation from the same bishop, so that he caused the same speaker to be cited before him. Before whom he appeared, asserting himself not to be subject to him, and that he was not his judge, but the official of Rouen; and so departed. Finally nevertheless, when for this cause he willed to appear before the official of Rouen, he was taken and led to the castle, and thence to the king’s prisons; and when he inquired for what cause he was taken, it was said to him that it was at the request of the bishop of Beauvais. And he who speaks believes that it was on occasion of the words uttered in his deliberation, for, as he says, Master Jean de Fonte, the speaker’s friend, sent him a schedule by which it was made known that he was detained on occasion of the words of this kind, and that the same bishop was much indignant at him. And at length, at the prayers of the lord abbot of Fécamp, he who speaks was delivered from the same prisons; and he heard it then said that, by the counsel of certain ones whom the same bishop had gathered, he who speaks was to be sent into exile into England, or elsewhere outside the city of Rouen; which nevertheless the same lord abbot of Fécamp and certain friends of him who speaks hindered.

He says also that Brother Jean Le Maistre, sub-inquisitor, constrained interposed himself in the process of this kind, and much feared; and he saw him most perplexed, the process of this kind enduring.

Upon the seventh, eighth and ninth articles, he knows only that the same Joan was in the prison, in the castle of Rouen, and was there kept by the English.

Upon the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth, he deposes that he was not in the process; but he heard it said by the said Master Jean Le Maistre, sub-inquisitor, that the same Joan once complained of the difficult interrogatories which were made her, and that she was too much vexed upon the interrogatories of this kind and most of all upon certain ones not touching the process, as the same Joan said. And then there was a rumour that the notaries were forbidden to write certain of the sayings of the same Joan.

Upon the contents of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth he refers himself to the process. And likewise of the contents of the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first.

Of the contents of the twenty-second, he says and deposes that then there were rumours in the town of Rouen that certain ones, feigning themselves men-at-arms of the part of the king of France, had been introduced to her secretly, persuading her that she should not submit herself to the Church, else they would assume judgement upon her; and there were rumours that on account of that persuasion she afterwards varied in the fact of the submission. And he heard it then said that Master Nicolas Loyseleur was of those seducers who feigned themselves to be of the parts of the king of France.

Of the contents of the other articles, he says and believes the same Joan to have been a good catholic, and knows that on the day of her death she received the body of Christ, and saw the same Joan going out of the Castle to the place of the supplice, weeping most much; and they led her, more than six score men of arms, of whom certain bore lances and others swords. Wherefore he who speaks, moved by compassion, could not go as far as the place of the supplice. And he believes that whatsoever was done against the same Joan, was in hatred of the king of France and to his defamation. And it was the common opinion that all the things done by the same in the process of this kind were null, and that the greatest injustice was done to the same Joan.

He says also that he heard from Master Pierre Minerii (94) that his opinion and the opinions of Masters Richard de Grouchet and Pierre Pigache had not been received (95), because they were not pleasing and because they were allegations of the Decretum. Nor else does he know.

The lord Jean Fabri #

The reverend father in Christ and lord, the lord Jean Fabri, professor of sacred theology, of the order of the Hermit Friars of Saint Augustine, bishop of Demetriade, of the age of seventy years or thereabout, otherwise examined and sworn, and again on the twelfth day of May examined upon the contents of the articles given in the process of this kind.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that of the same Joan, her father and mother or kinsfolk he had had no knowledge, save from the time when the same Joan was brought into the town of Rouen; at which time the process against her was begun in the matter of faith, by the bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor; and in which process he who speaks was present until the first sermon made at Saint-Ouen, and after was not. And, as it seems to him, the same Joan was about twenty years old, very simple, and answering prudently, so that for three weeks he believed her inspired, albeit much and too much, in the speaker’s sight, she persisted in her revelations.

Then, interrogated of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles: he says and deposes that, according to his imagination, the English proceeded against her out of the hatred which they had against her, for they much feared her; but whether the judges proceeded out of hatred or favour, he knows nothing; albeit nevertheless he knows that the process was conducted at the expense of the English. And he well knows that all who were present at the process of this kind were not in full liberty, for none dared to say aught, lest he should be noted; for, when once the said Joan was interrogated by some one whether she was in grace, and he who speaks had said that it was a very great question, and that the same Joan ought not to answer the said question: the same bishop of Beauvais said to the same speaker: It had been better for you if you had held your peace.

Then, interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the seventh, eighth and ninth articles: he says and deposes that the same Joan was in the prison, in the castle of Rouen; but how, he knows not. He says nevertheless that it much displeased certain of the assistants that the same Joan was not put in the prisons of the Church; and he who speaks himself murmured, for it seemed to him that the process was not well conducted in leaving her in the hands of laymen, and most of all of the English, seeing that she had been restored into the hands of the Church. Of which opinion there were many; but none dared to speak of this.

Upon the tenth he knows not whether she was visited or not, but he well knows that, on a certain occasion, when she was interrogated why she called herself the Maid, and whether she were such, she answered: I can well say that I am such, and, if you believe not, cause me to be visited by women; and she offered herself ready to receive the visitation, provided nevertheless it were made by honest women, as is the custom.

Upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth, he deposes that many profound questions were made to the same Joan, of which nevertheless she acquitted herself well enough. And

(94) The manuscripts, Musneru.

(95) They were blamed, but received, since they are inserted into the procès, t. I, p. 244.

sometimes the interrogators interrupted their interrogatories, passing from one to another, to try whether the same Joan would change her purpose. They also much wearied her with long interrogations, for they were there for two or three hours, insomuch that the doctors assisting were therefrom much wearied; and sometimes the interrogators so cut short their interrogatories that she could scarce answer; nay the wisest man in the world would have answered with difficulty.

And he deposes that he remembers that once, during the process, whilst the same Joan was examined upon her apparitions, and a certain article of her answers was read to her, it seemed to the speaker that it was ill registered, and that she had not so answered; and then he said to the same Joan that she should take heed. Who said to the notary writing (96) that he should read again; and the reading heard, she said to the notary that he had said the contrary, and that he had not well written; and that answer was corrected. And then Master Guillaume Manchon said to the same Joan that thereafter she should take heed.

Upon the contents of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth, he deposes that he remembers not that she refused to submit herself to the Church; but he heard her many times say that she willed not to say or do aught which should be against God, so far as in her lay.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first, he says that of the contents of the same he knows nothing. He knows only that certain articles were made to send to those giving opinion; but whether they were well and faithfully made, and who made them, he knows nothing.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the other articles read and expounded to him in the sum: he says and deposes that, after the first sermon made at Saint-Ouen, as he already said, he was not in the process of this kind until the day of the last sentence. And he was at the sermon made in the Old Market by Master Nicolas Midi, and, as it seems to him, she ended her days catholicly, crying Jesus! Jesus! And she wept so much, making pious lamentations, that he believes not that there is a man having a heart so hard that, if he had been present, he would not have been moved to tears; for the lord of Thérouanne and all the lords assisting wept for exceeding pity. And he who speaks well remembers that in the said last sermon made in the Old Market, the same Joan asked all the priests there present that each one of them should give her a mass. Nor did he stay there until the end, for he departed, and also because he could not have seen.

Nor else of the contents of the same articles could he depose, as he said, interrogated upon this.

The lord Jean Lemaire #

The lord Jean Lemaire, priest, curate of the parish church of Saint-Vincent of Rouen, of the age of forty-five years, otherwise, on the nineteenth day of December, examined as a witness about to swear, and afterwards, on the twelfth of May, recollected.

Interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that he had little knowledge of the same Joan; for at the time when she was brought to the town of Rouen, he who speaks was studying in the university of Paris. And he arrived at that time at the town of Rouen, insomuch that, on the day on which the sermon was made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Evrard, he saw the same Joan (97).

Upon the contents of the fifth and sixth articles: he deposes that the fame was in Rouen, at that time, that the English out of the hatred and fear which they had of the same Joan, caused the process to be made against her. And he says that he doubts not but that in the form and manner of the process and of the sentences thence following, justice was much offended. And at that time he heard it said that many of the lords assisting in the process were much wearied of the process of this kind, and ill content with the fashion of proceeding; and that certain were in great peril of their lives, and most of all, as he says, the late Master Pierre Morice, the abbot of Fécamp, Master Nicolas Loyseleur, and many others.

Nor else does he know of the contents of the other articles.

Master Nicolas Caval #

Master Nicolas Caval, licentiate in laws, canon of Rouen, of the age of seventy years or thereabout, otherwise, on the nineteenth day of December, examined, and afterwards, on the twelfth of May, recollected, sworn and examined upon the contents of the articles given in the present process.

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that of the same Joan he had knowledge only from the time when she was brought into the town of Rouen; and he saw her during the process, in which he was present for certain days; not sent for nevertheless, as he said. And he saw her on a certain occasion in the hall, and heard her answering prudently enough; and she had a very good memory, for when aught was asked of her, she said: I answered otherwise, and in such a form; and caused the notary to seek the day on which she had answered, and so it was found as she said, naught added or taken away: whereat he marvelled, her youth considered.

Of the contents of the fifth and sixth he believes that the English had not a great love toward her; but of the judges he could depose nothing. Of the notaries, he believes that they wrote faithfully, all fear ceasing.

Of the contents of the other articles, he deposes only that he heard that she died catholicly, and that in the end of her days she called upon the name of Jesus, for, as he says, he was not present at the condemnation. Nor else does he know.

Pierre Cusquel #

Pierre Cusquel, layman, burgess of Rouen, of the age of forty-three years or thereabout, otherwise received, sworn and examined, and again, on the twelfth of May, recollected upon the articles produced in the present process.

And first, examined upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that, of the knowledge of the father, mother and kinsfolk of the same Joan, he had no knowledge. Yet of the same Joan he had some knowledge from the same time when she was brought into the town of Rouen; and he saw her in the prisons; for at the instance and by the favour of Master Jean Son, master of the works of the castle of Rouen, he twice entered the prison of the same Joan and spoke with her, and warned her that she should speak prudently and that her death was in hand. And, as he who speaks perceived, the same Joan was about twenty years old, well simple, and, as he believes, ignorant of right, albeit she answered prudently.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles: he deposes that the process was made against her in the matter of faith, not, as he believes, in favour of the faith, or by zeal of justice; but out of the hatred and fear which the English had of the same Joan. And he believes that the judges and assistants proceeded against her by favour and at the instance of the English, and that they would not have dared to contradict them; for, as he then heard it said, when there was murmur of the resumption of the habit, Master André Marguerie, as it seems to him, said that the truth should be well inquired of the manner of the change of habit of the said Joan, before they proceeded further; and it was said to him by a certain one that he should hold his peace in the devil’s name. And he believes that none would have dared to give counsel to the same Joan, or to defend or direct her.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the ninth article: he says and deposes that the same Joan was brought to the town of Rouen; she was put in the castle of Rouen, in the prisons of the castle, in a certain chamber situate beneath a certain stair toward the fields, where he saw her and spoke with her twice, as he already said. He says that a cage of iron was made to detain her upright, which he who speaks saw weighed in his house; yet he did not see her shut up in it.

Upon the contents of the tenth article, he deposes that he heard it said that the lady duchess of Bedford caused the same Joan to be visited whether she were a virgin or not; and that she had been found such. And this, as he says, he heard from many of whom he recalls not.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth: he says and deposes that he was never in the process; but the fame was that they much wearied her by divers interrogatories, and that the interrogators laboured with all their might to catch her in words, because she had followed the war against the English.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth: he deposes that he heard it said that the same Joan had submitted herself to the Church and to our lord the Pope; and he heard from the mouth of the same Joan, in the full sermon made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Erard, that the same Joan willed to hold nothing against the catholic faith, and, if aught in her sayings or deeds were which deviated from the faith, she willed to repel it from herself and stand to the judgement of clerks.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth and twenty-first, he knows nothing.

Item, of the contents of the twenty-second, he deposes that he heard it said by certain ones of whom he recalls not, that Master Nicolas Loyseleur feigned himself to be Saint Catherine, and induced the same Joan to say what he willed.

Item, upon the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth interrogated and examined: he knows only that a certain preaching was made at Saint-Ouen by Master Guillaume Erard, at which he who speaks was present; but of the acts and deeds there he knows nothing, save as he deposed above.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the other articles, and most of all the twenty-ninth, thirtieth, thirty-first, thirty-second and thirty-third: he says and deposes that he well knows that a preaching was made in the Old Market, and that the same Joan was there burned; but he willed not to be present, for his heart could not have suffered or borne it, for pity of the said Joan; for the common fame was and as it were all the people murmured because a great injury and injustice was done to the same Joan; for, as he says, he heard from Master Jean Tressart, secretary of the king of England, returning from the place of the supplice of the said Joan, who mournful and grieving reported and lamentably bewept the things which had been done of the said Joan and which he had seen in the said place, saying in effect: We are all lost, for a holy person has been burned, and that he believed her soul to be in the hand of God; for, as he said, when she was in the midst of the flame, she ever cried the name of Jesus.

He says further that after the death of the same Joan, the English caused the ashes to be gathered and cast into the Seine, for they feared lest she should escape and lest any should believe her to have escaped. Nor else does he know.

Master André Marguerie #

The venerable and circumspect man, Master André Marguerie, archdeacon of Petit-Caux in the church of Rouen, licentiate in both laws, of the age of seventy-six years or thereabout, otherwise, as a witness about to swear, on the nineteenth day of the month of December interrogated, and afterwards upon the articles given in the process of this kind, on the twelfth of May, examined.

And first interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the said articles: he deposes that of the same Joan he had knowledge only at the beginning of the process conducted against her; and she was, as he says, young, albeit very wary in her answers. And he was not many times in the process of this kind.

Item, of the contents of the fifth and sixth, he deposes that, as he heard, the same Joan was taken within the bounds of the bishopric of Beauvais, near Compiègne, and was brought to the city of Rouen, and thrust into the castle of Rouen, in which the process of this kind was conducted in the matter of faith by the bishop of Beauvais and the sub-inquisitor, at the procuration of the English. And he says that many of the assistants in the process were rebuked, because they did not speak so fully to the intention of the English as they willed; but he knows not that any was for this in peril of death, albeit he heard it said that Master Nicolas de Houppeville willed not to give his opinion. And he says that certain English proceeded against her out of hatred; but the notable men proceeded with a good mind.

Upon the seventh and eighth he knows nothing.

Upon the ninth, he deposes that she was in the prison of the castle of Rouen, and he saw her there; and he believes that she was kept by the English, for the English had the keeping of the castle in which she was imprisoned; and in this it ever seemed to the speaker that they proceeded ill, holding her in lay hands during the process in the matter of faith, and most of all after the first sentence, when she was condemned to perpetual prisons.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the tenth article: he deposes that he believes she was visited whether she were a virgin or not; but in truth he would not dare to affirm; yet he knows that, during the process, she was reputed a virgin.

Upon the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth, he knows nothing, for he was not much in the process.

Upon the contents of the sixteenth and seventeenth, he deposes that he heard from the same Joan, who when she was interrogated whether she willed to submit herself to the Church, answered that of certain things she would believe neither her prelate, nor the Pope, nor anyone, for she had this from God. And this was one of the causes why the process was made against her to the revocation.

Upon the contents of the eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second, he knows nothing.

(96) Either a member of the phrase is lacking or this et is too much.

(97) To complete this phrase, supply a verb like advenit after the words in tantum quod.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles: he deposes that he was present at the first preaching. And he well remembers that, during the abjuration, whilst the abjuration was made, a certain chaplain of the Cardinal of England present at the first preaching said to the bishop of Beauvais that he favoured the same Joan too much. And then the same lord of Beauvais answered that he lied, for, as he said, he would not will to favour anyone in such a cause; and then the chaplain of this kind was reprehended by the English Cardinal, saying to him that he should hold his peace.

Item, of the contents of the twenty-sixth, he deposes that, on a certain day, after the news that the same Joan had resumed the male habit, he who speaks went to the castle; and inquiring how and in what wise she had resumed the male habit, the English indignant at this made a great tumult, so far and insomuch that he who speaks, and many others who had come to the castle on this cause, were constrained hastily to return, on account of peril of body.

Of the contents of the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth, he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-ninth, thirtieth, thirty-first, thirty-second and thirty-third, he says and deposes that he was at the last preaching; yet he was not at the execution of the sentence, for he departed for pity. Yet he knows that many wept, and most of all the lord bishop of Thérouanne, then chancellor.

Of the same Joan’s devotion in death, he knows nothing, for he was not present; but she appeared troubled enough, for she said: Rouen, Rouen, shall I die here? He says also, as it seems to him, that, by the ordinance of the Cardinal of England after the death of the same Joan, the ashes were gathered and cast into the Seine. Nor else does he know.

Mauger Leparmentier #

The honest man Mauger Leparmentier, an unmarried clerk, apparitor of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen, of the age of fifty-six years or thereabout, otherwise examined and, on the twelfth of May, recollected and interrogated upon the articles.

And first upon the first, second, third and fourth articles, he deposes that he knew the same Joan from the time when she was brought to the town of Rouen, and saw her in the castle of Rouen, into which place he who speaks and his fellow were sent for to put the same Joan in the tortures. And she was then in some wise interrogated. Who bore herself very prudently in her answers, so that the assistants marvelled. At length he who speaks and his fellow departed, nor did they set hand to her person.

Of the contents of the fifth and sixth, he deposes that the process against the same Joan was conducted at the instance of the English, and by the bishop of Beauvais; and, as it was said, that she had been taken in the territory of Beauvais. He says nevertheless that the same bishop was much affected to the party of the English. He says moreover that certain brothers of the order of Preachers had much to do because they counselled the same Joan that she should submit herself to the Church, as he heard this from many; and it was the common voice that all the things which were done against the same Joan, were inflicted upon her in hatred of the king of France and the party which she held, and that a great injury was done to the same Joan.

Of the contents of the seventh, eighth and ninth, he knows only that she was in the castle, in the great tower, and there he saw her when he was sent for, as he aforesaid, to put her in the tortures, albeit she was not put.

Interrogated moreover of the contents of the twenty-third to the thirty-third, the others omitted, of which he knows nothing to depose: interrogated upon this, he deposes that he was present at the first preaching made at Saint-Ouen and likewise at the last preaching made in the Old Market, on the day on which the same Joan was burned; and the wood was there made ready to burn her, before the preaching was finished and before the sentence was uttered. And straightway the sentence uttered by the bishop, without any interval, she was led to the fire nor did he perceive that any sentence was uttered by the lay judge; nay she was straightway led to the fire; set in which fire she cried more than six times Jesus! and most of all in the last breath cried with a great voice Jesus! so far that she could be heard by all the bystanders. And he says that as it were all wept for pity. He says also that he heard it said that the ashes, after her burning, were gathered and cast into the Seine.

Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Laurent Guesdon #

The honest man Laurent Guesdon, burgess of Rouen, and advocate in the lay court, a married clerk, examined on the twelfth of May.

Upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, he deposes that he knew the same Joan only from the time when she was brought into the town of Rouen; and because many desired to see her, he went to the castle of Rouen, and there saw the same for the first time. Nor did he see her after, until she was preached at Saint-Ouen.

Of the contents of the fifth and sixth articles: he knows not with what zeal the judges in the process proceeded; but he believes that, if the same Joan had been of the party of the English, they would not so have proceeded against her.

Of the other articles until the twenty-third article, he knows only that she was in the prisons of the castle of Rouen, not in the common prisons; but how or in what wise he knows not.

Then, interrogated what he knows to depose of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth, twenty-fifth, twenty-sixth, twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth: he says and deposes, as he already said, that he was at the first preaching made at Saint-Ouen; after which preaching he who speaks well knows that certain things were commanded the same Joan which she refused to do; but what it was, he knows not.

Item, interrogated upon the contents of the twenty-ninth, thirtieth, thirty-first, thirty-second and thirty-third he deposes that he was at the last preaching made in the Old Market of Rouen, and there was with the bailiff, for then he who speaks was the bailiff’s lieutenant; and a certain sentence was uttered by which the same Joan was left to secular justice. After the uttering of which sentence, straightway and without interval, she being put into the hands of the bailiff, the executioner, without more, and without that by the bailiff or the speaker, to whom it belonged to bear the sentence, any sentence was borne, took the same Joan and led her to the place where the wood was already made ready; and she was burned. And it seemed to him that they had not well proceeded, for a little after a certain malefactor, called George Folenfant, was in like manner rendered by the ecclesiastical justice to the secular justice by sentence; after which sentence the same George was led à la cohue (98), and there condemned by the secular justice, nor was he so suddenly led to the supplice.

And he who speaks believes that the same Joan died catholicly, when she died crying out the name of the Lord Jesus; and there was the greatest pity; and as it were all present were moved to tears. He deposes also that, after the death of the same Joan, the ashes which remained were gathered by the executioner and cast into the Seine. Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles, duly interrogated upon the same.

The lord Jean Riquier #

The venerable man, the lord Jean Riquier, priest, chaplain in the church of Rouen, and curate of the parish church of Heudicourt (99), of the diocese of Rouen, of the age of forty-seven (100) years or thereabout, a witness cited, produced, sworn and examined.

Upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he knows the things which follow: to wit that he first saw the same Joan at the preaching made at Saint-Ouen, and another time at the preaching made in the Old Market; and she was young, about twenty years or thereabout. And, as he believes, she was catholic and faithful, for at the end of her days she asked to have the sacrament of the Eucharist, which she had. Nor did he who speaks have other knowledge of her.

Of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth articles, he says that it is true that the same Joan was brought to this city of Rouen, and a process carried on against her in the matter of faith. And he who speaks was then a chorister of the church of Rouen, and sometimes heard the lords of the church speak of the process of this kind; and among other things he heard it said by Master Pierre Morice and Nicolas Loyseleur, and others of whom he remembers not, that the English themselves so feared her that they dared not, she living, set a siege before the town of Louviers, until she should be dead, and that it was needful for them to please them; that the process should be made swiftly against her, and that the occasion of her death should be found. And he believes that whatsoever was done, was done at the intercession and expense of the English. And the fame then was that many who assisted at the process of this kind would willingly have abstained, and that they were present at the process of this kind more for fear than otherwise.

Upon the contents of the ninth article, he deposes that he did not see her in the prison, for it was said that none dared speak to her. Yet he knows that she was in the castle, and, as he heard, was in irons and the English kept her.

Of the contents of the tenth he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth articles, he says and deposes that he was not at the conducting of the process; but the fame was that the same Joan was interrogated with very difficult questions, and that, when she feared to answer, she asked delay. He says further that the process was according to the will of the English, and very prolix; and he heard from certain ones that the English were ill content that it was so prolix, and chid certain ones that they did not finish it more quickly. He says also that he then heard it said that the same Joan answered so prudently that, if one of the doctors who interrogated her had answered, he would not have answered better.

Of the contents of the fifteenth and sixteenth articles, he says that he heard it said by certain ones that the same Joan said that she willed to say or affirm nothing which should be against the catholic faith.

Upon the contents of the seventeenth, eighteenth, nineteenth, twentieth, twenty-first and twenty-second, he could depose nothing.

And of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth he deposes that he was present at the first preaching made at Saint-Ouen, in which among other things he heard that when Master Guillaume Erart, the preacher, said certain sinister things of the king of France whereof he precisely remembers not, the same Joan said, excusing the king of France: Speak not of the king, for he is a good catholic; but speak of me.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the other articles, he deposes, by means of his oath, that he was present at the preaching made in the Old Market, on the day of the death of the same Joan, whom he believes then to have died catholicly, as he already said. And he knows that she was abandoned by the ecclesiastical men, and straightway saw that the servants and English men-at-arms took her and led her straight to the place of the supplice, nor did he see that any sentence was uttered by the secular judge.

He says also and deposes that Master Pierre Maurice visited her in the morning, before she was led to the preaching made in the Old Market; to whom the same Joan said: Master Pierre, where shall I be this evening? And the same Master Pierre answered: Have you not good hope in the Lord? Who said that yes, and that, God favouring, she would be in Paradise; and which he heard from the aforesaid Master Pierre. He says also that when the same Joan saw the fire set to the wood, she began to cry with a great voice Jesus! and ever, until she was at her end, cried Jesus! And when she was dead, because the English doubted lest it should be said that she had escaped, they said to the executioner that he should draw the fire a little back, that the bystanders might see her dead, lest it should be said that she had escaped (101).

He says also that Master Jean d’Aussy, who was at that time canon of Rouen, was beside the speaker; whom he heard say such words, marvellously weeping: Would that my soul were in the place in which I believe the soul of this woman!

Nor else does he know of the contents of the same articles.

Jean Moreau #

The honest man Jean Moreau, dwelling in the town of Rouen, of the age of fifty-three years, a witness cited, produced, sworn and examined on the tenth day of the month of May upon the contents of the articles delivered in this cause.

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles, he says and deposes that he who speaks is born of Véville near Mont in Bassigny, which is not much distant from the place of Domrémy; whence the same Joan was born. Yet of the same Joan or her parents he had no knowledge; but the truth is that, at the time when the same Joan was on the way to the king of France, there arrived at the town of Rouen Nicolas Saussart and Jean Chando, merchant tinkers, from whom he heard said and reported the manner of the departure of the same Joan from the parts of Lorraine. And they said that the same Joan went to Vaucouleurs to Jean de Baudricourt, informing him that it behoved that he should lead her toward the king or cause her to be led; insomuch that he was content to cause her to be led to the king, who was then at Chinon. And when she had come there, it was said to her, since she had never known the king, of another that he was the king; who said that he was not. And at length examined by clerks and doctors, she spoke to the king. Nor did he have other knowledge of the same Joan until he saw her in the two preachings made against her, one to wit at Saint-

(98) That is to say, to the audience of the bailliage.

(99) Heudicourt, today department of the Eure, near the Andelys.

(100) Manuscripts ND., forty-six.

(101) These three last lines are omitted in the manuscript 5970.

Ouen, and the other in the Old Market of Rouen.

Upon the contents of the fifth and sixth, he knows only that, at the time when the same Joan was in the town of Rouen and the process was made against her, a certain notable man of the parts of Lorraine came to the town of Rouen, with whom he who speaks had acquaintance because he was of the parts; and he said to him that he came from the parts of Lorraine, and that he had come to this city of Rouen because he had been specially commissioned to make informations in the place of origin of the same Joan, and what the fame said of her: which he had made, and had brought them to the lord bishop of Beauvais, believing to have satisfaction for his labour and expenses; and the same bishop had said to him that he was a traitor and an ill man, and that he had not done his duty in that which had been enjoined him. And of this the same man complained to the speaker, who, as he said, could not be paid of his salary, because those informations did not seem useful to the said bishop; saying to the same speaker that by the said informations he had found nothing in the same Joan that he would not will to find in his own sister, albeit he had made the same informations in five or six parishes near the said town of Domrémy, and also in the same town. The same man said also that he had found that the same Joan was very devout, and that she often frequented a certain little chapel in which she had been wont to bear garlands to the image of blessed Mary being there; and that sometimes she kept her father’s beasts.

Upon the contents of the seventh, eighth and ninth he knows nothing. Item, of the contents of the tenth article, he heard it said, at the time when the process was made, that she had been visited whether she were a virgin or not, and that she had been found uncorrupt.

Item, interrogated and examined what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth: he deposes that he only heard it said that she often besought those interrogating her that she should have to answer only one or two, and that they much troubled her with so many interrogations so made together.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth, the others omitted because he knows nothing of them: he deposes, by means of his oath, that he was present at Saint-Ouen, at the preaching made of the same Joan; in which preaching he who preached said many opprobria to the same Joan, saying to her that she had done against the royal majesty, that she had done against God and the catholic faith; she had also erred in many things in the faith, and that, unless she now took heed of such things, she would be burned. And among other things he heard that the same Joan answered the preacher that she had taken the male habit because she had to do with men-at-arms, with whom it was safer and more fitting for her to converse in the male habit than the female, and that the things which she did and had done, she had done well. He who speaks saw also, as he says, that a certain schedule was read to the same Joan; but what was contained in it he knows not; he remembers nevertheless that it was said that she had committed the crime of lèse-majesté, and that she had seduced the people. And he knows that after the preaching she was led back to the castle; but what was afterwards done, he knows not, until the day on which she was burned.

And of the contents of the other articles, he deposes that he was at the last preaching, and on the day on which the same Joan died. And the preaching was made by a certain one of whose name he remembers not; and the same preacher said that the same Joan had done ill, and that her sin had once been pardoned her, and that the Church could no more avail her. And he saw that after the preaching she was delivered to a certain serjeant, and there the serjeant delivered her to the executioner, without and it ceasing that any sentence was uttered by the bailiff; and she was led to the fire, in which fire he heard that she asked for holy water. And she cried Jesus aloud. She asked also for a cross. He heard also it said that on the same day or on the day before, she had received the body of Christ. Nor else does he know.

The lord Nicolas Taquel #

The venerable man the lord Pierre (102) Taquel, priest, curate of the parish church of Bacqueville-le-Martel, imperial notary and of the court of Rouen, sworn, of the age of fifty-eight years or thereabout; a witness produced in this cause, received, sworn and examined on the eleventh day of the month of May, of the aforesaid year of the Lord 1456.

And first, interrogated upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he deposes that he had knowledge of the same Joan during the process carried on against her in the matter of faith, for he was in the same process a second notary, albeit he was not in the beginning, as appears by his subscription; nor was he during the time when they proceeded in the great hall; but only at the time when the process was in the prisons; and, as it seems to him, he began to be present at the same process on the fourteenth day of the month of March in the year of the Lord 1430, as appears by his commission, to which he refers himself. And from that time until the end of the process he was present as notary at the interrogations and answers of the same Joan, albeit he wrote not; but heard, and reported to the other two notaries, to wit Boisguillaume and Manchon, who wrote, and most of all Manchon.

And the process signed with his manual sign being shown to him, he acknowledged his sign; and confesses that he signed the same book and gave certification of the things at which he was present. He confesses also and recognises the other signs of Manchon and Boisguillaume. And he says that the process of this kind was reduced into the form in which it is, a great space of time after the death of the same Joan; but at what time he knows not. And he who speaks had for his pains and labours ten francs, albeit it had been said to him that he should have twenty: and the same ten francs were delivered to him by the hands of a certain Bénédicte (103); but whence the moneys came he knows not.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the other articles until the twentieth article: he deposes that of those, so far as it touches the process, and of the time when he was notary, he refers himself to the process. Of the others he knows nothing.

Item, interrogated of the contents of the twentieth and twenty-first so far as it touches the articles whereof mention is made in the same: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he then heard speech among the notaries that certain articles were to be made; but who made them he knows nothing. And he knows that they were sent to Paris; but whether they were signed or not, he remembers not; and believes that he did not sign them; nor has he memory that he ever signed aught save the process and the sentence.

Moreover interrogated whether, the articles of this kind extracted and seen by the judges, it was appointed that they should be corrected: he says and deposes that he remembers not.

And a certain little note of the fourth day of the month of April, of the year of the Lord 1431, being shown to him, whereby it is provided that the articles in the form in which they were sent ought to be corrected, and the corrections set on the back: he confesses the same note to be written in the hand of Master Guillaume Manchon, and believes that he was present. He believes nevertheless that no correction was made, albeit it was so appointed, as appears to him; for further how this befell or by whom it stood, the length of time considered, he has no memory.

Of the contents of all the following articles read to him in the sum, he says and deposes that he was present at Saint-Ouen when the first preaching was made; but he was not with the other notaries in the pulpit. Yet he was near enough, and in a place where he could hear the things which were done and said; and he well remembers that he saw the same Joan when the schedule of abjuration was read to her; and the lord Jean Massieu read it to her, and it was about six lines of great letter. And the same Joan said it after the said Massieu. And that letter of abjuration was in French, beginning: Je Jehanne, etc. And after the abjuration of this kind, she was condemned to perpetual prisons, and led into the castle. And he says that afterwards he was sent for to interrogate her, as it was said; but a certain tumult supervened, nor does he who speaks know what was done thereat. Yet he knows that afterwards another (104) preaching was made, on the day of the death of the same Joan; and in the morning of that day the same Joan received the body of Christ. And in that preaching he who speaks was present until the end of the preaching; which preaching accomplished, the same Joan was left to secular justice. Which done, the speaker departed, nor was present further.

Nor else does he know, duly interrogated upon this.

Husson Lemaistre #

The honest man Husson Lemaistre, layman, a worker of the tinker’s craft, dwelling in the town of Rouen, of the age of fifty years or thereabout, born of Véville beneath Mont-de-Bassigny, distant three leagues from the town of Domrémy; produced, received, sworn and examined by the aforesaid lords judges and commissioners, on the eleventh day of the month of May.

And first interrogated upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause, all the others being omitted because he knows nothing of them: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he well had knowledge of the father and mother of the same Joan, who were good and simple persons, living catholicly; for, as he already said, he is born of Véville, distant three leagues from the town of Domrémy, whence the same Joan was born, and in which her father and mother dwelt. Yet he did not see the same Joan, nor had knowledge of her save when she came to Reims, at the king’s coronation; in which town he who speaks then dwelt; and there were the father of the same Joan, and the lord Pierre, her brother, who had great familiarity with the speaker and his wife, for they were compatriots, and they called his wife neighbour.

He says also that he was in the parts whence the speaker is born, at that time when the same Joan went to Vaucouleurs toward the lord Robert de Baudricourt, that he might conduct her or cause her to be conducted toward the king of France; and it was said at that time that she was the grace of God, and that the same Joan was led by the spirit of God.

He says also that the same Joan asked the same lord Robert that he should deliver her men to conduct her toward the lord Dauphin, as he then heard reported; and the same Joan was in the parts reputed a good and honest young woman, and that otherwise she had dwelt with a certain worthy woman called la Rousse, dwelling at Neufchâteau, and that she willingly and most often confessed and received the body of Christ. And he heard it said that, at the time when the same Joan was being led from Vaucouleurs to the king, certain of the men-at-arms who conducted her feigned themselves to be of the adverse party; and when they who were with her feigned to will to flee, she said to them: Flee not, en nom Dé; they shall do us no ill. And, as it was said, when she arrived toward the king, she knew him, albeit she had not seen him before. And at length she brought the king to Reims without impediment, where he who speaks saw the same Joan; and from the town of Reims the king came to Corbigny (105), and afterwards to Château-Thierry, which was surrendered to the king, and there the fame came that the English were coming to fight against the king; yet the same Joan said to the king’s people that they should not fear, and that the English would not come. Nor else does he know upon these, duly interrogated.

Pierre Daron #

The honourable man Pierre Daron, lieutenant of the bailiff of Rouen, a witness produced, received, sworn and examined by the lord inquisitor in the presence of the notaries of the causes of this kind, and by mandate of the other judges, on the thirteenth day of the month of May; of the age, as he said, of sixty years or thereabout.

And first, interrogated what he knows to depose or attest of the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles: he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he had knowledge of the same Joan only from the time when she was brought into the town of Rouen; and he who speaks was then procurator of the town of Rouen; who, of a certain curiosity much desired to see the same Joan, seeking propitious means to see her. And he found Pierre Manuel, advocate of the king of England, who likewise much desired to see her, and they went together to see her; whom they found in the Castle, in a certain tower, in irons in fetters, with a certain great beam about the feet, and she had many English keepers. And the same Manuel spoke to the same Joan in the presence of him who speaks, saying to the same Joan jestingly that she would not have come there unless she had been brought; and asked her whether she well knew before her capture that she was to be taken. Who answered that she much doubted it. And when it was further said to her why, since she doubted of her capture, did she not keep herself that day on which she was taken: she answered that she knew not the day nor the hour on which she was to be taken, nor when it should befall. Nor did they speak aught else with her.

He says also that another time he saw her, during the process which was made against her, when she was led from the prison to the great hall of the castle.

Of the contents of the fifth, sixth, seventh and eighth he knows nothing, save only that certain ones were noted by the English, because they willed not to be present at the process of this kind, and most of all Master Nicolas de Houppeville.

Of the contents of the ninth he knows nothing, save, as he deposed above, that he saw her in the prison, in a certain tower, bound with a certain great piece of wood about the feet.

Of the contents of the tenth, eleventh, twelfth, thirteenth and fourteenth he deposes that he well remembers that many clerks were gathered for the process; and the notaries of the process of this kind were Master Guillaume Manchon and the lord Guillaume Colles, otherwise Boisguillaume; but with what mind they proceeded he knows nothing. He says nevertheless that he heard it said by certain ones, during that process, that the same Joan did marvels in her answers, and that she had a marvellous memory, for, when

(102) Constantly called Nicolas in the acts of the two preceding volumes.

(103) That is to say, of Jean d’Estivet.

(104) Manuscript 5970, aliqua.

(105) A priory depending on Saint-Remi of Reims whither the kings went after their anointing to heal the scrofula.

on a certain occasion she was interrogated of something whereof she had been interrogated before, even eight days elapsed, she answered: I was interrogated on such a day, or it is eight days since I was interrogated of that, and so I answered. And albeit Boisguillaume, the other notary, said that she had not so answered, certain of the assistants saying that the same Joan spoke truth, the answer of that day was read, and it was found that the same Joan spoke well: whereat the same Joan rejoiced, saying to the same Boisguillaume that, if he should fail again, she would pull his ear.

Of the fifteenth until the twenty-third article, he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-third, twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth articles, he deposes that he was present at the sermon made at Saint-Ouen, whereof he could depose nothing, for he was much distant, suchwise that he could hear nothing.

Of the contents of the twenty-sixth, he deposes that the fame was that she had been induced after the first sentence to take the male garments.

Of the contents of the twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth he knows nothing.

Of the contents of the other articles, he says and deposes that he was present at the sermon made in the Old Market, on the day on which the same Joan ended her life, and saw her delivered and left to secular justice, and after she was left to secular justice, without any interval and without any other sentence of a lay judge, the same Joan was delivered to the executioner and led into a certain pulpit where the wood was made ready to burn her. And he believes she ended her days catholicly, for she made many pious exclamations and lamentations, calling upon the name of the Lord Jesus; and, among other words, he heard the same Joan saying: Ha! Rouen, Rouen, wilt thou be my dwelling? And there was the greatest pity of her; and many were moved to tears; and many were ill content that the execution of the same Joan was done in the town of Rouen. And he knows that the same Joan until the last issue of life ever cried Jesus! And he says that afterwards the ashes and relics of the same were gathered and cast into the Seine. Nor else does he know.

Brother Seguin Seguini #

Brother Seguin Seguini, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, dean of the Faculty of theology in the University of Poitiers, of the age of seventy years or thereabout; on the fourteenth day of the month of May, of the office of the lords judges, and for the fuller information of the same lords, sworn, interrogated and examined.

And first, upon the contents of the first, second, third and fourth articles of the articles produced in this cause, most of all upon the knowledge which the same witness had of the said Joan, he says and deposes, by means of his oath, that he knows the things which follow: to wit that, before he had knowledge of the same Joan, he had already heard it said by Master Pierre de Versailles, professor of sacred theology, at the time of his death bishop of Meaux, that he, speaking of the same Joan, had heard it said by certain men-at-arms who had met the same Joan when she was coming toward the king, and who had set themselves in ambush to take the same Joan and to despoil her with her company (106), that, when they believed to do this, they could not move themselves from the place in which they were, and so the same Joan had departed with her company without impediment.

He says that he first saw her in the town of Poitiers; and the king’s Council was then gathered in a certain house called La Macée, in the said town of Poitiers, and among those of the Council was the lord archbishop of Reims, then chancellor of France. And they sent for the speaker, Masters Jean Lombart, professor of sacred theology in the university of Paris, Guillaume Le Maire (107), canon of Poitiers, bachelor in theology, Guillaume Aymeric, professor of sacred theology, of the order of Preaching Friars, Brother Pierre Turrelare (108), Master Jacques Maledon, and many others of whom he remembers not; and they said to them that they were sent for on the king’s part to interrogate the same Joan, and to report to the king’s Council what should seem to them of her; and they sent them to the house of Master Jean Rabateau, in the town of Poitiers, in which the same Joan was lodged, that they should examine her. And, when they arrived there, they made many questions to the same Joan, and among other questions Master Jean Lombart interrogated her why she had come, and that the king much willed to know what had moved her to come toward the king; and she answered in a great manner that, she keeping the beasts, a certain voice appeared to her which said to her that God had great pity of the people of France, and that it behoved that the same Joan should come into France. Who, this heard, had begun to weep; and then the voice said to her that she should go to Vaucouleurs, and that there she should find a certain captain who should lead her safely into France and to the king, and that she should not doubt; and that she had so done, and that she had come to the king without any impediment. And Master Guillaume Aymeric interrogated her: Thou saidst that the voice said to thee that God wills to deliver the people of France from the calamity in which it is. If he wills to deliver it, it is not needful to have men-at-arms. And then the same Joan answered: En nom Dieu, the men-at-arms shall fight and God shall give the victory. With which answer the same Master Guillaume was content.

And he who speaks interrogated her what tongue the voice spoke: who answered that a better tongue than the speaker’s, who spoke the Limousin tongue. And again he interrogated her whether she believed in God: who answered that yes, better than the speaker. And then the speaker said to the same Joan that God willed not that she should be believed, unless aught else appeared for which it should seem to him that she was to be believed, and that they would not counsel the king that at her simple assertion men of arms should be delivered to her and put in peril, unless she said aught else. Who answered: En nom Dieu, I am not come to Poitiers to make signs; but lead me to Orléans; I shall show you the signs for which I am sent; and that men should be delivered to her, with as great quantity as should seem good to them; and that she would go to Orléans. And then she said to the speaker and the others standing by four things which were yet to come, and which afterwards came to pass. First, she said that the English should be destroyed, and that the siege being before the town of Orléans should be raised, and the town of Orléans should escape delivered from the same English; yet she should first summon them. She said secondly that the king should be consecrated at Reims. Thirdly that the town of Paris should be rendered into the king’s obedience; and that the duke of Orléans should return from England. All which things he who speaks saw accomplished. And all these things they reported to the king’s Council, and they were of opinion that, the eminent necessity and the peril in which the town of Orléans was being considered, the king could help himself by her, and send her to Orléans.

The speaker and the other commissioners inquired also of the life and manners of the same Joan, and found that she was a good christian, and lived catholicly, and that she was never found idle. And to know better of her conversation, women were delivered to her, who reported her gestures and ways to the Council. And he who speaks believes that the same Joan was deservedly sent by God, seeing that the king and the dwellers of his obedience had no hope, nay all believed they should depart. And he well remembers that the same Joan was interrogated why she bore a banner: who answered that she willed not to use her sword, nor willed to slay anyone.

He who speaks says also that the same Joan was much wroth when she heard the name of the Lord sworn in vain, and abhorred those so swearing; for the same Joan said to La Hire, who was wont and accustomed to make many oaths and deny God, that he should swear no more, but when he willed to deny God, should deny his staff (109). And afterwards the same La Hire, in the presence of the same Joan, was wont to deny his staff.

Nor else does he who speaks know.

V. #

Deposition of the lord Jean d’Aulon received at Lyon #

There follows consequently the deposition of the noble man the lord Jean d’Aulon (110), knight, examined by the authority of the most reverend father in Christ the lord archbishop of Reims, by the religious man Brother Jean de Pratis, master in the sacred page, of the order of the Preaching Friars of Lyon and vice-inquisitor general of heretical pravity in the realm of France.

To the most reverend fathers in Christ and lords, the lords archbishop of Reims and bishop of Paris, commissioners in this part deputed by apostolic authority, your humble Brother Jean de Pratis, master in sacred theology, of the order of the Preachers of Lyon, and vice-inquisitor general of heretical pravity in the realm of France, reverence due with honour. Know ye, my most reverend lords, and let all know that, in the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction taken with the same year, on the twenty-eighth day of the month of May, in my presence and in that of the two public notaries subscribed and signing below: the noble and mighty man the lord Jean d’Aulon, knight, councillor and master of the Household of our lord the king of the French, and his seneschal of Beaucaire, coming into my presence, in the house of our convent of Lyon (111), declared to me by word of mouth that you, most reverend father in Christ, lord archbishop of Reims, had by your missive letters commanded him that, because, as you had known, the same lord seneschal had at some time conversed with Joan, formerly named in this realm of France by the vulgar designation la Pucelle, he should say, depose and testify before me and in the presence of two public notaries those things which he knew and had seen of the life, manners, conversation and deeds of the same Joan, to inform your most reverend paternities of the same, as is more fully contained in the same aforesaid missive letters of you, most reverend lord my archbishop of Reims, exhibited to me by the lord seneschal; of which the tenor is such:

To my right dear lord and brother, messire Jehan d’Aulon, knight, councillor of the king and seneschal of Beaucaire.

Right dear lord and brother, I commend me to you as much as I may. And it is true that from the time I was at Saint-Pourçain toward the king, I wrote you of the process made against Jehanne la Pucelle by the English, by which they will to maintain that she was a sorceress and heretic and invoker of devils, and that, by this means, the king had recovered his realm (112); and so they held the king and those who had served him heretic. And because of her life and conversation and also governance you know well and largely, I pray you that what you know of it you will send in writing, signed by two apostolic notaries and an inquisitor of the faith; for I have certain bulls here, to revoke all that the enemies have done touching the said process. Written at Paris, the twentieth day of April.

So signed: the archbishop and duke of Reims.

And straightway the lord seneschal, oath first made by him in my hands to speak and attest the truth upon the things written below, by the same his oath, said, deposed and testified in the presence of me, the vice-inquisitor, and of the said lords notaries, the things which are described below in the vulgar tongue, and as follows:

And first, he says that twenty-eight years ago, or thereabout, the king our sire being then in the town of Poitiers, it was told him that the said Maid, who was of the parts of Lorraine, had been brought to the said lord by two gentlemen, saying that they were of messire Robert de Baudricourt, knight, the one named Bertrand and the other Jehan de Metz, and she presented; to see whom, he who speaks went to the said place of Poitiers.

He says that after the said presentation, the said Maid spoke to the king our sire secretly, and told him certain secret things: which, he knows not; save so far that, a little time after, the same lord sent to seek certain of the men of his council, among whom was the said deponent. Then to whom he said that the said Maid had told him that she was sent to him by God to help him to recover his realm, which for the time was for the greatest part occupied by the English, his ancient enemies.

He says that after these words declared by the said lord to the men of his said council, it was advised to interrogate the said Maid, who for the time was of the age of sixteen years or thereabout, upon certain points touching the faith.

He says that, to do this, the said lord caused to come certain masters in theology, jurists and other expert men, who examined and interrogated her upon the same points well and diligently.

He says that he was present at the said council when the same masters made

(106) Manuscript 5970, deprecando.

(107) Manuscript 5970, Lemarie.

(108) A Dominican, who died bishop of Digne in 1466. (Quétif and Echard, Script. ord. prœd., t. I, p. 688.)

(109) On the miniatures of the fifteenth century, the chiefs of companies are ordinarily represented with a staff in the hand.

(110) He was a gentleman of Languedoc, an esquire in the king’s house, who, on account of his great reputation for wisdom, had been chosen by Charles VII to watch over the Maid and to serve her as steward. He left her not an instant so long as she was under arms, and the conduct he kept beside her drew to him many praises and favours. In 1433 he is found employed in divers missions toward the States of Languedoc. On the 11th of September of the same year he was invested with the captaincy of the castle of Cabaret, by the count of Foix, then lieutenant-general in Languedoc and in Guyenne. In 1437, at the entry of Charles VII into Paris, he figured in the cortège, leading the king’s horse all afoot. Little after he became seneschal of Beaucaire, councillor and master of the household of the king, man-at-arms of the great ordinance under the conduct of Jean de Breuil. He was made knight on the 23rd of July 1449, during the conquest of Normandy, at the moment when the French gathered near the castle of Harcourt ranged themselves in battle to fight Talbot. Finally, in an act of 1454 he figures as captain of the castle of Pierre-Scize, at Lyon. A Philippe d’Aulon, whom Louis XI pensioned as man-at-arms and master of his household, was doubtless the son of Jean d’Aulon. (Manuscripts of the Bibl. du roi, Cabinet des titres; Monstrelet, t. II, ch. 210; chron. of Berry, ed. Godefroi, p. 435; Hist. gén. de la maison de France, t. VIII, p. 140; Manuscript Gaignières, no. 772-2, f. 452.)

(111) All that is contained from this place to the deposition of the witness is omitted in the manuscript 5970. We supply it after the manuscripts ND. and d’Urfé.

(112) This lesson is furnished by the manuscript of d’Urfé. The manuscript ND. reads maistre.

their report of what they had found of the said Maid; by which it was publicly said by one of them that they saw, knew nor understood in the same Maid anything, save only all that can be in a good christian woman and a true catholic; and that as such they held her; and it was their opinion that she was a very good person.

He says also that, the said report made to the said lord by the said masters, the same Maid was since delivered to the queen of Sicily, mother of the queen our sovereign lady, and to certain ladies being with her; by whom the same Maid was seen, visited and secretly regarded and examined in the secret parts of her body; but, after they had seen and regarded all that was to be regarded in this case, the said lady said and related to the king that she and the said ladies found certainly that she was a true and entire maid, in whom no corruption or violence appeared.

He says that he was present when the said lady made her said report.

He says moreover that after these things heard, the king, considering the great goodness which was in the same Maid and that she had told him that she was sent him on God’s part, it was concluded by the said lord in his council that thenceforward he would help himself with her in the doing of his wars, seeing that, to do this, she was sent to him.

He says that then it was determined that she should be sent into the city of Orléans, which was then besieged by the said enemies.

He says that for this there were delivered to her people for the service of her person, and others for her conduct.

He says that for the keeping and conduct of the same, the said deponent was ordained by the king our said lord.

He says also that for the safety of her body, the said lord caused to be made for the said Maid a harness all proper for her said body, and that done, ordained for her a certain quantity of men-at-arms to lead and conduct her and those of her said company safely to the said place of Orléans.

He says that straightway after she set out on the way with her said people to go that way.

He says that as soon as it came to the knowledge of my lord of Dunois, who for the time was called my lord the bastard of Orléans, who was in the said city to preserve and keep it from the said enemies, that the said Maid was coming that way, straightway he caused to assemble a certain quantity of men of war to go toward her, as La Hire and others. And to do this and more safely to bring and conduct her into the said city, the same lord and his said people set themselves in a boat, and by the river of Loire went toward her about a quarter of a league, and there found her.

He says that straightway the said Maid and he who speaks entered into the said boat, and the rest of her (113) men of war returned toward Blois. And with my said lord of Dunois and his people she entered into the said city safely and surely; in which my said lord of Dunois caused her to be lodged well and honestly in the hostelry of one of the notable burgesses of the same city, who had espoused one of the notable women of the same.

He says that after my said lord of Dunois, La Hire and certain other captains of the party of the king our said lord had conferred with the said Maid what was expedient to do for the tuition, keeping and defence of the said city, and also by what means the said enemies could best be aggrieved: it was among them advised and concluded that it was needful to cause to come a certain number of men-at-arms of their said party, who were then in the parts of Blois, and they must go to seek them. To put which thing in execution and to bring them into the said city, my said lord of Dunois, he who speaks and certain other captains were commissioned with their people; who went to the said country of Blois to bring them and cause them to come.

He says that as they were ready to depart to go to seek those who were in the said country of Blois, and it came to the notice of the said Maid, straightway she mounted a-horseback, and La Hire with her, and with a certain quantity of her people issued forth into the fields to keep that the said enemies should bear them no damage. And to do this, the said Maid set herself with her said people between the host of her said enemies and the said city of Orléans, and did there suchwise that, notwithstanding the great puissance and number of men of war being in the host of the said enemies, nevertheless, by God’s mercy, the said lords of Dunois and he who speaks passed with all their people, and went their way safely; and likewise the said Maid and her said people returned into the said city.

He says also that as soon as she knew the coming of the aforesaid, and that they brought the others whom they had gone to seek for the reinforcement of the said city, straightway the same Maid mounted a-horseback, and with a part of her people went toward them, to succour and relieve them, had there been need.

He says that at the sight and knowledge of the said enemies, the said Maid, Dunois, the marshal, La Hire, he who speaks and their said people entered into the same city, without any contradiction.

He says further that the selfsame day, after dinner, my said lord of Dunois came to the lodging of the said Maid; in which he who speaks and she had dined together. And in speaking to her the same lord of Dunois told her that he had known for truth by worthy men that one named Fastolf, captain of the said enemies, was shortly to come toward the same enemies being in the said siege, as much to give them succour and reinforce their host as also to victual them; and that he was already at Janville. At which words the said Maid was all rejoiced, as it seemed to him who speaks; and said to my said lord of Dunois such words or the like: Bastard, Bastard, in God’s name I command thee that as soon as thou knowest the coming of the said Fastolf, thou cause me to know it; for, if he pass without my knowing it, I promise thee I shall have thy head stricken off. To which the said lord of Dunois answered that of that she should not doubt, for he would well cause her to know it.

He says that after these words, he who speaks, who was weary and travelled, set himself upon a couch in the chamber of the said Maid, to rest himself a little, and she likewise set herself with her said hostess upon another bed to sleep and rest herself likewise; but as the said deponent began to take his rest, suddenly the same Maid rose from the said bed, and making great noise awoke him. And then he who speaks asked her what she willed; who answered him: En nom Dé, my counsel hath told me that I go against the English; but I know not whether I should go to their bastilles or against Fastolf, who is to victual them. Whereupon the said deponent rose straightway, and as quickly as he could armed the said Maid.

He says that as he armed her, they heard a great noise and a great cry which they of the said city made, saying that the enemies did great damage to the French. And then he who speaks likewise caused himself to be armed; in doing which, without his knowing it, the said Maid departed from the chamber, and issued into the street, where she found a page mounted upon a horse, whom she at once caused to descend from the said horse, and straightway mounted thereon; and as straightly and as diligently as she could, drew her way straight to the gate of Burgundy, where the greatest noise was.

He says that straightway he who speaks followed the said Maid; but so soon he could not go that she was not already at the same gate.

He says that as they arrived at the same gate, they saw that one of the men of the same city was being brought, who was very sorely wounded; and then the said Maid asked those who bore him who the man was; who answered her that it was a Frenchman. And then she said that never had she seen the blood of a Frenchman that her hair did not rise upon her.

He says that at that hour, the said Maid, he who speaks, and many other men of war in their company, issued out of the said city to give succour to the said French and to aggrieve the said enemies to their power; but as they were out of the same city, it appeared to him who speaks that never had he seen so many men-at-arms of their party as he did then.

He says that forthwith they drew their way toward a very strong bastille of the said enemies, called the bastille of Saint-Loup; which straightway by the said French was assailed, and with very little loss of them taken by assault; and all the enemies being in it dead or taken, and the said bastille remained in the hands of the said French.

He says that, this done, the said Maid and those of her said company withdrew into the said city of Orléans, in which they refreshed and rested themselves for that day.

He says that on the morrow the said Maid and her said people, seeing the great victory obtained by them the day before upon their said enemies, issued out of the said city in good order, to go to assail a certain other bastille being before the said city, called the bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; to do which thing, for that they saw that they could not well go by land to the same (114) bastille, because the said enemies had made another very strong one at the foot of the bridge of the said city, suchwise that it was impossible for them to pass, it was concluded among them to pass into a certain isle being in the river of Loire, and there they would make their assembly to go to take the said bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; and to pass the other arm of the said river of Loire, they caused to be brought two boats, of which they made a bridge, to go to the said bastille.

He says that, this done, they went toward the said bastille, which they found all abandoned, for that the English who were in it, as soon as they perceived the coming of the said French, went away and withdrew into another stronger and greater bastille, called the bastille of the Augustins.

He says that, the said French seeing they were not mighty enough to take the said bastille, it was concluded that so they should return without doing aught.

He says that, the more safely to return and pass, it was ordained to remain behind some of the most notable and valiant men of war of the party of the said French, so as to keep that the said enemies should not be able to aggrieve them in their returning; and to do this were ordained my lords of Gaucourt, of Villars, then seneschal of Beaucaire, and he who speaks.

He says that as the said French returned from the said bastille of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc to enter into the said isle, then the said Maid and La Hire each passed a horse in a boat to the other side of the same isle, upon which horses they mounted as soon as they had passed, each his lance in his hand. And then when they perceived that the said enemies issued out of the said bastille to run upon their people, straightway the said Maid and La Hire, who were ever before them to keep them, couched their lances and first of all began to strike upon the said enemies; and then each followed them and began to strike upon the same enemies in such manner that by force they constrained them to withdraw and enter into the said bastille of the Augustins. And in doing this, he who speaks being at the keeping of a pass with certain others for this established and ordained, among whom was a right valiant man-at-arms of the country of Spain, named Alphonse de Partada, they saw pass before them another man-at-arms of their company, a fair man, great and well armed, to whom, for that he passed on, he who speaks said that he should remain there a little with the others, to make resistance to the said enemies, in case need should be; by whom it was straightway answered him that he would do naught of it. And then the said Alphonse said to him that so might he remain as the others, and that there were some as valiant as he who remained well. Who answered to the same Alphonse that he did not. Whereupon they had between them certain arrogant words, and so far that they concluded to go the two of them, one with the other, upon the said enemies, and then it should be seen who should be the most valiant, and who best of the two of them would do his duty. And they holding by the hands, the greatest course they could, went toward the said bastille of the said enemies, and went even to the foot of the palisade.

He says that as they were at the said palisade of the same bastille, he who speaks saw within the said palisade a great, strong and puissant Englishman, well in point and armed, who so resisted them that they could not enter the said palisade. And then he who speaks showed the said Englishman to one named Master Jean the Cannonier, saying to him that he should shoot at the same Englishman; for he did too great grief, and wrought much damage to those who willed to approach the said bastille: which the said Master Jean did; for as soon as he perceived him, he addressed his shot toward him, so that he cast him dead to the ground; and then the said two men-at-arms gained the passage, by which all the others of their company passed and entered into the said bastille; which very bitterly and with great diligence they assailed on all sides, in such wise that within little time they gained it and took it by assault. And there were slain and taken the most part of the said enemies; and those who could save themselves withdrew into the said bastille of the Tourelles, being at the said foot of the bridge. And thereby, the said Maid and those being with her obtained victory over the said enemies for that day. And the said great bastille was gained, and the said lords and their people, with the said Maid, remained before it all that night.

He says further that on the morrow at morning, the said Maid sent to seek all the lords and captains being before the said bastille taken, to advise what was most to be done: by whose advice it was concluded and deliberated to assail that day a great boulevard which the said English had made before the said bastille of the Tourelles, and that it was expedient to have and gain it before doing aught else. To do and execute which thing, the said Maid, the captains and their people went on the one side and the other that day, early in the morning, before the said boulevard, to which they gave the assault on all sides, and made all their effort to take it, and so far that they were before the same boulevard from the morning until sun-setting, without being able to take or gain it. And the said lords and captains being with her seeing that for that day they could not well gain it, the hour considered which was very late, and also that all were very weary and travelled, it was concluded among them to cause to sound the retreat of the said host; which was done and at the sound of trumpet sounded that each should withdraw for that day. In making which retreat, for that he who bore the standard of the said Maid and held it still standing before the said boulevard was weary and travelled, he delivered the said standard to one named the Basque, who was of the said lord of Villars; and because he who speaks knew the said Basque to be a valiant man, and he doubted that at the occasion of the said retreat ill should not ensue therefrom, and that the said bastille and boulevard should remain in the hands of the said enemies, he had thought that, if the said standard were pushed forward, for the great affection which he knew to be in the men of war being there, they might by this means gain the same boulevard. And then he who speaks asked the said Basque, if he entered and went to the foot of the said boulevard, whether he would follow him: who told him and promised so to do. And then he who speaks entered into the said ditch and went even to the foot of the dove of the said boulevard, covering himself with his targe for doubt of the stones, and left his said companion on the other side, whom he believed should follow him foot by foot; but for that, when the said Maid saw her said standard in the hands of the said Basque, and she believed she had lost it, inasmuch as he who bore it had entered into the said ditch, the said Maid came, who took the said standard by the end, in such wise that he could not have it, crying: Haa! my standard! my standard! and shook the said standard, in manner that the imagination of the said deponent was that in so doing the others might believe she made them some sign; and then he who speaks cried: Ha, Basque! is this what thou hast promised me? And then the said Basque so pulled the said standard that he wrenched it from the hands of the said Maid, and that done, went to him who speaks, and bore the said standard. At the occasion of which thing all they of the host of the said Maid assembled, and again rallied, and with such great asperity assailed the said boulevard that, within little time after, the same boulevard and the said bastille were by them taken, and abandoned of the said enemies; and the said French entered into the said city of Orléans over the bridge.

And he who speaks says [that] the selfsame day he had heard the said Maid say: In the name of God, they shall enter to-night into the town by the bridge. And that done, the same Maid and her said people withdrew into the said town of Orléans, in which he who speaks caused her to be dressed; for she had been wounded by a shot in the said assault.

He says also that on the morrow all the said English, who still remained before the said town, on the other side of the same bastille of the Tourelles, raised their siege, and went away, as all confounded and discomfited. And thereby, by the help of our Lord and of the said Maid, the said city was delivered from the hands of the said enemies.

He says further that, a certain time after the return from the king’s anointing, it was advised by his council then being at Mehun-sur-Yèvre, that it was very needful to recover the town of La Charité, which the said enemies held; but that the town of Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier, which the same enemies likewise held, must be taken first.

He says that, to do this and to assemble people, the said Maid went into the town of Bourges, in which she made her assembly, and thence with a certain quantity of men-at-arms, of whom my lord d’Albret was the chief, they went to besiege the said town of Saint-Pierre-le-Moustier.

And he says that, after the said Maid and her said people had held the siege before the said town for some time, it was ordained to give the assault to the same town; and so it was done, and to take it they who were there did their duty; but, because of the great number of men-at-arms being in the said town, the great strength of it, and also the great resistance which they within made, the said French were constrained and forced to withdraw, for the causes aforesaid. And at that hour, he who speaks, who was wounded by a shot through the heel, so that without crutches (115) he could not sustain himself nor go, saw that the said Maid had remained very slightly accompanied of her people or of others, and he who speaks doubting that ill should not ensue therefrom, mounted upon a horse and straightway drew toward her, and asked her what she did there thus alone, and why she did not withdraw as the others did. Who, after she had taken her salade from her head, answered him that she was not alone, and that she had still in her company fifty thousand of her people, and that thence she would not depart until she had taken the said town. And he who speaks says that at that hour, whatsoever she said, she had not with her more than four or five men, and this he knows certainly, and many others who likewise saw her: for which cause he again told her that she should go thence, and withdraw as the others did. And then she told him that he should cause to be brought her faggots and hurdles to make a bridge over the ditches of the said town, so that they might the better approach it. And in saying these words to him she cried with a high voice and said: To the faggots and the hurdles every man, to make the bridge! Which straightway after was made and set up. At which thing the same deponent was all marvelling; for straightway the said town was taken by assault, without then finding too great resistance.

And he who speaks says that all the deeds of the said Maid seemed to him more divine and miraculous deeds than otherwise, and that it was impossible for so young a maid to do such works, without the will and guidance of our Lord.

He who speaks says also, who for the space of a whole year, by the commandment of the king our said lord, dwelt in the company of the said Maid, that, during that time, he has not seen nor known in her aught which should not be in a good christian woman; and whom he has ever seen and known to be of very good life and honest conversation, in all and each of her deeds.

He says also that he has known the same Maid to be a very devout creature, and that very devoutly she maintained herself in hearing the divine service of our Lord, which she continually willed to hear, to wit on the solemn days, the great mass of the place where she was, with the subsequent hours, and on the other days a low mass; and that she was accustomed every day to hear mass, if it were possible for her.

He says further that many times he has seen and known that she confessed herself and received our Lord, and did all that belongs to a good christian man or woman to do, and without that ever, during the time he has conversed with her, he has heard her swear, blaspheme or forswear the name of our Lord, nor of his Saints, for any cause or occasion whatever.

He says moreover that, notwithstanding she was a young girl, fair and well formed, and that many times, as well in helping to arm her as otherwise, he had seen her breasts, and sometimes her legs all bare, in causing her to be tended of her wounds, and that he approached her oftentimes, and also that he was strong, young and in his good strength: nevertheless never, for any sight or touch he had of the said Maid, did his body stir to any carnal desire toward her, nor likewise did that of any other of her people and esquires, as he who speaks has heard them say and relate many times.

And he says that, in his belief, she was a very good christian woman, and that she must have been inspired; for she loved all that a good christian ought to love, and especially she much loved a good and worthy man whom she knew to be of chaste life.

He says further still that he has heard say by many women, who have seen the said Maid many times bare, and knew of her secrets, that she had never had the secret sickness of women, and that never could anyone know or perceive aught of it by her garments, nor otherwise.

He says also that, when the said Maid had aught to do for the doing of her war, she said to him who speaks that her counsel had told her what she must do.

He says that he interrogated her who was her said counsel; who answered him that her counsellors were three, of whom the one was ever resident with her, the other went and came oftentimes toward her, and visited her; and the third was he with whom the two others deliberated. And it befell that one time among others, he who speaks prayed and asked her that she would once show him the same counsel: who answered him that he was not worthy or virtuous enough to see them. And then the said deponent ceased to speak to her further of it nor to inquire.

And the said deponent firmly believes, as he has said above, that, the deeds, conduct and great guidings of the same Maid seen, she was filled with all the good things which can and ought to be in a good christian woman.

And so he has said and deposed as is written above, without love, favour, hatred or subornation whatsoever; but only for the sole truth of the deed, and as he has seen and known to be in the said Maid.

And that the premises were so deposed and testified by the abovesaid lord Seneschal, before me, the aforesaid vice-inquisitor, and in the presence of the two notaries subscribed below, I, the same vice-inquisitor, attest and certify to you, my most reverend lords, by the instrument of this kind, taken of the premises by the own hands of the said two notaries subscribed below, and signed with their manual signs, with the appension of my own seal which I use in my office of vice-inquisitor, in witness of the same; the day, year, indiction and pontificate abovesaid.

As is contained above the aforenamed lord Jean d’Aulon deposed and attested, before the aforesaid lord vice-inquisitor, in my presence, Hugues Belièvre, clerk, citizen of Lyon, public notary by apostolic authority, and sworn of the court of the officiality of Lyon, witness my manual sign here appended, which is such. So signed, H. Belièvre.

Also, as is described above, the above-named lord Jean d’Aulon deposed and attested, before the aforenamed lord vice-inquisitor, in my presence, Bartholomé Belièvre, citizen of Lyon, public notary by apostolic authority, and sworn of the court of the officiality of Lyon, and also of the aforenamed Hugues Belièvre, notary and sworn by the same authority. Witness my manual sign, which I use in such precedent things. So signed: B. Belièvre.

Collation made. Comitis. Ferrebouc.

(113) Manuscript ND., des dictes.

(114) Manuscript ND., prendre ladicte.

(115) That is to say, without crutches.

Chapter VI #

[The taking up of the cause by the lords Jean Fabri and Hector de Coquerel, subdelegated judges.]

Item, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the first day of the month of June, before the reverend father in Christ and lord, the lord Jean Fabri, of the order of the Hermit Friars of Saint Augustine, professor of sacred theology, bishop of Demetrias; and the venerable and learned man Master Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, dean of Lisieux and official of Rouen; judges and commissioners of the cause, delegated by apostolic authority by the aforesaid Jean, archbishop of Reims, and Guillaume, bishop of Paris, and given and deputed for the observance of certain terms to the parties written below, and commissioned and subdelegated by the same judges (1) as regards the observance of those terms, as by their letters made hereupon, inserted below, it could and did appear; and Jean Bréhal, aforesaid:

There appeared the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurators, by the aforesaid names, of the said Isabelle, the mother, Pierre and Jean, the brothers, and other kindred and friends of the same late Joan la Pucelle, and Jean Veteris, procurator of the aforesaid Master Simon Chapitault, promoter in this cause; asserting that this day had been assigned to them, and at which the aforesaid reverend father, the lord bishop of Beauvais, his promoter of criminal causes, and the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, and all and each other who believed it to concern them, had been cited, to say and propose all that and whatsoever they would say or propose against the persons, sayings, attestations or depositions of the witnesses produced for the part of the same Prévosteau and Veteris, by the names for which they proceed, as well before the same lords judges as before their commissioners (2), to prove their intention, produced, and by them or their commissioners received, sworn and examined, and at length by the same Guillaume, the bishop, and Brother Jean Bréhal, the inquisitor, published; and to proceed further (3), as should be of reason.

For this cause, because in the absence of the said reverend fathers the bishop of Paris and Brother Jean Bréhal, the aforesaid reverend father and Master Hector had been deputed by them, they presented their commissory letters to them, beseeching them that they would deign to receive the charge of the cause of this kind in the force of the same commissory letters. Which letters seen, and with reverence received, they assumed the charge of the cause of this kind, and caused the same their commissory letters to be read plainly and publicly by the other of us, the notaries in the cause of this kind. Which read, they continued the cause of this kind until the morrow, as well ex officio as by reason of the day of presentation.

Present at these things the venerable men Masters Jean Martin otherwise Barneville, Pierre Lotte, curate of Chailly, Guillaume Colles otherwise Boisguillaume, and Symphorian Auber, priests, witnesses called and asked to the premises.

Now the tenor of the said commissory letters follows and is such:

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, judges and commissioners in this part together with the reverend father in Christ and lord the bishop of Coutances, having taken to us Brother Jean Bréhal, of the order of Preaching Friars, professor of sacred theology, another inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France, specially deputed by the most holy father in Christ and our lord the lord Calixtus by divine providence pope the third, etc., etc.: to the reverend father in Christ and lord, the lord Jean, by the same divine mercy bishop of Demetrias, and to Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, dean of Lisieux, vicar-general and official of Rouen, salvation in the Lord, and undoubted faith in the presents, and prompt diligence in the things committed. Whereas in a certain cause of late moved and pending before us, between the honest woman Isabelle d’Arc, Pierre d’Arc, knight, and Jean d’Arc, actors on the one part; and the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, by the same divine mercy bishop of Beauvais, and the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity appointed in the diocese of Beauvais, and all others who believe it to concern them in common or severally, defendants, on the other part; of and upon the nullity or nullities of certain pretended processes and sentence, of old made and given in such wise by the said late Pierre, the bishop, and his accomplices against the said Joan, called la Pucelle; and also of the purgation of the same, and other things designated in the acts of the said cause, and by occasion of the same, to many judicial acts, to wit to say against the articles, the publication of the witnesses, as well by us as by our commissioners produced, received, sworn and examined; to say against the persons and the sayings of the same, we have of old proceeded and assigned a term to produce and to see produced all and each the rights, processes and muniments on either side: to the observance of which and of the other remaining terms, we, hindered by certain causes, cannot commodiously attend:

Hence it is that we, fully confident of your sufficiency, industry and probity, commit and command to you and to each of you in solidum, by the tenor of the presents, that, resuming the cause of this kind in the state in which it is, so far as is needful, and in the same cause and causes of this kind, to the observance of all the further terms necessary and incumbent until the conclusion of the cause exclusively, and otherwise as shall be of right, you proceed with the aforesaid Brother Jean Bréhal. Now the witnesses who shall be named, if they withdraw themselves by grace, hatred, love or favour, you shall compel by ecclesiastical censures to the truth

(1) Manuscript 5970, per eos commissis.

(2) Manuscript ND., suis.

(3) ND., processumque. It would need at least sequi processuros, or atque processum iri.

to bear witness. In faith and witness of all and each of the premises, we have caused and commanded the present letters to be made firm by the appension of our seals.

Given and done at Paris, in the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, on the penultimate day of the month of May, in the second year of the pontificate of the aforesaid most holy father in Christ and our lord, the lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the third.

So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Assignation to produce, the way of speaking against the witnesses being foreclosed to the defendants #

Now the said morrow coming, which was the second of the month of June, assigned, as is aforesaid, to the same cited, to say and propose, on the part of the same cited, all that and whatsoever they would say or propose against the depositions of the witnesses of this kind, and to proceed further as should be of reason; before the same bishop of Demetrias and Master Hector de Coquerel, deputed, as is aforesaid, by the aforesaid lords judges, and Brother Jean Bréhal aforesaid; in the great hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, the aforesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau and Jean Veteris appearing by the names for which they proceeded and proceed; and the said cited being summoned before the aforesaid lords judges (4) and not appearing: the same Prévosteau and Veteris, to ground the jurisdiction and judgment of the said lords subdelegates, reproduced the above-written commissory letters.

They produced moreover the citatory letters, by virtue of which the same bishop of Beauvais, the promoter and the subinquisitor, and the others whom it concerned and concerns, had been cited and summoned, with the relation of their execution; asking and requiring of the said commissioners and by them, that the said so cited and not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves, should be reputed contumacious of this day, and, in their contumacy, that the way should by the same commissioners be foreclosed to them of saying and opposing henceforth against the said witnesses, their sayings or attestations; and that it should be declared that it behoved to proceed further in the cause of this kind, their contumacy or absence notwithstanding.

Wherefore the aforesaid commissioners, assenting to the petition and requisition of the same procurators, by the names aforesaid, as consonant to right, reputed the same so cited and summoned, not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves, contumacious of this day, and in their contumacy foreclosed the way henceforth of saying or opposing aught against the witnesses of this kind, their sayings or depositions, and held them for foreclosed (5); the said commissioners decreeing that they should proceed to the further acts, and, from abundance, assigning to the same parties the Friday already assigned to them, to produce all on either side; and commanding that they be cited to do this, as also they commanded.

Present Masters Guillaume Auber, Guillaume Colles, Thomas de Farioulières, Brother Raymond, a converse of the order of Preaching Friars, witnesses called and asked to the premises.

The tenor of the said citatory letters or public edict follows and is such:

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, and Guillaume, by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, etc., to all priests, vicars, curates and not curates, and the other rectors of churches, and to public tabellions and other notaries wheresoever established, to whom or to which our present letters shall come, salvation in the Lord, and firmly to obey our mandates, nay rather the apostolic mandates. To you all and each abovesaid, in virtue of holy obedience, and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall bear into you and each of you, unless you do what we command; by straitly commanding, we command that to execute this our mandate, the one of you shall not wait for the other, nor one excuse himself by another. You shall peremptorily cite before us or one of us or our subdelegate or subdelegates, at Rouen, in the archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, on the first day of the instant month of June, the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, bishop of Beauvais; Master Reginald Bredoulle, promoter of the criminal causes of the diocese of Beauvais; the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais; and all and each other who believe it to concern them in this part, whom we also cite by the tenor of the presents, to say and propose all that and whatsoever they shall will to say or propose against the persons, sayings, attestations or depositions of the witnesses produced for the part of the honest persons Isabelle, the mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the said deceased Joan d’Arc, actors in this part, as well before us as our commissioners, to prove their intention, the said witnesses received, sworn and examined, and by us of late published; and to proceed further in the cause of this kind, as shall be of reason; demanding the execution of these our letters by the affixion of our present letters on the doors of the Church of Rouen, as otherwise has been decreed by us. And what you shall do therein, you shall faithfully write back to us. Given at Rouen, under our seals, in the year of the Lord 1456, on Wednesday the tenth day of the month of May.

So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Continuation of the assignation made to produce #

Item, in the aforesaid year of the Lord 1456, on the fourth day of the month of June, a day assigned by the same masters commissioners to the aforesaid actors, and to the reverend father in Christ the lord of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes, and the subinquisitor, and the others who believe it to concern them, defendants; and at which day they had already long since caused the same defendants and others who believe it to concern them to be cited, by citatory letters containing in themselves the form of compulsory letters, to produce and to see produced for the part of the same actors, in this part, all and each the acts, actings, rights, processes, letters, instruments, documents and whatsoever others touching the cause of this kind, and of which the same parties in the cause of this kind would will to help themselves, and the same to be received and admitted by the said commissioners; and to proceed further, as should be of reason. On which day the aforesaid procurators, by the names aforesaid, appeared before the aforesaid bishop of Demetrias and Hector de Coquerel, commissioners, and accused the contumacy of the said defendants not appearing, presenting themselves before the same commissioners, as is the wont. Which done, the same commissioners continued this fourth day until the morrow.

Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid.

Productions made by the procurators of the actors #

Now the said morrow coming, and assigned to the parties, as is aforesaid, to produce and to see produced each the acts, actings, rights, processes, letters, instruments and whatsoever touching the cause of this kind, and to see all things to be produced received; on the aforesaid day, as has already been said, assigned, which was the twenty-fifth (6) day of the month of June, of the year of the Lord 1456, continued from the preceding day: the aforesaid procurators of the aforesaid actors appeared, and manifoldly accused the contumacy of the said defendants, awaited from yesterday until this day; producing in the first place and before all, to teach of the summons, the citatory letters emanated from the aforesaid lords Delegates, containing in themselves the form of compulsory letters, above (7) described and inserted, together with the relations of their execution.

And further satisfying the aforesaid assignation to produce made to the parties and continued, in the first place they produced specially and expressly, as they reproduced, certain particular acts of this present process, and certain bulls and letters, inserted above and designated immediately under the following articles; and generally all and each the acts and actings, produced and exhibited in this process or cause, so far as they make for them, reproducing and willing them to be had for produced.

And further they produced anew a certain leaf received among the acts of the first process from the hands of the notaries, and written by Master Guillaume Manchon, as he acknowledged, and shown to him and the other notaries in making the inquests; and that with the articles of the same first process transmitted to seek opinions (8), and recited and set in the said process and in the same opinions also. In which leaf indeed are contained many corrections and additions in the same articles, to be made before they were transmitted; otherwise the said articles could not agree with the confessions of the said Joan, nay seemed in many things to contradict. Which corrections nevertheless, albeit so concluded by the counsellors, were not made, as appears, as well from inspection of the same articles as from the confession of the aforesaid Joan, and also from the confession of the same notaries; the said notaries not knowing, as they say, why and by whom the said articles were so transmitted without correction, as appears in the inquests inserted above, in the deposition of the said notaries above examined and recollected upon this, which the procurators of the said actors reproduce in this part. Now the tenor of the said leaf with the said corrections is inserted immediately.

Further, to show the falsification of the said articles, they produced five paper leaves, written in the hand of Master Jacques de Touraine, as it is said, where are set the articles to be transmitted to seek opinions, under another and in many things contrary form, with many additions and corrections. Which five leaves indeed, because they could not be truly transcribed or engrossed, the said additions made as well in the margin of the leaves as otherwise, the same widow asks to be seen with ocular faith, and in the register, if need be, to be alleged and inserted likewise.

Now about the original acts and instruments of the same first process of whose nullity it is now treated, and to which nullity or annulment it is concluded by the said procurators, and which originals were received by the office of the said Delegates from the hand of the notaries, and acknowledged under many and various volumes in French and in Latin, in minutes and in gross: they will and protest that they be had for produced only and so far as need is, so far as they can avail to the nullity or annulment or annihilation, according to the conclusions of the aforesaid procurators taken in their writings; and not otherwise, nor asking beyond; and requiring moreover that, the erasures of lines and the many additions of words, transmutations of terms, disagreements and contrarieties in the same books and acts of the said first process being considered, which could not conveniently be transcribed, engrossed or copied, all the aforesaid original acts and actings be seen at full, together and integrally conferred; and if it befall that aught of them be inserted in the present process, that the same originals be formally inserted without (9) transcription; and so the erasures, transpositions, disagreements and contrarieties be seen to the eye and fully.

Item, and albeit it sufficiently appear by the acts of the said process carried on against the said Joan, that the said process was in favour and at the prosecution of the English adversaries of the same Joan and of the realm, and of inordinate favour toward the party of the English: the aforesaid actors further produce a letter of guarantee, arreison (10), re-promise of expenses and damages, and of total defence to the said judges and officers of the process; the tenor of which letter is inserted below.

Assignation to say against the products, the way of producing aught further being foreclosed to the defendants #

After which products so made, as they are inserted above and immediately designated and described; the same defendants being longer awaited and not appearing; the said procurators of the actors [required] the said defendants, as above cited, to be reputed contumacious, and that the way of producing aught henceforth be foreclosed, and that they be had for foreclosed, and the day assigned to them (11) to say against the products.

After all which things also so said and required, the aforesaid commissioners received the things said, required and produced by the same procurators, and reputed the said defendants not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves, of this day, contumacious, and in their contumacy foreclosed to the same cited the way of producing aught henceforth, and held them foreclosed; decreeing that the same cited should be summoned for the instant Wednesday, to say against the products, assigning the same Wednesday to the same procurators.

Present at these things Masters Geoffroy du Crotay, Jean Roussel, Guillaume le Conte, Pierre Roque, Laurent Lureux, Nicolas de Houppeville, with many others, witnesses specially called and asked to the premises.

Now the tenor of the said citation or compulsory citatory letters to produce, of which mention was made above in the beginning of the productions, follows, and is such:

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, and Guillaume by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Brother Jean Bréhal, of sacred

(4) The manuscript 5970 gives only coram eisdem evocatis.

(5) Manuscript 5970, praeclusa.

(6) So. It should be v, since the eve was the iv.

(7) Read inferius; they are reported only hereafter, p. 234.

(8) Manuscript 5970, transmutatas.

(9) The manuscripts, atque.

(10) This word, which is not in Du Cange, is derived in all appearance from the verb arraire, which signified to adjudge.

(11) Assignari or assignandam esse.

theology professor, etc., to all priests, vicars, curates and not curates, etc. By the apostolic authority wherewith we are furnished in this part, at the instance and request of the honest persons Isabelle, the mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the said Joan, actors, or their procurators, and of the venerable and discreet man Master Simon Chapitault, master in arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter in this part instituted by us: to you all and each abovesaid, in virtue of holy obedience, and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall bear into you and each of you, unless you do what we command: by straitly commanding, we command that to execute this our mandate, the one of you shall not wait for the other, nor one excuse himself by another. You shall peremptorily cite before us or one of us, or our subdelegate or subdelegates, at Rouen, in the archiepiscopal hall of Rouen, for the second juridical day immediately following the execution of the presents: the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, bishop of Beauvais; Master Reginald Bredoulle, promoter of the criminal causes of the diocese of Beauvais; the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais; and all and each other who believe it to concern them, defendants in this part; whom we also cite by the tenor of the presents: to produce on the part of the said defendants, and to see produced on the part of the same actors and promoter, all and each the acts, actings, rights, processes, letters, instruments, documents, and whatsoever others making to the cause of this kind, and of which the same parties on either side shall will to help themselves for their ends; and to proceed further in the cause of this kind, as shall be of law and reason; warning, as also by the tenor of the presents we warn, in these writings, first, second, third, and by one canonical monition for all, and under the pains of suspension and excommunication, all and each persons, of whatsoever degree, estate, sex, condition and pre-eminence they be, and each of them, having and knowing any rights, acts, actings, letters, instruments, documents, and whatsoever others: that within the said second juridical day, they deliver and deposit them in the hands of the notaries for this deputed by us, or that one of them deliver and deposit, or that they have or he has to intimate and signify to the same notaries. Otherwise, if they fail in this or be otherwise negligent in the premises, or one of them fail or be negligent: we suspend all and each of them failing or negligent in the premises, if they be established in sacred orders, in these writings, the said monition premised, from the divine offices; the others not established in sacred things we excommunicate, suspend, in these writings, and, the said day elapsed, denounce as excommunicated by us, by the aforesaid authority, plainly and publicly; demanding the execution of these our letters by the affixion of our present letters on the doors of the church of Rouen, as otherwise has been decreed by us. And what you shall do therein, you shall faithfully write back to us. Given at Rouen, under our seals, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the tenth day of the month of May.

So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Then follows the relation in the fold:

This was affixed and executed on the first day of the month of June, in the year contained in the white, by me, Pierre Ogier, clerk, public notary by apostolic authority, witness my manual sign here appended, in the year and on the day aforesaid.

So signed: P. Ogier.

There follow the designations of the letters and acts which specially and expressly are reproduced by the said procurators from the preceding acts of this present process and inserted above.

And first, the aforesaid procurators reproduce, so far as is needful, the letters or bulls of the most holy our lord pope Calixtus, etc.; by virtue of which they proceeded to the citations, commissions and subdelegations, with the other acts of the present process of this kind; with the general and special citatory letters decreed in the beginning of the process of this kind, and the relations of the execution of the same, and the particular citatory letters decreed and ordained in the prosecution of the process of this kind upon the particular acts of this process.

Item, they reproduce the informations, letters and commissions and all others made by the most reverend father the lord Guillaume, cardinal of the title of San Martin-in-Montibus, and legate of the apostolic see, and under his authority.

Item, they specially reproduce the inquests or informations made by the authority of the aforesaid lords Delegates at the instance of the promoter in the place of origin of the aforesaid Joan.

Item, they reproduce the inquests made by the said lords delegates and their commissaries, as well in the city of Rouen as also in Orléans, Paris and many other places and cities of this realm, as well upon the quality and conversation of the said Joan as upon the aforesaid process carried on against the said Joan in the said city of Rouen, as they are above reduced in writing and in their places.

There follow the things produced anew by the said procurators, which were not inserted above among the acts of this process #

And first, they produce a certain leaf written in the hand of Master Guillaume Manchon, the other of the notaries of the said first process, and shown as well to him as to the other notaries; in which are expressly contained many corrections to be made in the articles to be sent for having opinions. Which corrections, albeit concluded by the counsellors, were nevertheless not made; nay the articles themselves, much discrepant from the confession of Joan and contrary to her, were transmitted.

The tenor of the said leaf follows:

Upon the first article, in that point: By means of aid and labours there ought to be set with God’s aid.

Upon the same: That she would rather die than leave the habit, etc., there ought to be added: unless she shall have it by God’s command.

Upon the same, Facientes, etc. does not seem well set.

Upon the same, Noctu, etc. does not seem well set.

Upon the same, That Saints Catherine and Margaret in the contentions (12), etc.; does not seem well set; but there ought to be set: That she knew by the revelation of Saints Catherine and Margaret that the adversaries of the said prince shall be expelled, and that God shall give victory to the said prince and his, and against his adversaries.

Upon the second, where it is set of the angels that they walked by a long journey, etc., it suffices to say that the angels accompanied, etc.

And in the margin was set: Many things must be added of the long journey, of the steps, doors, etc.

Item, the second article is divided into two articles.

Item, upon the third, let that be noted in which is had In her company, and therefore let the letters written to the king be seen.

Upon the fourth, when of the habit for the use of a man, to wit the tunic, there ought to be set: And with this she said that, after she had by God’s mandate to bear the man’s habit, it behoved her to bear a short tunic, a hood, etc.

Upon the same, to leave the male habit, etc. let there be added also another thing which (13) she said, that she would not leave it, unless it were by God’s mandate.

Upon the fifth, before And then she willed not, etc., there ought to be added: And sometimes she set a cross, and such (14) was the sign that they of her party to whom she wrote should not do or accomplish the things she wrote.

Upon the sixth, where it is said: The parents were well-nigh witless, etc., let it be corrected and set that they were ill content at her departing.

Upon the ninth, where it is had: Non dilexit, there ought to be set: And after she had known by revelation that they were vows, etc. And let the last part of the article be erased, to wit And all these things, etc.

Upon the tenth, at the end there ought to be added And at the end she said, unless where it had been revealed to her on God’s part.

Upon the eleventh, where is set Denoting, etc., there ought to be set Denoting that she is subject to the Church militant, our Lord first served, and provided that the Church militant command her not aught contrary to her revelations made and to be made.

Item, on the fourth day of the month of April, in the year of the Lord 1431, the aforesaid judges willed and ordained the premises to be transmitted to the lords doctors and masters, that they might deliberate upon the same, as is intituled above.

And on the back and end of the same leaf reversed were contained these: Note, that it is expedient for the good of the cause to transmit this codex to Paris, to wit to the lord Inquisitor, to those who are with the lord of Burgundy, and to the other solemn doctors and masters, where a convenient access may be had.

Item follows the tenor of the letters of the king of England (15).

Henry by the grace of God king of France and of England, to all who shall see these present letters, greeting. Whereas for some time past we have been required and exhorted by our right dear and well-beloved daughter the University of Paris that a woman, who caused herself to be called Jehanne la Pucelle, who had been taken in arms by certain of our subjects in the diocese of Beauvais, within the metes of the spiritual jurisdiction of the said diocese, that the same woman should be surrendered, delivered and given up to the Church, as vehemently suspected, convicted and notoriously defamed of having sown, said and published in many and divers places and countries of our said realm of France many great errors, exercised, committed and perpetrated crimes, excesses and delicts most enormous against our holy catholic faith, and to the great scandal of all the christian people; we have been also required and summoned most instantly, and by many and divers times, by our beloved and faithful councillor the bishop of Beauvais, ordinary judge of the same woman, that we would surrender, deliver and give up the same to him, to be by him, as her judge, corrected and purged (16); and in case that by process duly made and juridical, she should be found charged and convicted of the said errors, crimes, excesses and delicts, or of any of them; and we, as a true catholic and son of the Church, following our predecessors, kings of France and of England, not willing to do aught which were or might be prejudicial in any manner to the holy Inquisition of our said holy faith, nor to the retardment of it; but desiring the same holy Inquisition to be preferred to all other ways of secular and temporal justice, and to render to each that which belongs to him, we have caused the said woman to be delivered and given up to our said councillor, ordinary judge, as is said, to inquire of the said errors, crimes, excesses and delicts, and to do justice of them, as should belong by reason; which our said councillor, joined with him the vicar of the inquisitor of the faith, the same inquisitor absent, have together made their inquisition and process upon the same (17) errors, crimes, excesses and delicts, and suchwise that by their definitive sentence they have finally declared the same woman, as having fallen back into the said errors, crimes, excesses and delicts, after a certain abjuration by her publicly made, relapsed and heretic, put out of their hands, and left to our court and secular justice, as all these things may more fully appear by the said process; by which our court and secular justice the said woman has been condemned to be burned and burnt, and so executed; forasmuch as peradventure certain who may have held the errors and misdeeds of the said Jehanne agreeable, and others who unduly would strive or would will to strive, by hatred, vengeance or otherwise, to trouble the true judgments of our mother holy Church, might draw into cause before our holy Father the pope, the holy general Council or elsewhere, the said reverend father in God, the vicar, the doctors, masters, clerks, promoters, advocates, councillors, notaries, and others who have meddled with the said process: WE, who, as protector and defender of our holy catholic faith, will to bear, sustain and defend the said judges, doctors, masters, clerks, promoter, advocates, councillors, notaries, and all others who have meddled with the said process in any manner, or all that they have said and pronounced, in all the things and each of them touching and concerning the said process, its circumstances and dependences: so that henceforth all other judges, doctors, masters and others be more attentive, inclined and encouraged to attend and intend, without fear or constraint, to the extirpations of the errors and false dogmatisings which in divers parts of christendom spring up and pullulate in these present times, which we grievously recount; especially as we are duly informed that the said process was made and conducted maturely and canonically, justly and holily, had upon this and upon the matter of the same process the deliberation of our right dear and well-beloved daughter, the University of Paris, of the doctors and masters of the Faculties of theology and of decree of the same University, and of many others, as well bishops, abbots and other prelates, as doctors, masters and clerks most expert in the divine and canonical laws, and other men of the Church, in very great number; who or the greatest part of whom have continually assisted and been present with the said judges, in examining the said woman and making the said process: we promise in word of a King that, if it befall that any person of whatsoever estate, dignity, degree, pre-eminence or authority they be, the said judges, doctors, masters, clerks, promoter, advocates, councillors, notaries and others who have laboured, attended and intended upon the said process, be drawn into cause for the said process or its dependences before our said holy Father the pope, the said holy general Council, or the commissaries and deputies of the same our holy Father, of the said holy Council, or otherwise: we shall aid and defend, shall cause to aid and defend in judgment and without, all the said judges, doctors, masters, clerks, promoter, advocates, councillors, notaries and others, and each of them, at our own costs and expenses, and

(12) The manuscript ND., in contemptionibus. This word, whatever it be, is no longer found in the redaction of the twelve articles. See t. I, p. 328.

(13) The manuscripts, atque quam.

(14) Manuscript 5970, tamen.

(15) The manuscript ND. places the transcription of these letters after the assignations emanated from the subdelegated judges.

(16) Manuscript ND., purgatae.

(17) Manuscript ND., telz.

on the occasion (18) of their cause in this part, we, for the honour and reverence of God, of our mother holy Church, and the defence of our said holy faith, shall adjoin to the process which any persons, of whatsoever estate they be, in whatsoever manner it be, shall will to intent against them, and shall cause the cause to be pursued in all cases and terms of right and reason at our expense. So we give in mandement to all our ambassadors and messengers, as well of our blood and lineage as others, who may be in the court of Rome, or in the said holy general Council; to all bishops, prelates, doctors and masters, our subjects and lieges of our said realms of France and England, and to our procurators in the court of Rome for our said realms, and to each of them, that, so often as they shall know, shall have knowledge, or are required therein, that, on the occasion of the aforesaid, the said judges, doctors, masters, clerks, promoter, advocates, councillors, notaries and others or any of them shall be put or drawn into cause before our said holy Father, the said holy Council, or elsewhere: they adjoin themselves straightway, for and in our name, to the cause and defence of the aforesaid, by all canonical and juridical ways and manners; and they require our subjects of our said realms then being there, and also those of the kings, princes and lords allied (19) and confederated to us, to give in this matter counsel, favour, aid and assistance, by all ways and manners possible to them, without delay or difficulty whatsoever. In witness whereof we have caused our ordained seal, in the absence of the great, to be set to these presents. Given at Rouen the tenth day of June, the year of grace 1431, and the ninth of our reign.

And in the fold: By the King, at the relation of the Great Council being toward him, in which were my lord the Cardinal of England, you (20), the bishops of Béarnais, of Noyon and of Norwich; the earls of Warwick and of Stafford; the abbots of Fécamp and of Mont Saint-Michel; the lords of Cromwell and of Tiptoft, of Fines-Père (21); and many others. So signed Calot.

Item, to show more abundantly that not only the said bishop of Beauvais asked for himself and others a promise and assurance of expenses for the future from the same king of England and the English, but also exercised and conducted the whole process of the said king and of the said English, as well in seeking and salarising or satisfying the councillors as the officers: the said procurator produced, in the name of the said widow and of her sons, the depositions of the said councillors and officers examined in the abovesaid inquests, deposing specially and expressly upon this, as is contained in the inquests published above.

Item, the more to manifest the zeal which (22) was applied against the aforesaid Joan on the part of the same English: the procurator of the said widow produced, from the same inquests published as is said above, specially the deposition of certain physicians and others, expressly deposing that, when the same Joan during the same process was detained of a most grave infirmity, the earl of Warwick and certain others enjoined the same physicians visiting the said Joan the cure of her, saying that by no means would they that she should die a natural death, but that by all means she should be burned at length, at the end of the same process; as may appear from the depositions above in the inquests published.

Item, to show the same further, the procurator of the aforesaid widow produced a certain schedule, of the twenty-first day of the month of December, produced by the heirs or in the name of the heirs and executors of the deceased Master Pierre Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, among the acts of this process on the abovesaid day of the month of December, of the year of the Lord 1455 (23), in which is contained that the said Joan was delivered in the matter of faith by the envy and suggestion of the adversaries of the realm, because she had inflicted many damages upon them, albeit she was reputed among her elders of a catholic life; and that it was not the intention of the said heirs and executors to maintain or defend the said process so conducted, as is described above among the acts of the said day.

Item, the aforesaid procurator required, on the said day assigned to produce, that it might please the aforesaid lords Delegates to note among the acts of this process and to see certain considerations and opinions of the most approved doctors, and of others who at the first coming of the said oft-said Joan la Pucelle wrote certain things (24) upon her reception and also upon the deliverance of the city of Orléans, and gave their considerations; likewise also the opinions and considerations of certain who, before the beginning of this process, are said to have written many things upon the nullity of the process of old carried on against the said Joan and in justification of the said Joan. All which things the said procurator submitted to the discretion and prudence of the lords Delegates.

Injunction that the originals be communicated, if the defendants should ask it #

Therefore the productions aforesaid being received, on the said day assigned to produce, on the part of the aforesaid procurator of the aforesaid widow and her sons, and the adverse parties not appearing and reputed contumacious, and foreclosed from producing: the aforesaid lords commissioners of the lords Delegates, to wit Jean, bishop of Demetrias, and the venerable man Master Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, dean of Lisieux and official of Rouen, together with the venerable man Master Jean Bréhal, the other inquisitor of the faith, deputed by the said lords Delegates from the holy apostolic See; assigning the day [of the instant Wednesday] (25) to say against the products aforesaid (26), as is more largely contained in the letters of citation described below; enjoining us, the abovesaid notaries, that, the said delay pending, if the aforesaid adverse parties, foreclosed from producing, should will to see the productions of the aforesaid widow and her sons, we should show (27) them and all the acts of this present process, and also whatsoever originals of the first process carried on against the said Joan and received in the beginning of this process in various books; offering also an ampler term, if, appearing on that day, they should ask it.

Declaration of contumacy against the defendants, the way of saying against the products being foreclosed to them #

Now on the said day assigned to the parties to say against the products, as is premised, according to the form of the citation immediately described, the procurator of the aforesaid widow and her sons appeared, and accused the contumacy of the parties not appearing; requiring that the aforesaid adverse parties be excluded and had for excluded from saying or alleging aught against the productions, and that it be proceeded to the further things, according to the order of law, in concluding or ordering to conclude in the cause; which he asked many times, and most instantly required.

The same parties then awaited on the said day and not appearing, the aforesaid lords commissioners, together with the said venerable Master Jean Bréhal, the aforesaid procurator instancing, reputed the aforesaid parties and all others or whomsoever, as well specially as generally summoned to say against the aforesaid, contumacious, and excluded them from saying aught further against the aforesaid, and willed them to be had for excluded, leaving the further ordering about all other things, and especially about the conclusion in the cause required, to the aforesaid lords Delegates; the allegations of law, without allegation of new facts, being specially reserved to all the parties, until and so long as conclusion shall be made by the lords Delegates in the same cause; specially reserving the conclusion of the same cause and the assignation of the term to the said conclusion and all other things to the aforesaid lords Delegates.

Now on the part of the aforesaid procurator of the aforesaid widow and her sons, appearing as is premised, and accusing the contumacy of the adverse parties, as is premised, because nothing has been produced by the adverse parties against which aught comes (28) to be alleged: nothing was also alleged in the same term. Yet the same procurator declared expressly that the books and originals of the first process, for that in very many parts they were impugned or also impugned by the same, as is expressly contained in the propositions, petitions, articles and writings of the same procurator, so far as they are produced on the part of the promoter or otherwise ex officio, must be visited for their impugnation. So far as they make against him, without new allegation, he alleges and proposes all things which are more fully contained in the said sayings, petitions, writings and articles of his, and also in the informations and inquests made as well by the reverend father the lord Guillaume, cardinal of the title of Saint Martin, as by the aforesaid lords Delegates.

The tenor of the said citatory letters of the aforesaid Jean, bishop of Demetrias, follows and is such:

Jean, by divine mercy bishop of Demetrias, Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, dean of Lisieux and official of Rouen, judges subdelegated or commissioners in this part by the most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ, the lords Jean, archbishop and duke of Reims, and Guillaume, bishop of Paris, judges together with the reverend father in Christ the lord bishop of Coutances, specially deputed by the most holy father in Christ and our lord, the lord Calixtus by divine providence Pope the third, with that clause: That you, or two, or one of you, etc.; of certain causes of the nullity of the asserted processes and sentences of old made by the deceased Master Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, and the subinquisitor of heretical pravity established in the diocese of Beauvais, at the instance of a certain Jean d’Estivet, asserted promoter of criminal causes, against the late Joan, called la Pucelle, and of the purgation of the things falsely, as is asserted, imputed to the same Joan; commissioned and deputed, as by the commissory letters directed to us and each of us it may appear, containing the form which follows:

Jean, by divine mercy, archbishop and duke of Reims, etc., etc. (29).

And Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France, assumed in the cognition of the same causes with the said most reverend and reverend fathers in Christ: to all priests, vicars, curates and not curates, and the other rectors of churches and public tabellions, and other notaries wheresoever established, to whom or to which our present letters shall come, salvation in the Lord, and firmly to obey our mandates, nay rather the apostolic mandates. Whereas of old in the same causes of nullity and purgation moved and pending between Isabelle d’Arc, the mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the said late Joan la Pucelle, or their procurators, actors, on the one part, and the reverend father in Christ the lord bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and others who believe it to concern them in the cause of this kind, defendants, on the other part; it has been proceeded by the same most reverend and reverend fathers and by us, Jean Bréhal, so far that the witnesses produced, received, sworn and examined in the same cause, and their attestations, were published by the same most reverend and reverend fathers; and days were assigned to say on the part of the said defendants against the same witnesses and their attestations whatsoever they would say, and also to produce on either side on the part of the same parties all and each the rights, acts, actings, processes, letters, instruments, documents and whatsoever others making to the cause or causes of this kind, and of which the same parties on either side intended to help themselves, and to proceed further as should be of reason; which coming, we, the cause and causes of this kind in the state in which it or they had remained, resumed by us and through us, proceeded in the same in a certain manner to certain acts, and received certain processes, letters, acts, actings, rights, instruments and documents produced for the part of the said actors before us on the day of the date of the presents; in the contumacy of the same defendants and of the others who believe it to concern them, foreclosing to the same defendants and others who believe it to concern them the way of producing aught henceforth, their contumacy considered; decreeing by us, as also we decree, that it shall be proceeded in the cause of this kind, according to the form and tenor of the commissory letters directed to us, and assigning to the same parties the instant Wednesday, which shall be the second juridical day to be counted from the date of the presents, to say, except and propose, by word or in writing, on their part, all that and whatsoever they shall will to say or propose in and against the said actors, or their process and letters, processes, acts, actings, instruments and other documents produced before us on the day of the date of the presents, for the part of the same actors, as well of law as of fact, peremptorily or otherwise; and to proceed further in the cause of this kind, as should be of reason:

Hence it is that we, by the apostolic authority wherewith we are furnished in this part, to you all and each abovesaid, in virtue of holy obedience, and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall bear into you and each of you, unless you do what we command; by straitly commanding

(18) Supply à l’occasion.

(19) The manuscripts, à noz.

(20) The chancellor, Louis de Luxembourg.

(21) These three last names are only in the Notre-Dame manuscript.

(22) So: better qui adhibitus fuit, or better still suppress quod.

(23) See above, t. II, p. 194.

(24) Supply opiniones. The memoirs in question here form the object of the eighth chapter of the procedure. Yet after the terms of the procès-verbal, it would seem that the defence rested upon several consultations written in the time of the Maid, and the clerks have transcribed into the process only one of that epoch, that of Gerson.

(25) The date remained blank in the manuscripts. We supply it after the instrument of the assignation reported hereafter. All this, moreover, in a useless repetition. See the last paragraph of page 233.

(26) It should be assignaverunt.

(27) The manuscripts, ostenderent.

(28) More regularity in the redaction would have brought the past tenses in place of the present; quia nihil ab adversis partibus erat productum contra quod aliquid veniret, etc.

(29) See above, p. 224, the commission.

we command that to execute this mandate the one of you shall not wait for the other, nor one excuse himself by another. You shall peremptorily cite, in the archiepiscopal hall or palace of Rouen, for the said Wednesday, the second juridical day to be counted from the day of the date of the presents, the reverend father the lord bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor and the promoter, and all and each other who believe it to concern them, defendants, to do the premises and see them done, with the intimations wont to be made in such cases; demanding the execution of these our letters by the affixion of our present letters on the doors of the church of Rouen. And what you shall do therein, you shall faithfully write back to us.

Given at Rouen, after the despatch of the cause and causes of this kind, under our seals, in the year of the Lord 1456, the fourth indiction, on the fifth day of the month of June, in the second year of the pontificate of the aforesaid most holy father in Christ and our lord, the lord Calixtus, by divine providence pope the third.

So signed: D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Then follows the relation in the fold:

Executed and affixed by me, Pierre Ogier, clerk, public notary by apostolic authority. Witness my manual sign here appended, in the year and on the day described in the white. So signed: P. Ogier.

Continuation of the assignation to say against the products (30) #

On Wednesday the ninth of the abovesaid month of June, there appeared before the reverend father in Christ Jean, by divine mercy bishop of Demetrias, and Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, dean of Lisieux, vicar-general and official of Rouen, subdelegated judges, commissioners in this part specially commissioned and deputed; the venerable and discreet men Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the said actors, and Jean Veteris, procurator of the said promoter, and by the names as above; and they repeated, and each of them repeated, the citation of old decreed to them against the reverend father in Christ the lord Guillaume, bishop of Beauvais, [promoter of criminal causes], and the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, to say and except whatsoever they would have willed to say and exhibit against the rights and exhibits in the cause of this kind; and reproduced and exhibited its execution by word only and so far, and each of them reproduced and exhibited; and accused the contumacy of those cited in the same not appearing, and least caring to satisfy the term of this kind, and each accused, asking and requiring that they be deservedly [reputed] contumacious by the said commissioners, as they were.

The aforesaid commissioners then prolonged and continued the assignation of the day of this kind to the morrow immediately following, as well of their office as otherwise.

Declaration of contumacy against the cited not appearing #

Now the morrow coming, which was the tenth of the abovesaid month of June, there appeared in judgment at the palace or great hall of the most reverend father in Christ and lord the lord archbishop of Rouen, before the abovesaid commissioners, [and] Brother Jean Bréhal; the abovesaid Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the honourable persons Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, and Jean Veteris, procurator of the venerable man Master Simon Chapitault, promoter deputed in the cause of this kind, and by the names as above, in fact and really produced and exhibited in writing, and each of them produced and exhibited, the citation of old decreed against the reverend father in Christ the lord bishop of Beauvais, Reginald Bredoulle, promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity established in the diocese of Beauvais, and all others who believe it to concern them in common or severally, to except and say whatsoever they would have willed to say and except against the things exhibited and produced in the cause of this kind; and accused the contumacy of those cited in the same not appearing, nor caring to satisfy the term of this day, and each accused, and asked, and each asked, that they be [reputed] contumacious by the said judges commissioners, as regards the act and term of this kind, and also that the way be [foreclosed] henceforth of saying and excepting against the things produced and exhibited in the cause of this kind to the same cited; and also that, in their contumacy, a certain and competent term be assigned to them and the adverse parties to conclude and to see concluded in the cause of this kind.

The said lords commissioners then reputed the said cited not appearing, nor caring to satisfy the term of this day, nor sending anyone for themselves, contumacious, as they deservedly were, justice persuading; and, in their contumacy, foreclosed to the said cited the way henceforth of saying and excepting against the things produced and exhibited; and specially reserved to the same Jean, archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume of Paris, and Richard of Coutances, bishops, and the abovesaid Brother Jean Bréhal, judges deputed by apostolic authority, the assignation to be made for concluding and seeing concluded.

Present at this the venerable and religious man Brother Pierre Migier, professor of sacred theology, prior of the conventual priory of Longueville-Giffard; Master Pierre Roque; Jean Barneville, Guillaume Quesnevet, with many others.

Assignation of the parties to see conclusion in the cause #

In the year of the Lord 1456, on the eighteenth day of the month of June, before the lords Jean, archbishop of Reims, Guillaume of Paris, and Richard of Coutances, bishops, and Brother Jean Bréhal, aforesaid; at Paris, in the hall of the episcopal house of Paris, Jean d’Arc appearing and personally established, in his own name and of the others his consorts in this part, and Master Simon Chapitault, the promoter already said, asserting that in the present cause it had so far been proceeded that it remained to conclude in the cause: they humbly besought them that they would will to hasten the cause of this kind, seeing that they were present in this city of Paris, and that they could commodiously minister them justice, and to prefix them a day to conclude in the cause of this kind.

Whose supplication heard, willing that to each one justice be ministered according to power, [the said judges] assigned to the same suppliants the instant first day of the month of July, to conclude by them and to see concluded by them in the cause or process of this kind; ordaining to the same suppliants that they should cause to be cited and summoned by edict, as had already been decreed by them, the adverse parties and those believing it to concern them in this part, on the doors of the church of Rouen, to do the premises and see them done; and they decreed (31) that the opportune letters on this account be made to them by us, the notaries subscribed below.

Present at these things the lord Jean Hugonis, priest, and Guillaume Eschart, clerk, witnesses called and asked to these things.

Continuation of the aforesaid assignation (32) #

Now on the first day of July, before the lords Jean, archbishop of Reims, Richard, bishop of Coutances, and Brother Jean Bréhal, aforesaid; in the great hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen, appeared the aforesaid Jean d’Arc, and Master Jean Prévosteau, in the procuratory name of the other actors, and Master Simon Chapitault, promoter in this cause. Which day indeed had been assigned to the same, as is premised, and at which day the aforesaid bishop of Beauvais had been cited,

In the year as above 1456, on Thursday the first of the month of July, there appeared in judgment before the aforesaid lords commissioners or judges, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume of Paris, Richard of Coutances, by the same mercy bishops, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France, delegated judges in this part, etc., etc.; at the palace or greater hall of the most reverend father in Christ the lord archbishop of Rouen, in which they are wont to sit for tribunal: the venerable men Master Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the venerable persons Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, and by the procuratory name as above, and the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, licentiate in canon law, promoter given and deputed in the cause of this kind; and they reproduced, and each reproduced, the citation decreed to them by the same lords judges and commissioners, against the reverend father the lord bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, and also the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all others who believe it to concern them in common or severally, to conclude and see concluded in the cause of this kind, or to allege cause or sufficient causes wherefore it should least be concluded in the cause of this kind, by word only and so far, with its execution, they reproduced, and each reproduced; and accused the contumacy of those cited contained in the same, and each accused, and asked, and each asked, that they be reputed contumacious by the same lords judges, and, in their contumacy, that it be concluded in the cause of this kind and had for concluded.

Now the said judges and commissioners, certain causes moving them to this, then prorogued and continued the assignation of the day of this kind to the morrow.

the promoter of criminal causes and subinquisitor of heretical pravity of the diocese of Beauvais, and all and each who believe it to concern them, to see and hear it concluded and had for concluded by them and through them in the cause of this kind, and to proceed further as should be of reason.

Which day, the same cited least appearing nor sending anyone for themselves, the lords continued until the morrow, for the presentation, as is the wont.

Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid.

Chapter VII #

[Production of the motives of law by the actors, the defendants not appearing.]

Now the morrow following, which was the second day of the month of July, in the year of the Lord 1456, the same parties being assigned by the lords to do that which on the yesterday ought to be done among the parties of this kind, before the same Jean, archbishop of Reims, Guillaume of Paris and Richard of Coutances, bishops, sitting for tribunal in the great hall of the archiepiscopal house of Rouen; the aforesaid Jean d’Arc, the other of the actors for himself, without revocation of his procurators hitherto established, and Masters Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the other actors, in their procuratory name and for them, and

Redaction of the Notre-Dame manuscript.

Now Friday coming, which was the second of the abovesaid month of July, there appeared in judgment before the aforesaid lords, Jean, archbishop of Reims, Guillaume of Paris, Richard of Coutances, bishops, and Brother Jean Bréhal, the abovesaid judges and commissioners, at the said palace, and in their wonted place in which they are accustomed to sit for tribunal, the venerable man Jean d’Arc, for himself, yet without revocation of his procurators of old established by him, whereof Master Guillaume Prévosteau was protesting; procurator of Isabelle d’Arc and Pierre d’Arc, and by the procuratory name as above; and the venerable man Master Simon Chapitault, promoter given and deputed in the cause of this kind. Who in fact, really and in writing reproduced, and each of them reproduced, the citation, with its execution, of old decreed by the same abovesaid judges and commissioners, to conclude and see concluded in the cause of this kind, against and toward the reverend father in Christ the bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity established in the diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of the criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all and each others who believe it to concern them in common or severally; and accused the contumacy of those cited contained in the same, not appearing nor in aught caring to satisfy the term of this day, and each accused; and asked, and each asked, that they be reputed contumacious by the said lords judges and commissioners; and, in their contumacy, they repeated, and each repeated, all and each the acts, actings, products, depositions of witnesses made in the cause of this kind, and other rights, so far as they make for the same and their parties, and against the adverse parties, and not otherwise, other, or in other wise. Moreover the aforesaid Master Simon, promoter, by the name as above, in fact, really and in writing produced certain motives of law, containing in effect the whole disposition and deduction of the whole process, as well before the late lord Pierre bishop of Beauvais as before the aforesaid lords judges and

Simon Chapitault, also without revocation of his procurators, promoter in the cause of this kind; the said cited summoned before the same [judges] by the other of us, the notaries, least appearing: the said actors and promoter, to teach of the summons in law, really and in fact produced the citatory letters emanated from them, by which and by their execution it appeared that the same bishop of Beauvais, the promoter and the subinquisitor, and all and each other who believe it to concern them, had been cited and summoned by public edict for this day, to see and hear it concluded and had for concluded by them and through them in the cause of this kind. They reproduced also by word all and each the witnesses, acts, actings, instruments, processes and other things exhibited in the cause of this kind, so far as they made for them and not otherwise. And to move the mind of the lords, the same promoter and actors and each of them exhibited and produced certain motives of law of theirs by way of certain articles, which they required to be reposed among the acts of the cause of this kind. They produced also certain treatises and opinions of certain doctors as well of theology as of both laws and other jurisperites made upon the matter of this kind, in which the matter of this kind seemed to be deduced at full; all and each of which they required to be reposed among the acts of the cause of this kind. Which so exhibited, the same actors and promoter accused the contumacy of the said cited summoned, not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves, and asked and

(30) The procès-verbal of this day and of the following is wanting in the manuscript 5970.

(31) The manuscripts, decrevimus.

(32) The procès-verbals of this day and of the following resemble each other so little in the two manuscripts 5970 and Notre-Dame, that we have judged it needful to set the one and the other redaction face to face. The italic text is that of the Notre-Dame manuscript.

required that the said cited and not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves be reputed contumacious of this day, and, in their contumacy, that it be concluded in the cause of this kind and had for concluded.

commissioners and knowers conducted, and also certain treatises in the matter of this kind made as well by doctors of theology as of both laws, he produced and exhibited, asking and requiring the motives of this kind to be received and admitted to treat the minds of those judging; and also that a certain and competent term be assigned to him and the parties written below, to hear right and the definitive sentence borne and pronounced in the cause of this kind; which each of the abovesaid Jean d’Arc, the other of the principals, and Master Guillaume Prévosteau, the procurator, and by the procuratory name as above, asked, and he asked, of the same judges and commissioners.

Now the said lords judges and commissioners oft-named reputed the said cited not appearing, nor caring to satisfy the term of this day, deservedly contumacious, as they were, justice persuading; and, in their contumacy, admitted and received the said motives of law and the treatises as well of professors of theology as of law; and in Christ’s name concluded in the cause of this kind, and had it for concluded, prefixing and assigning to the said Jean d’Arc, Guillaume Prévosteau, and Master Simon Chapitault, promoter, and to the said cited, the instant Wednesday, to hear right and the definitive sentence said, borne and pronounced in the cause of this kind; and prefixed, established and ordained that the said cited be further cited and summoned by public edict, and by the affixion of their citatory letters on the doors of the church of Rouen.

Present at these things the reverend father in Christ and lord the lord Jean, bishop of Demetrias; Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, vicar-general and official of Rouen; Alain Olivier; Nicolas Lambert, professors of sacred theology; Masters Gilles de Campis, Pierre Roque, advocates sworn in the court of Rouen, witnesses, etc.

Now the same archbishop and bishops reputed the said cited and not appearing nor sending anyone for themselves contumacious of this day, and, in their contumacy, concluded in the cause of this kind, and had it for concluded; decreeing that it behoved to proceed to the further things, the contumacy of the same cited notwithstanding, assigning to the same actors the instant Wednesday to hear right or their definitive sentence said, borne and pronounced in the cause of this kind: enjoining the same actors that they cause the same cited to be cited for the said day by public edict, to hear right or their definitive sentence, and to say and do in the cause of this kind as law and reason should persuade.

Given and done in the year and on the day aforesaid, present at these things the reverend father in Christ and lord the lord Jean Fabri, professor of sacred theology, bishop of Demetrias; Masters Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, vicar and official of Rouen; Alain Olivier; Nicolas Lambert, professors of sacred theology; Gilles de Campis and Pierre Roque, licentiates in the other law, with many other witnesses called and asked to the premises.

Now the tenor of the said citatory letters or public edict follows and is such:

Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume by the same mercy bishop of Paris, and Richard bishop of Coutances, and Brother Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France; delegated judges and commissioners in this part of certain causes of nullity, of the processes and sentences of old made and conducted against the late Joan d’Arc, vulgarly called la Pucelle, by the deceased Master Pierre Cauchon, late bishop of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, at the instance and request of the late Master d’Estivet, asserted promoter of the same deceased bishop and subinquisitor, and of the purgation of the things falsely imputed to the same Joan, specially deputed by the most holy our lord, the lord Calixtus by divine providence Pope the third: to all priests, vicars, curates and not curates, and the other rectors of churches and public tabellions, and other notaries wheresoever established, to whom or to which our present letters shall come, salvation in the Lord, and firmly to obey our mandates, nay rather the apostolic mandates.

Whereas of old, at the instance and request of Isabelle, the mother, and Pierre and Jean, brothers of the said deceased, actors, we, the archbishop, Guillaume the bishop, and Brother Jean Bréhal, receiving the mandate of the holy apostolic See, decreed certain citatory letters of ours against the reverend father in Christ the lord bishop of Beauvais, and the subinquisitor of heretical pravity, and the promoter of criminal causes in the bishopric of Beauvais now being, and all others who believe it to concern them; and caused the same to be committed to execution, as well in the town of Rouen as in the town of Beauvais; and it has so far been proceeded in the causes of this kind, as well by us jointly as severally, and by our subdelegates in this part, that, the terms in the causes of this kind by law to be kept being kept, the way has been foreclosed to the same cited henceforth of saying and proposing, by word or in writing, whatsoever they would will to say or propose, as well against our process, the persons of the actors, the depositions of the witnesses and the things produced by the same actors, as well of law as of fact, peremptorily or otherwise, by the reverend father in Christ and lord the lord bishop of Demetrias, and the venerable and learned man Hector de Coquerel, doctor of both laws, dean of Lisieux, vicar and official of Rouen, subdelegated by us, Jean the archbishop and Guillaume the bishop, as regards these things, and by us, Jean Bréhal; reserving to us the rest to be done in the cause of this kind, since they were deputed by us, Jean the archbishop and Guillaume the bishop, only for the exercise of all the acts short of the conclusion of the cause; and whereas in the cause of this kind, the observance of the terms of this kind being considered, it remains in the cause of this kind for the parties to renounce the production to be made henceforth, and for us to conclude in the cause of this kind:

To you all and each abovesaid, in virtue of holy obedience, and under the pains of suspension and excommunication which we shall bear into you and each of you, unless you do what we command, by straitly commanding we command that to execute this our mandate the one of you shall not wait for the other, nor one excuse himself by another. You shall peremptorily cite at Rouen, before us or one of us, at the archiepiscopal palace of Rouen, in the place in which we are wont to sit for tribunal for the cause of this kind, for the first day of the instant month of July, if not, etc., otherwise, etc., the said bishop, subinquisitor and promoter, and all and each other who believe it to concern them in this part in common or severally; to see it concluded by us and through us in the cause of this kind and had for concluded, and to proceed in the cause of this kind as shall be of reason, with the intimations accustomed in such cases; demanding the execution of these our letters by the affixion of our present letters on the doors of the church of Rouen, as otherwise has been decreed by us. And what you shall do therein, you shall faithfully write back to us.

Given at Paris, under our seals, in the year of the Lord 1456, on Friday the eighteenth of the month of June.

So signed D. Comitis and F. Ferrebouc.

Then follows the relation, set on the back:

The present letters were affixed on the doors of the church of Rouen, in the year of the Lord 1456, on Thursday the twenty-third of the month of June, present the lords Jean Lespaillart, priest, and Jean Roque, clerk, with other witnesses called to the premises, and me, Jean Pestremol, clerk of the diocese of Rouen, by imperial authority, and sworn of the archiepiscopal court of Rouen. So it is. J. Pestremol.

Item, the tenor of the motives of law exhibited by the said promoter.

The zeal of justice stirs me, the love of truth spurs me, the office enjoined me by your most reverend and reverend paternities persuades me, and the solemn oath made by me compels me, most reverend and reverend fathers and most worshipful preceptors, judges in this part deputed by the holy apostolic See and most worthy commissioners; especially as the cause of this kind committed to your providences stands in the state in which, all things produced, the truth issues into the light, and the intention of the things proposed, strengthened by lucid proofs, is published, and the conclusion of the cause and the term of its definition are known (33) to be at hand: humbly to approach your paternities, and by word alike and writing, by the form of an exhortation and of the bare reasons of law in arduous matters, to render the same most worthy paternities, beyond the other things required and written, more specially admonished and besought; briefly bringing back to the memory of your paternities the things consonant to justice and truth and fit for the despatch of the cause committed to you, and reducing under a brief compendium the things which seem diffused and scattered in the most ample width of the books, treatises and instruments produced, of the informations and inquests and attestations published. And if hitherto, and for the information of the truth and the summoning of those whom it concerned, I have given my presence and assent; yet I have not by a pious plenary adhesion to the party slackened my mind, at any time presuming for the process and sentences of the first judges, and requiring many things for your process, frequently presenting interrogatories alone without determination of articles: nevertheless, the books seen, afterwards the protocols and instruments produced, the most valid informations and inquests made and published as well by the most reverend father the lord Guillaume, legate of the holy apostolic See, as by your most reverend paternities; the treatises also seen composed by various of the solemn prelates, the auditors of the sacred palace, and other most learned professors of both laws, divine alike and human, canonical and civil, and other most approved men, who have deemed that the same process, made under the authority of the same legate and of you, was to be visited, eliciting the doubts and inferring opinions upon the same doubts: from the debt of the said office and the oath made, I am compelled [to show] the nullity, iniquity, errors and defects of the iniquitous sentence of old pronounced against her, to give plenary adhesion to the party, and to the articles delivered by the same party, to which also I adhere, briefly to add something, by the form of exhortation or recollection, specially, yet proposing nothing in fact. And the things which seem chiefly to be attended in this matter, from the counsel of approved and most approved doctors and experts, whom ever with me, obeying your mandates, I have deemed to be consulted in all things to be expounded and required before your most reverend paternities, I shall designate under brief articles and little notes; abstaining from the allegations of law which I know are not unknown to you most learned, and in which I perceive that both the party itself and its patrons in their articles, and the councillors (34) and those who have of old composed the various treatises for clarifying this matter, have abounded; humbly submitting all things to be said in this part to the holy apostolic See and to your collections and supportations.

First, most reverend fathers and most renowned judges, that your zeal of rectitude may come forth into the midst, and the sacred honour of truth and justice shine, and on the contrary the guileful intention of the judging Pierre Cauchon, late bishop of Beauvais, Guillaume d’Estivet the promoter, Jean Magistri the subinquisitor of the faith in the diocese of Beauvais, and their colleagues or accomplices (speaking all this ever without injury), be uncovered, and their manifest iniquity laid open, after the example of the most pure Daniel, judge raised by divine grace for the salvation of the innocent Susanna, condemned by iniquitous guile, to convict the conspiracy of the inverterate: I beseech that it please you to attend the hidden guile of the same judging, the perverse zeal, the conspired malice, and the too great damnable audacity of the presumptuous judicature. To what end, I ask, did this so guilefully sought rashness of judging prevail with those judging, when the evidence taught that the same judges had fostered capital enmities toward the same innocent daughter, so that, not to speak of those cohabiting with the same enemies, the adherents, the table-companions, the familiars, the favourers, the officers and the counsellors are plainly, publicly and manifestly shown, as the sayings, deeds, iniquitous process and pernicious sentences of the same judges, together with the proofs produced before you, manifest and express?

Item, and their so great presumption comes to be marvelled at, since they themselves know that the laws divine alike and human declare not only capital enemies but those cohabiting with them wholly strangers from the office of judging, testifying and accusing. Thence shines their too corrupted and stained intention, and the officious, guileful alike and iniquitous conspiracy to exterminate the same daughter; whom, bound and inscribed to a hard prison, oft vexed by subtle interrogatories in arduous matters sought out, by the false articulated exceptions of her so violent confession, sinister additions and deceivings of the opiners, an abjuration extorted by force and fear (35), a feigned relapse, and at length a public burning, they dared with polluted consciences and hands iniquitously to suffocate. For these things are patent from the sight of their iniquitous process; they stand from the truest informations and produced proofs. From which, this infected process manifestly leaves the sentences and sequels stained with the vice of guile, of nullity and of iniquity. Attend to these things, most renowned judges; before the throne of the Lord the immaculate blood of the innocent oppressed (36) cries. To your providences is sent from above the elucidation of this iniquitous condemnation. By the ministry of justice render the consciences of the faithful serene, and decree a reparation fitting and seasoned honestly with the odoriferous myrrhs of truth and equity.

Item, and there is to be attended the purity of the said daughter and her sincere mind, her youthful conversation lacking all stain, her greatest humility, her sincerity in the faith, and her fervent devotion to the ecclesiastical offices: which things the infamy of faith

(33) Rather noscuntur.

(34) The manuscripts, consiliariis.

(35) The manuscripts, vi metuque extorta abjuratione. All this passage is in a deplorable state of corruption.

(36) Oppressae.

never struck or (37) brought upon her the stain or suspicion of heresy; nor in the whole deduction of that process will it be found that she was convicted or confessed those crimes which the most iniquitous sentence of the first judges pronounced against her falsely utters. Yet if she (38) was caused by the bearing of the male habit or of arms, she gave catholic answers, competently excusing; so that she was held free of every stain imputed to her, especially for which she merited the process of faith, as your process manifests in most open proofs. Which may it please you to imprint upon your minds, that it be made manifest to all that every suspicion in the same innocent, and the way of the cause of faith, or the notes of whatsoever stain imputed to her, have ceased.

Item, and that the conspiring judges themselves, to induce the process of faith against this daughter from the beginning, that they might seem to hold the form laid down by right, made informations upon her fame in the parts of her origin; but the same they did not join to their process, nay willed them to lie hid: filled with guile, since an immaculate innocence, the frequency of the divine (39) offices, the perception of the sacraments, and the embrace of all good disposition, purity, devotion and catholic truth, and the public fame of good name and honest conversation, had given authentic relation by those informations. But, because this relation was adverse to the conspiracy of the judges, they turned the same informations away from the process, and guilefully willed them to be hidden under a bushel. Now these things, most learned judges, import the nullity of their process and of all the sequels; for, according also to the doctors of law, every sentence is deemed infected with the vice of nullity which guile stains adjoined to the process, most of all if the judge has consented to the same guile in any wise, as your circumspect reverences will weigh these things.

Item, and these things supposed and well proved, and to avail for the purgation of the same innocent daughter, there is need meanwhile to advert of the rest contained in the process with how great perseverance she affirmed she had revelations from God and the Saints, and had proceeded by their aids, and how many attestations of famous (40) men and books produced follow her in the same; so that neither did she in these things err from the truth of the faith and of the Church, nor was she in any wise separated from the Church.

Item, and by special animadversion, since a criminal sentence cannot be borne save upon one spontaneously confessed juridically before his judge, or convicted by law (41), may it please you to attend the minor age of the said daughter, who, without a curator, could not be compelled to stand in judgment; who, made over to a hard prison, was afflicted by fear and terror of the keepers, by the assiduous opprobria of her capital enemies, and by the immense vexations of the judges; who refused the judge, and appealed from him, and cried out upon the Pope. And so consider the violence of the processes made against her. From which it is patent that nullity is caused in all; all which, since they are severally (42) deduced and articulated in your process, and from the beginning in the principal process or articles of the actors in this cause, I do not repeat (43) here, for cause of brevity.

Item, and may your worthy paternities likewise will to attend that the same daughter ever asserted with constant mind the visions revealed to her, which (44) she solidly maintained were produced by a good spirit under the name of God, and which the most learned and lettered men assert to be verisimilarly such; not refusing the judgments of the Church, but most humbly embracing them; and that of the same visions no mortal ought to judge save to good, since such things rather, even where they were uncertain, are to be left to the divine arbitrament. Thence neither could she be called an idolatress or a diviner, or a soothsayer of this kind (45) in any wise, save nullly and in fact; nor a seductress, who was caused to will to reduce the subject peoples to the faithful obedience of her natural king and supreme lord on earth; and who believed God alone, and adored the demons in nowise, nor invoked them in any manner.

Item, since the said iniquitous judges in their sentences infected with the vice of guile, iniquity, nullity, blushed not to utter many reproaches of the same innocent daughter, falsely inscribing her as confessed and convicted upon various crimes (46), and erring in the faith, relapsed and heretic falsely, mendaciously and iniquitously; which daughter nevertheless, if the series of the said iniquitous process be revolved, is found in nowise confessed or convicted (47) upon the qualifications and crimes imputed to her: so may it please you to advert and utter plainly that she was catholic and not infected with the said crimes, that every scandal be abolished, and the truth edify the hearers.

Item, and that false process of the adversaries contains that by many opiners, expert in sacred and human law, this daughter was condemned; yet when to the same opiners no process of her confessions was ever delivered, nor seen by them. But subdolous articles indeed were given to opine upon, beginning Quaedam foemina, etc., dissimilar from her confessions; subtracting the things which availed for her justification, superadding iniquitous, false and surreptitious aggravations in every wise; in which nevertheless the perverse sentence of the judges seems wholly founded, thence infected with nullity. Which I ask to be held (48) in memory by your providences, and the said articles to be compared with the same false process for the evident dissimilitude, if need be.

Item, and the same pretended abjuration by the iniquitous judges is to be weighed; since that also which is inserted in the process was fabricated anew after the adverse process completed, and is very prolix, made by a valid artifice, which the innocent and ignorant daughter could not even have conceived; nay another was presented to her, dissimilar and comprised in a brief schedule, which if she uttered terrified, she will seem to have done nothing; since both the presence of the executioner waiting, and the burning of the prepared fire, and the instant menace of cruel destruction, seemed to compel her to it by valid fear.

Item, that by the same judges, even after the death of the said daughter, persevering in their wickedness, there were adjoined to the said adverse process, after her burning, certain false and unsigned informations, inscribed to certain notaries plainly confessing they never made them; on which also certain missive letters transmitted to princes and prelates of divers regions are founded. The falsity of all which informations and letters so sent may it please you to uncover and damn with effect.

Item, nor will it weary you to advert that the said daughter said oftentimes to the adverse judges that she submitted her sayings to our lord the Pope at Rome, to the Church and to the general Council, and that she be led to them. In which it stands that she was not schismatical, but catholic; not heretical, but obedient and faithful. Nay also the said words sound the truest appeal interjected to the Pope, as is otherwise sufficiently declared in the articles of the parties or of the actors. And so there is need to infer that her sentence is null, after the accepted appeal, and false, which falsely asserts the same daughter to be schismatical and erring.

Item, and it will please you to insert into this your process and to advert the treatises and opinions of the experts, and the depositions of the witnesses here produced, prelates, princes and lettered men, greater than all exception, with the other attestations and productions made and to be made, as well at the instance of the parties and of me, the promoter, as of your mere office; and to collect from the same the nullities, guiles, subtleties of the processes and sentences of the said adversaries against the same innocent daughter, to the due ends of the declaration of the nullity or cassation and annulment of the same, with all the things thence ensuing; and, as your most worthy dominations and excellent and most reverend paternities shall see, to be done and executed canonically and conformably, so far as need shall be, to the clementine Multorum De haereticis, 1. VI, which in the matter of faith most gravely corrects and mulcts those presuming calumny.

Item, and since in the said principal writings of the actors all the premises are most fully deduced, and are proved by proofs clearer than light, inquests, witnesses, writings, and authentic documents of the doctors, instruments, letters, and of these things it is established to me: so far as need is I have given the fullest adhesion to the same actors, and embrace, laud and approve all things written by them with their conclusions, and exhibited and produced, and by the promotory name, one and equally with the same actors, I ask that it be concluded in the instant cause, and right be said, or a day assigned for sentencing, and the absent called and cited be reputed contumacious; with the protestations made by the same actors and by me, to-day and otherwise, and reduced in writing by the notaries, with the supplications, implorations and requests otherwise made.

I, the promoter, by the name aforesaid, have concluded, as I conclude, together with the said actors, in the manner and form contained in their said writings, so far as it touches me and your office or can touch, the articles or interrogatories otherwise reached to you by me in this cause being joined, to the due and canonical ends, and as your most renowned dominations (49) shall canonically deem fit to be done.

Then follow the motives of law exhibited and produced by the said Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc.

Truth conquers above all things. Most worshipful fathers and most discreet judges, exercising the vice and authority of the supreme holy apostolic See, you know that simplicity is the friend of truth, and that the faith of truth requires not the stays of words (cap. Veritatis De jurejurando, and Cod. Si minor ab haereditate abstineat, 1. I). And the shining beam of your light holds of old approved by what paths truth is reached; so that, oftentimes scrutinising not only the works, but the circumstances of things and the things emerging, the cause, the time, the will, the difference of persons, and whatsoever varieties most diligently searched out (whereof in the canon Occidit, caus. xxiii, q. 8; and in the canon Judicantem, caus. xxx, q. 5; and cap. Judices quum sunt De judiciis); your judgments have come far forth, and have frequently produced a solid justice of public salvation, and an inflexible truth. Thence your most lucid rectitude of wisdom diffused through the world, congruous to the embraces of the holy apostolic See, is known to have been preferred (50) before others by the supreme minister of justice, our lord pope Nicholas V (51), to treat the ministry of justice and truth in this cause expressly of old of the deceased Joan d’Arc of precious fame, called la Pucelle, adjudged by many rash and iniquitous and presumed processes and sentences against the order of law to the last supplice, and falsely in the matter feigned of faith. The mother, brothers and kinsmen of the same deceased then instancing in this part, together with your promoter, actors, against the late bishop of Beauvais, Pierre Cauchon, Jean d’Estivet called Bénédicte, fiscal procurator or promoter of the affairs and criminal causes in the spiritual court of Beauvais, and Jean Magistri, pretended vicar of the inquisitor of heretical pravity in the same place, defendants, and the other adverse parties expressed in this process: the same actors intend, and humbly ask and beseech, after the solemn agitations of the process of this kind, the order of law and the terms duly observed, that an end be imposed on the cause, the truth elucidated, and that by your definitive sentence what is just be decreed, and their conclusions described in their principal articles be most fully adjudged to the same actors. Now to accomplish these things, that your discreet renown may the more easily be inclined, justice persuading, the aforesaid actors reach forth, persisting in their oft-written protestations, under the brief form of reasons of law, and an epilogue of the things deduced in this part, the causes and reasons which follow.

First then, that this apostolic process of yours be known to have taken its rise from the right order of law, and it stand that your judgment was founded from the beginning rite and canonically, and that you were and are competent judges, there is need to attend the apostolic mandate, emanated from the conscience of the same supreme pontiff in the form of justice, directed not undeservedly to your famous providences; presented with a certain magnificent solemnity, in the public assistance of clergy and people, openly, at Paris, in the greater episcopal hall, on the seventh day of the month of December, in the year of the Lord 1455, and received with great reverence and honour, in contemplation of the supreme same holy apostolic See; where, the most pious supplication of the actors opened, by the organ of your council, most equitable for the consideration of so great a thing, with grave deliberation premised, the judicial burden taken up by you, the citatory was decreed in the form of law by your ordination, notaries were instituted, your promoter was cited, as the judicial act manifests.

Item, and in the presentation and reception of this kind, and the decreeting of the citatory, the form of law is deemed duly observed. For the apostolic mandate was presented by the actors impetrating solemnly, notaries present, with a numerous company of men, at a congruous hour ordained for it, as in cap. Consaluit De officio delegati; in a notable place, and you the delegates sitting for tribunal, as in caus.

(37) The manuscripts, percutimus or inducunt.

(38) The manuscripts read quam autem.

(39) The manuscripts, dictorum.

(40) The manuscripts, in signum.

(41) The manuscript no. 5970, vel inibi commerctum; that of ND., vel juri convinctum.

(42) The manuscripts, sigilla.

(43) Manuscripts, reperto.

(44) Manuscript, que.

(45) The manuscripts, hujusmodi iniquum dicenda.

(46) Manuscript 5970, confessari.

(47) The manuscripts, commota.

(48) Manuscript, ND., provideri.

(49) Manuscript of ND., terminationes.

(50) The manuscripts, praeëlecto.

(51) Read: Calixto papa III.

iii, q. 5, canon Biduum, and as the Speculator teaches in the Speculum, tit. De competentis judicis aditione, § Visa cujus judicium; and in your sight, the deed narrated in the apostolic mandate or the most pious complaint the same actors set forth by their council reverently. From which narrations it was not to be feigned that no right arose, as ff. ad leg. Aquiliam Si ex plagis, § In clivo; and in cap. De muliere desponsata impube, and in the laws alleged in the same place by the Speculator; but from that time, by your paternities, the actors heard, the oft-said mandate was reverently received, found greater than all exception, notaries present, in the form cap. Quoniam contra De probatione, and the yoke of the mandate of judgment, albeit difficult, yet meritorious and favourable in charity, was accepted. It was also decreed here that the citatory against the adverse parties be executed in writing, as in the canon Vocato, caus. v, q. 2, and with the preceding pronunciation, since the arduous business of this cause was pressing, as in cap. Romana De foro competenti § Contrahentes, and as Innocent notes, in cap. Licet De accusationibus.

Item, nor is it to be omitted that in the process of faith or suspicion of heresy falsely presumed by the adverse parties against the said Joan d’Arc, deceased, the infamy ought of right to have preceded, and the inquisition of the infamy to be made then against her in the beginning of their process: albeit it was not made, at least a valid one; but knowingly and guilefully pretermitted. Yet because every thing which is born by whatsoever causes, is dissolved by the same (in cap. Omnis res De regulis juris), you willed not nevertheless, renowned and illustrious judges, to omit the valid informations forewalking of this your process, nay most lucid proofs; but embraced the same from the beginning, reduced into authentic writings by apostolic authority by the reverend lord cardinal of Estouteville, by the gentle authority of the royal majesty, and otherwise solemnly, in this matter, in the place of her proper origin and elsewhere in notable places, and made from the depositions of high princes and excellent persons, upon the life, fame, manners, virtues, most right faith and honest conversation, and the coming of the said Joan; which you yourselves, venerable judges, willed to collect and set before this your work, with grave providence.

Item, and since the beginning of whatsoever thing is the mightiest part, as in cap. Sedes De rescriptis, by Bernard; and ff. De origine juris, in leg. I, there is to be commemorated the valid execution of your citatory against the adverse parties, deduced openly to divers places, cities, and the notable churches of Rouen and Beauvais, to the persons and domiciles of the same, nay and iterated many times, and the citatories multiplied according to the exigence of the judicial order, and committed to execution by public affixion, and most openly notified by patent edicts; so that, from the same, every honest person could have notorious and manifest knowledge; nor did any remain who could pretend just ignorance of this your process in any wise, save a crass and supine alike, as openly stands by the faithful instruments of the same citatories and edicts and the public documents; to which faith is to be shown, in cap. Scripturam De fide instrumentorum, with its gloss.

Item, and by the public acts of this your process it is manifested clearer than light that, in the city of Rouen, a most notable place, in which the other iniquitous process against the same deceased was guilefully and iniquitously conducted, at iterated times; you or some of you, or one of you, appeared personally, sitting for tribunal, and duly observed all the terms which the order of law demands; and the guiles, contumacies of the adverse parties, and the rash presumption, falsity, iniquity and nullity of their process of old being accused, plainly infected, in each term ordained the things which were of law; the said actors and also your promoter heard. For from the beginning you decreed sententially that your judgment was opportunely founded, and declared that you were competent judges of the cause and the parties; and that you would deservedly proceed further. Then you adjudged the petition of the actors to be reached to you in the form of a public act, and the parties to be again called to contest the suit. Which so done, the same petition in the form of concluding articles you received, by your other ordination. After these things, to the examination of the witnesses, to the reception of the proofs and the production of that false pretended process, and the legitimate comparison of the confessions of the said deceased against the twelve articles which the adverse parties falsely pretended to be duly elicited from the things confessed by the deceased, you took care to proceed; the veridical depositions of the renowned witnesses produced, greater than all exception, and the informations reproduced by the apostolic and royal authorities, and the treatises, deliberations, writings, books, codices of prelates, renowned doctors of divine alike and human law, and lettered men, of marvellous light and wisdom, which are of law in the present cause, especially upon the catholic confessions of the said deceased, upon the visions of good spirits, and upon the iniquity of the judges in the former process, you admitted by just and holy consideration.

Item, and the adhesion of your promoter being admitted by your judicial sentence or ordination, you thence prefixed manifold days and terms to say against the things exhibited and produced, and gave the preclusion of speaking, as the laws decree; and at length deservedly, all and each things being observed which by common law and your commanding apostolic rescript ought to have been observed, having concluded in the cause juridically by you, you decreed a day to be assigned to hear right and to pronounce your definitive sentence judicially; provided nevertheless that the same actors, if they willed, might offer to your minds, for the greater elucidation of the truth, reasons or motives of law to your most reverend paternities, to be joined to their process. Which, acquiescing to your commands, the said actors humbly offer in these writings, with due reverence and correction, more humbly imploring your judicial office upon the same final pronunciation to be made, under the oft-said protestations.

Item, and since this order of law in the premises is undoubted by each of its terms, as well from the laws enucleated best known to you, canonical and civil, also according to the writings by Tancred in his treatise De ordine judiciorum, by the Speculator in his second book in the Speculum juris, nay and by the texts and doctors of canon and civil law, titled in their places and opportune and notorious rubrics, as from the observance or experience, the mistress of things, notoriously visited and approved in every especially ecclesiastical court on every side: therefore neither the allegations of laws nor the singular quotations, which would be prolix, in a term in any wise observed, are here expressed or repeated. And nevertheless at length in the concluding articles of the same actors, apart and in series, there are inserted and alleged at full to this your process the laws which seemed fittingly to suffice to the verification of the things proposed, and to the condemnation of the adverse parties and of their false and iniquitous process.

Item, and nevertheless, that the iniquity of the said first process may come back to the reader memory, and the so ineptly rash presumption of those who judged be discussed and corrected, there is need to attend how excogitated a malice, how damned and abhorrent an enmity those malevolent judges, all pity secluded, all womanly fragility unattended, and all pondering of circumstances despised (whereof in the said can. Occidit caus. xxiii, quaest. 8, and the Summa), proceeded against the same deceased iniquitously, unjustly and nullly and in fact.

Item, and first, there is to be attended the presumed daring of those pretended judges, who presumed with such rashness to accept such a judgment, since they could not become, nor ought, judges of the same deceased by the order of law, especially in the matter of faith; and so their process, with the sentence and the things thence ensuing, were deemed infected with nullity (Cod. Si a non competenti judice, throughout; in cap. Ad nostram De consuetudine). For the same Joan was not born of the diocese of Beauvais, nor dwelt there, nor had there committed heresy; and so she drew no forum by reason of domicile or delict (caus. iii, quaest. 1; caus. vi, quaest. 3; cap. Placuit and cap. ult. De foro competenti). Again, the bishop of Beauvais had chosen to proceed with the vicar of the inquisitor, and yet of the power of the said vicar, who was said to be a delegate, it did not appear by the acts, nor of it does it appear in the process, against cap. Per hoc De haereticis, book VI; against cap. Quum in jure De officio delegati. Nay also the said bishop without that vicar proceeded to many substantial acts, against cap. Quum plures De officio delegati aut commissarii, book VI. Also to the examination of the said Joan they oft proceeded by others; which they could not do in so grave a cause (De officio delegati, cap. i, in Clem.). It stands moreover by witnesses that threats were inflicted and terrors inducing just fear to the said vicar and others counselling, according to the gloss can. Injustum and can. Quatuor caus. xi, quaest. 3. For the same Joan refused the said bishop, as suspect and a capital enemy, as the witnesses say, according to cap. Suspicionis De officio delegati. Item, the said Joan submitted herself to the judgment of the Pope, in effect appealing; and so it was not lawful for an inferior to cognise (caus. ii, quaest. 6, can. Si quis nostrum). Also, since this matter of revelations was of the greater causes, the cognition belonged to the Pope alone, to whom she asked to be remitted. Therefore they proceeded nullly, as in cap. Majores De baptismo. Moreover to the same Joan enclosed in a hard prison defence and counsel were denied: a denial (52), to wit that the articles should not be seen by the Church then assembled at Basle; and the notaries were prohibited by the judge to write her excuses in the process. Item, the false extraction of the articles from the confessions of Joan given to the opiners, and the vexation, the intricacy in difficult questions, and the guileful submissions of those deceitfully counselling her. For these and the many other things touched above, and more largely declared in the said concluding articles, render that process against the said Joan, with the things thence ensuing, infected with nullity, at least to be quashed and retracted.

Item, nor could it belong to the said judges, save nullly and in fact, to utter a certain judgment of the inspirations and hidden revelations and the apparitions of spirits concerning the said Joan. For these hidden apparitions and inspirations, whether they proceed from God or not, belong to God alone and are known to him, who alone judges the secrets and the hidden things (in can. Erubescant, xxxii dist.; in can. Christiana caus. xxx, quaest. 5); nor do they belong to the judgment of the Church (in cap. Tua nos De simonia). Yet we can say, from every valid conjecture, that the apparitions of this kind proceeded from a good spirit; first, since the same Joan was a virgin, and so constantly asserted herself, and exhibited herself to be inspected and visited, thence it is the more like to be said that she had the apparitions from the Holy Spirit, according to the saying of Ambrose, in can. Tolerabilius caus. xxxiii, quaest. 5. Secondly, for the same Joan was very humble, as appears in her answers, nor sought human (53) honour, but the salvation of her soul; nor ever uttered a word arrogantly. Now humility conjoined to virginity is marvellously lauded (can. Haec autem scripsimus, xxx dist.); and so she could worthily receive revelations and apparitions from the Holy Spirit. Thirdly, since her life was openly commended for honesty and conversation; for she devoutly frequented mass and church, oft confessed, fasting; loving the poor and [other] such things. Fourthly, because the apparitions bade her good mandates, saying that she should guide herself well, that she should confess often, that she should frequent church, that she should keep the virginity of mind and body, and they should lead her to beatitude. Fifthly, because the angel appearing to her at first struck in fear, and in the end made her glad, as did the angel appearing to Mary and to Zachary. Sixthly, while the angels appeared to her, she signed herself with the sign of the cross; and they did not depart; which malignant spirits do, as in can. Postea De consecratione, dist. iv. Seventhly, she understood the voice of the spirits in a clear voice; the contrary whereof the malignant spirits do (in can. Sciendum caus. xxvi, quaest. 4). Eighthly, because her end was catholic and most devout. For the same, by the sufferance of the judges, most devoutly received the sacraments of Penitence and the Eucharist; and, at her end, amid the flames, cried aloud the name of the Lord Jesus, and ended her life religiously; since malignant spirits cause their followers to end ill, and induce them into eternal damnation, as in can. Nec mirum caus. xxvi, quaest. 5. Ninthly, since she seemed miraculously to foretell things to come, for example, at the time of the greatest affliction of the realm and oppression of the king, she promised and said that she would cause him to be crowned at Reims shortly, as she did. She foretold also the dissolution of the siege of Orléans, and the expulsion of the English from the realm; which was verified, after that It is not yours, etc. And these are the signs of good spirits; whom, if Joan adored, she erred not, led by the divine spirit; nor did she err adoring the likeness of Saint Catherine, Saint Margaret and Saint Michael. Nay, even if they were evil angels transfigured into angels of light, she is not said to have erred in adoring, believing them to be Saints male and female under such form; nor is such an error perilous or to be damned (caus. xxix, quaest. 1, § i), especially since she was not pertinacious in her opinion; but submitted herself to the judgment of the Church. And if aught of arguments might be made on the contrary, the answer is plainly in the abovesaid concluding articles.

Item, nor for the male habit is this faithful Joan to be rebuked; for if, as she asserts and is verisimilarly presumed, she took it by divine inspiration, she sinned not. For where the spirit is, there is liberty (in cap. Licet De regularibus; in can. Duae sunt leges caus. xix, quaest. 2). Item, the canon Si qua mulier xxx dist., prohibiting it, is to be understood where it were done for cause of luxury, according to the gloss and the doctors. Now this she did not for cause of luxury; nay for cause of keeping virginity; for a change of habit would be permitted to clerks where a just cause of fear intervenes (in cap. Clerici ult. De vita et honestate clericorum). And this she did from just fear of violation by the English, who were certain to attempt her, as is proved by witnesses. Nor is it true that she ceased to hear mass lest she should leave it; nay she always asked to hear mass; she offered to leave the garment (54), if she were kept in the prison of the Church, or in a company of honest women, and out of the hands of the English; nay rather, if the judges should say, she offered at their pleasure

(52) Better: denegatio.

(53) The manuscripts, hominem.

(54) Manuscript ND., habitum virilem.

to leave it. Item, she will not be called relapsed if she resumed it, for the assumption was lawful, nor does it touch the matter of heresy, most of all since she resumed it the better to meet the violence inflicted, and to cover her nakedness; for the English had taken away her female garments, and she resumed them compelled by necessity. Now necessity is in nowise subject to the law (De juris, cap. ii). And these things are openly proved in your process and the depositions of the witnesses.

Item, and your most discreet goodnesses may attend that the said Joan departed not in mind or intention from the rectitude of truth, nor offended God. For she strongly excuses her departing without her father’s leave; since she did it by God’s inspiring, and God is to be obeyed more than men. Secondly, she did it of piety, lest father and mother be troubled with ampler affliction; and thirdly, since she obtained pardon of them for this. She excuses herself also from the apposition of this name Jesus in the letters which she sent for the wars; since she both fostered a just war by the divine command, and since she believed it lawful, because all things ought to be done in the name of the Lord (xxiii dist., can. In nomine Domini). Likewise, upon the feigned desperation in leaping from the tower, she excuses herself strongly; for she confesses she did it not for cause of desperation, but for the salvation of her own body, and in hope of succouring many other good persons, and of charity and piety for the menaced destruction of the town of Compiègne. Conformably she is to be excused upon the feigned lie of her saying asserting that the Angel had borne the sign to our lord the king, with genuflexion before the king, etc. It is answered that it is not lawful to lie; yet it is lawful in answering cautiously to feign by concealing the truth, as Abraham did before Pharaoh, as in can. Quaeritur § Ecce, caus. xxii, quaest. 2. Now it is so that Angel is a name of office; for it is the same as God’s messenger, after that: I send mine Angel, who shall go before, etc., and it is spoken of John the Baptist. Now Joan said that she was God’s messenger to the king; therefore she could deservedly say that the Angel, that is she the messenger of God, bore the king the crown, that is the palm of victory by which he came to the crown. And, if it be said that she spoke expressly of Saint Michael, she is excusable; for so it is said that the Seraphim cleansed the tongue of Isaiah, not by himself, but by another. For that which is done by inferiors, in the things concerning the properties and offices of the superiors, is said to be done by the superiors; so in the proposition Michael is called prince of the host; and so, Joan asserting she did these things by Michael’s revelation, said that Saint Michael did these things — and that she was that Angel, her words clearly intimate. In these things therefore she lied not, but spoke cautiously.

Item, nor is she to be blamed if she said she was to be saved, and firmly to hold and believe it; for she superadded that this should come true if she kept what she promised God, to wit virginity as well of mind as of body. For he who so does sins in nothing; but is saved. And if the same Joan likewise said she was to be delivered from the prisons, she committed no lie; for so she asserted the voices of the spirits at length uttered to her that she should suffer martyrdom patiently, for in the end she should be saved; and this is to be deemed no small deliverance; and so she uttered no lie. There were also those having the prophetic spirit, sometimes speaking not in spirit, who uttered not the truth; of whom there is text in can. De poenitentia, dist. ii, Quaerendum, and can. Potest. Nor could she be reproved if she said those blessed Saints Catherine and Margaret loved the French and hated the English; for so she set herself forth that they love whom God loves, and hate whom God hates, after that: Jacob I loved, Esau I held in hatred. Nor is it truth that she said she had no mortal sin; but she said that she knows not whether she sinned mortally, and that God wills not that she has done or shall do aught whereby her soul is burdened: which would be when she had sinned and had not done worthy penance. Which words contain naught of ill. And by the premises the words of the said Joan are lawfully excused.

Item, and it will be needful to bring back to memory that the same Joan is falsely feigned to have erred, when it is said that she willed not to submit herself to the judgment of the Church militant, the difference between the militant Church and the triumphant being even declared to her, or because she revoked the submission which she had made in the final things (to which nevertheless every catholic is held, as in can. Haec est fides caus. xxiv, quaest. 1; can. Ego Berengarius, De consecratione, dist. iv); whence she deserves rather to be excused in these things: first, since what she did by revelation she did from a good spirit, as is said above, and so, following a private law, she is exempted from the common law, as in the laws alleged before. Nay, supposed that it were doubtful whether the revelation of this kind proceeded from a good or an evil spirit, since this is hidden and known to God alone, the Church judges nothing upon this (in can. Erubescant xxxii dist.; can. Christiana caus. xxxii, quaest. 5; and in cap. Tua nos De simonia). Again in the things which concern the articles of faith we are held to follow the judgment of the Church; otherwise we should be heretics (cap. i De summa Trinitate, book VI). Likewise we ought to hold the judgment of the Church in the things which the Church holds and teaches (in can. Noble xi dist. and in can. Novit xii dist., with the note there); in others liberty is given of holding what shall please. For in these secrets each can follow his own opinion; and so Johannes Andreae notes in cap. i De summa Trinitate, book VI alleged.

Item, the same Joan is excused if from the beginning she submitted not herself, since from the beginning she knew not what the Church was. It appears because she made no difference between the Saints and the Church. Of this ignorance the witnesses depose in this your process. But straightway when she understood and it was declared to her, she ever submitted herself to the Church. The witnesses also of this your process depose that certain ones, guilefully feigning they came to her on the part of our lord the king, strongly counselled her, if she willed to escape, that she should not submit herself to the Church, so that perchance, deceived by guile, she delayed; and at length verily submitted herself to the Church manifoldly, as is most fully expressed in the concluding articles given you by the actors. Which submission nevertheless that judge, then bishop of Beauvais, forbade to be written by the notary; and the witnesses depose it; and nevertheless by her words, written in the process, it still stands that the said Joan submitted herself to the Church in act, word and deed and communion of the sacraments.

Item, and the falsity and iniquity mixed into that unheard-of first process are most to be noted and held in memory, by which the adverse parties stained their process; which thence nevertheless they will wholly to colour and validate: to wit the expression of certain articles to the number of twelve, and mendaciously extracted from the pretended confessions of the said Joan. Upon which articles, so falsely extracted, notable men ecclesiastical and lettered gave opinions written or signed in their hand, some masters in the sacred page, others in canon and civil law, doctors, licentiates, formed bachelors and jurisperites, in great number; who verily are to be deemed immune from all stain of iniquity and to be excused, and deceived in the counselling, beyond the knowledge of that work, so opining, presuming that the truth of the things confessed judicially by the same Joan was delivered to them and expressed in the said articles; when nevertheless, on the contrary, from capital enmity and inordinate affection, truth pretermitted and falsity expressed vindicated to itself an open place in the said false articles. Nor is it void of iniquity that the said twelve false articles beginning Quaedam foemina were sent to the opiners so extracted.

Item, and there is need to advert that that difference between the truth of the things confessed by the same Joan and the contents of the said articles falsely extracted (55) is sufficiently deduced at length, by the comparison of the same articles and the same things confessed judicially made, verified and approved by you; nay and most fully deduced by this your whole process, and by the depositions of the witnesses and notaries, and the original notes, and by the collation of the first processes, and most widely by the treatises of many prelates, doctors of divine and human law, explained clearer than light, and luculently expounded in the same concluding articles. Wherefore it has seemed expedient to supersede from ampler expression of the same differences, for cause of brevity.

Item, and since that iniquitous process against the said deceased Joan was founded almost wholly upon those false articles, it will be needful to uncover sententially the iniquity of the said articles falsely, guilefully and mendaciously extracted, and plainly to burn and tear the same false and iniquitous articles, to the manifestation of the truth and the valid and opportune excusation of those opining upon them.

Item, and from the preceding means, causes and reasons, written above and recollected in a brief compendium of words, this your process being joined together with the depositions of the witnesses greater than all exception, and the comparison or confrontation of the said former most iniquitous, guileful and violent process to this your catholic and truth-shining process of judgment, and also of the illustrious men, prelates, doctors and experts in either law, the said assertions, and the disputed and elicited truths, books, codices, treatises and determinations, here recollected and adjoined, which the same actors here reproduce: it stands and most openly appears that the said first process is infected, and is manifestly to be declared such sententially, with falsity, guile, iniquity, mendaciousness and the nullity of calumny; at least to be quashed, annulled, and burned plainly, publicly and manifestly.

Item, and it stands likewise that the said deceased of good memory Joan d’Arc, called la Pucelle, lived all the time of her life laudably and honestly, declined not from the truth of faith and the ecclesiastical doctrine and determination, nor asserted or believed aught which should savour of heresy, or should be contrary to the catholic faith and the traditions of the holy Roman Church, but rather detested these horrors, nor perpetrated those crimes which they rashly dared to express and feign against the same woman in her process and iniquitous sentences; nor was she in any wise defamed of the same, by the fame publishing or other relation worthy of faith, or otherwise confessed in law or convicted, the Lord cooperating. Nay rather she is seen to have both sought and heard the judgment of the holy apostolic See and of the general Council, and the judgment of the faithful doctors oftentimes.

Item, and from now the said defendants, the malignant spirit shining upon them, persevering in ampler iniquity, are rendered convicted of obstinate malice, falsity, guile and condemned fraud; and the suspected and iniquitous judges, who dared too mendaciously to inscribe the said innocent virgin, and to note her contrary to truth with those perverse qualifications and criminal excesses, in their false and iniquitous first and second sentences, guilefully commended, or rather condemned her in fact for the guileful and exquisite falsities expressed in the same place and falsely described, first to perpetual prisons, and secondly to be left to the hands of secular justice, as a relapsed, heretic and otherwise criminal; walking without grace and mercy, pursuing only their perverse hostile and guileful affection; unwilling to attend to innocence, fragility, ignorance and youth, nay rather caring to deny the excusations, submissions and protestations of the same innocent, and utterly the ways of justice to the same by perverse conspiracy; thirsting, alas! for her death and blood on every side.

Item, and from all the things inquired, produced, recollected in your instant process and duly reduced in writing, the order of law kept, it stood and stands that against the same deceased, deprived of every defence of her innocence, and the order of law pretermitted, for the sole pleasure of their unbridled will, the adverse parties persevered in their iniquitous process nullly and in fact, and proceeded at length to iniquitous sentences, by one of which they condemned the same innocent Joan, as a heretic and entangled in other crimes, to perpetual prisons, in bread and water, perpetually; and by the other iniquitously uttered her relapsed, so that left to the secular court, and delivered to the last supplice, after the public, ignominious and scandalous preachings, they blushed not to behold with their eyes the innocent virgin perished by fire and burned, to the peril of the souls of those so iniquitously judging, and to the opprobrium and ignominy, injury and offence of her mother, brothers and kinsmen, now complaining and actors.

Item, and the nullity of those iniquitous sentences, the manifest error, the evident contradiction, the calumny, uncertainty, obscurity, cruelty, its pain against all the order of law and the sacred sanctions, in a fragile sex, a youthful age, after so many afflictions of the prisons, perturbations of the examinations, are most openly manifested by the juridical deduction of this your process: as well from the series of the first process, and the depositions worthy of faith in this process of those who were present at the said first process, in which it stands that the same Joan was in nowise convicted of the qualities of crimes attributed to her, perchance the wearing of male garments alone excepted; of which nevertheless she is to be deemed excusable, as well stands from the premises. As secondly, since all things considered, she sinned not in the matter of faith from the said crimes, nor could she be deemed heretic or relapsed: who made no valid abjuration, nay understood it not at all; and what she understood not, she could not validly abjure. As thirdly, since she deserved not to be called relapsed into heresy who had not lapsed; since she gave catholic answers, and is not found infected in mind, nor pertinacious against the faith and the ecclesiastical doctrine, sowed or asserted or sustained any dogmas or errors with indurate mind. As fourthly, since she could not be noted sententially under the general name of the criminal qualities imputed to her, as is noted in the sentences themselves, unless the particular defects with the circumstances be there designated and subadded; for such a vague feigning is reprobated, and is not admitted of right in libels or sentences, especially criminally intented, and with another’s peril, also according to the laws and canons. A moderation of the due pain is deemed by the judge, for the tenderness of age and the fragility of sex; as all these things are deduced and inscribed in the written concluding articles.

Item, and, if from the so great opprobria, vexations, injuries, molestations and calumnies brought upon her parent by

(55) Manuscript ND., deductorum.

those iniquitous judges filled with iniquity and guile, the mother, brothers, kinsmen hardly bore the scandalous matter of so great and pernicious an execution; if they decreed to procure the reparation of their honour, and the expurgation of the innocence of so great a kinswoman, and the reparation of their own fame: they are deservedly to be commended, so that, led by valid counsel and constant in courageous virtue, they sought the justice of the holy supreme apostolic See, and instantly cried out to be provided with the remedies of law; whose just cries at length the holy apostolic See, inclined, trusting in the rectitude, wisdom and most profound abundance of letters and wisdom of your most renowned celebrity known through all the catholic world, directed the mandate of apostolic authority to you, in the force whereof, led by the right path of reason, this your process is disposed or believed, the Lord directing, to assume its desired consummation, by your work, providence and labour, in the intervals of the coming days.

It remains then, most reverend fathers, most renowned judges and most eloquent doctors, that the splendour of your light of truth shine forth; that the nebulous darkness of the former iniquitous process flee away and be revoked; and that the abominable iniquity, error and perdition of the same process, its sentences and sequels be declared; and that the stain of faith imputed to the same Joan and hers be utterly wiped away; and that her redolent fame and innocence be restored and declared; that the reparations and memories required above be declared by that supreme and unshaken authority of the sacrosanct apostolic See committed to your most renowned and worshipful paternities, whom may the giver of eternal gifts deign to reward in glory. Amen.

Redaction of the Notre-Dame manuscript.

But let the same Joan rise again, purged of the stain of error or of heretical pravity and of all the stain of the faith adverse to the Church of old imputed to her; and the redolent fame and innocence of the said virgin Joan, of her mother, brothers and all her kin; so that at length, by your patent judgment, judicial and perpetual sentence, the juridical ends, conclusions, reparations, solemn preachings, signs, images, crosses, foundations, and other public signs of perpetual reparation and memory, and the other conclusions in the petition of the actors and in their concluding articles expressed at full, be most fully decreed to the same actors for the future, and be commanded to be irrefragably observed as ordained by you; that supreme and unshaken authority of the apostolic See commanding, committed in this part to your most renowned and most worshipful dominations and most worthy paternities, to be perennially rewarded in glory by the giver of eternal gifts.

Chapter VIII #

[Presentation of the consultations written by the doctors.]

The reasons, allegations and motives of law aforesaid having then been presented before the aforesaid lords Delegates, on the part of the aforesaid promoter and the aforesaid parties, by their procurator, without allegation of new facts, as had been reserved by the said lords; on the part of the aforesaid promoter it was specially required that it might please the aforesaid lords Delegates, in this final examination and scanning of the process, to visit and specially to note certain considerations, opinions and treatises of certain most approved and solemn prelates, who upon the deeds of the aforesaid Maid, and also upon the process itself made against the same, gave their opinions and considerations, and reduced them also in writing, and whose writings were duly and faithfully presented to the same lords (56), and received by them.

There follow the considerations and treatises of the prelates alike and doctors designated below, who gave their considerations upon the deeds and sayings of the aforesaid Joan the Maid, and upon the process conducted against the said Joan, as they are described below immediately in the opinions and treatises.

I. #

And first, begins the little work of Master Jean de Gerson (57), chancellor of Paris, upon the deed of the aforesaid Maid, made at Lyon in the year of the Lord 1429, on the fourteenth day of May, which was the vigil of Pentecost, after the sign had at Orléans in the expulsion of the English siege.

Upon the deed of the Maid and the credence to be given to her, it is first to be presupposed that many false things are probable; nay, according to the Philosopher, it happens that certain false things are more probable than certain true ones, even so far that two contradictories stand together in probability, albeit not in truth.

It is further to be adverted that if that probability is rightly founded and duly understood, it is not to be called error or erroneous, unless the assertion be pertinaciously extended beyond the terms of probability. The reason of this is because he who speaks probably founds himself in this, that he has reasons and appearances for his part. And this at least is true, unless it be wholly improbable. It is likewise true of the opposite part, that for it are its reasons and appearances or verisimilar conjectures. And this likewise can be and often is true. Nor do these things contradict so expounded.

It is thirdly to be attended that certain things concerning the faith and good manners are in a twofold difference (58), as far as belongs to the present. For certain things are called of necessity of faith, and in these it is not lawful to doubt or probably to opine, after that current saying He who is doubtful in the faith is an infidel; and of such things a complaint would be just; nor would that civil law (Barbarius Philippus (59)) have place, nor in such things would a common error make right; nay the worse as the commoner, would at length be exterminated by fire and flame after the ecclesiastical and civil censures borne against heretics. That metrical [wholesome] saying also has place:

Fame, faith, the eye suffer not a jest.

Nay and for such a jest in the things which are of faith, he so jesting could be summoned to the judgment of faith, as suspected in faith of error.

It is to be considered for the other difference of the things which are in faith or of faith, that those are called of the piety or devotion of faith, and in no wise of necessity, of which it is wont to be said vulgarly: He who believes it not, is not damned for it. Now there belong to the piety of faith three conditions in special.

The first, that those things make to the excitation of devotion and pious affection about God and divine things; because to wit they resound to the praise of the divine power or clemency in miracles, and the veneration of the Saints.

The second condition is that there be had about such things some probable conjecture either from common relation, or from the attestation of the faithful, who say they saw or heard.

A third condition is superadded, to be weighed with discretion by men erudite in theology and good manners, that in the relations of this kind of the things which are said of the piety of faith, there be not included or mixed aught false or erroneous, which manifestly is to the detriment of the faith or of good manners, directly or indirectly, openly or secretly. Upon which thing to be known or determined it is not lawful for anyone openly and everywhere to bear sentences and reprobations nay nor contentious approbations, most of all when they are tolerated by the Church or the prelates of the Church in one province or in many; but the judgment and determination ought to be deferred to the same Church or the prelates and doctors.

Many things could here be noted in particulars, as of the matter of the conception of the Blessed Virgin; as of the probable opinions among the doctors; as of indulgences, as to their manifold circumstances; as of the veneration of relics in one place and another, nay in many divers at once: as of old was the contention in the Parliament of Paris upon the veneration of the head of Saint Denis in the church of Paris and in the abbey of Saint Denis near Paris (60).

It is to be concluded at length from the premises that the deed of that Maid can piously and wholesomely be sustained of the piety of faith and devotion, the circumstances being attended with the effect (61) competent, especially from the final cause which is most just, to wit the restitution of the king to his realm and the most just repulse or vanquishing of the most pertinacious enemies.

Added besides that in her observances this Maid is not found to use sortileges prohibited by the Church, nor superstitions openly reprobated, nor fraudulent cauteries of men, nor to her own gain or aught such subdolous thing, since, in attestation of her faith, she exposes her body to extreme peril.

Lastly if many speak and relate many things for their garrulity and lightness, or guile, or other sinister favour or hatred, that of Cato suffices:

Of our arbitrament it is not what each may speak.

Yet it is of our arbitrament what is believed or held, modesty being kept and contention or sedition driven far off; for, as the Apostle says, it behoves not the servant of God to litigate. We, he says, have no such custom as to wit to litigate; but either it behoves to tolerate, or to refer to the superiors to be determined, as is premised. For so it was in the primary canonisation of the Saints, whose canonisations, as in the many which are read, are not of the necessity of faith strictly speaking; but of pious devotion, which is not to be reprobated, irritaded or repudiated everywhere by whomsoever, and less, other things being equal, than another divulged without canonisation.

Let these circumstances be joined to our case.

One, that the king’s council and the men of arms could be induced at the voice of that Maid so to believe and obey, that under her they exposed themselves with conspiring mind to the perils of war, all dishonour driven far off: which could have befallen, if, warring under a little woman, they had been vanquished by the most shameless enemies and mocked among all who had heard it.

Another, that the popular exultation is seen to follow with so great a pious credulity, to the praise of God and the confusion of the enemies.

Another, that the hidden enemies, even the great, are related to have fallen into various fears, nay and into languors as of a woman in travail, after the imprecation of that canticle tympanised by Mary, sister of Moses, with the choir of them that play and sing Let us sing to the Lord, for gloriously is he magnified, etc. It follows: Fear and dread falls upon them, etc. Let it be seen, and with devotion consonant to our deed be recollected and sung.

It is to be pondered at the last that this Maid and the men of war adhering to her do not forsake the ways of human prudence, to wit doing what is in them, that God may appear not to be tempted beyond what is needful. Whence it stands that this Maid is not pertinacious in the adhesion of her own head and beyond what she accounts herself to have monitions or instincts from God.

Moreover many circumstances could be superadded of her life from a child, which have been inquired and known diligently and much and by many: of which naught is here inserted.

Examples can be induced of Deborah and of Saint Catherine in the no less miraculous conversion of fifty doctors or rhetoricians, and of many others, as of Judith and of Judas Machabeus, in whom (as commonly) there is ever mixed something natural. Nor does it ever follow after the first miracle whatsoever is expected by men. Wherefore, even if the aforesaid Maid should be frustrated of all her and our expectation (which God forbid), it would not behove to conclude that the things which were done were done by a malignant spirit or not by God; but either for our ingratitude and blasphemies or from elsewhere by the just judgment of God, albeit hidden, a frustration of our expectation could befall in the wrath of God, which may he avert from us, and turn all things to good.

There are superadded four civil and theological documents. One concerns the king and the kinsmen of the royal house; the second the soldiery of the king and the realm; the third the ecclesiastics with the people; the fourth the Maid herself. Of which documents this is the single end: to live well, piously toward God, justly toward the neighbour and soberly, that is virtuously and temperately, toward oneself. And in special for the fourth document, that the grace of God shown in this Maid be not received and traduced by herself or others to curious vanities, not to worldly gains, not to partial hatreds, not to contentious seditions, not to vengeances for the past, not to inept glorifyings; but in meekness and prayers with thanksgiving, and with liberal subvention besides of temporal things, let each labour in the selfsame; so that peace may come in its bedchamber, that, delivered from the hand of our enemies, God propitious, we may serve him in holiness and justice before him all our days, amen. This is done by the Lord.

There follows a triple truth for the justification of the elect Maid, received of late-bearing, using the male garment (62).

I. The old law, prohibiting a woman to use the male garment and a man the female garment, forasmuch as it is purely judicial, binds not in the new law, because, according to the truth to be held of necessity of salvation, the judicials of the ancient law are taken away nor bind in the new, as such they are, unless it befall that they be newly instituted or confirmed by superiors.

(56) The manuscripts: vestris paternitatibus; and further: et a vobis recepta.

(57) It is very probable that this is the last writing to come from Gerson’s pen; he died on the 12th of July of the same year. It has already been printed several times and notably in the complete edition of the Works of Gerson published by Ellies du Pin, Paris, 1706, in-folio, t. IV, p. 864. It is also found in the collection of Melchior Goldast intituled Sibylla francica. We shall set in brackets the words given by these editions which are wanting in our manuscripts.

(58) The editions: considerantur in duplici doctrina.

(59) Dig., lib. I, tit. ii, l. 3. The edition of Du Pin gives: Lex illa civilis barbaris habet locum.

(60) This process took place in 1406. It began upon the pretension of the monks of Saint-Denis that the relics of their patron, conserved at Notre-Dame, were false. (Gallia christiana, t. VII, col. 452.)

(61) Wanting in the edition of Du Pin.

(62) This rubric is otherwise conceived in the edition of Goldast: The elect Maid, received of late-bearing, using the male garment, can be justified by triple truth, which are to be explained severally and briefly against the objectors.

II. The law of this kind contained something moral, which is stable in every law (and this we may express as the prohibition of an indecorous habit as well in a man as in a woman), against the mean of virtue, which ought to observe all the due circumstances, as when it behoves, why it behoves, in what wise it behoves, and so of the rest, as the wise man shall judge; of which there is not here to speak severally.

III. The law of this kind neither as judicial nor as moral damns the use of the male and military garment in our virile and military Maid, whom by certain signs the King of heaven chose as a standard-bearer to grind down the enemies of justice and raise up his friends; that in the hand of a girlish and virgin woman the proud arms of iniquity may be confounded, the angels aiding, to whom virginity is friendly and cognate, according to Jerome; and in the sacred histories it frequently appeared, as in Cecilia visibly with crowns of roses and lilies. Again by this is saved the shearing of the hair which the Apostle seems to prohibit in a woman.

Let then the mouth of them that speak iniquity be stopped and cease, because, where the divine power works, the means are disposed according to the exigence of the end; so that it is no longer safe to detract from or blame with rash daring the things which are ordained by God, according to the Apostle.

Finally, many particulars and examples could be added from the sacred and gentile histories; as of Camilla and the Amazons; as moreover in cases either of necessity, or of evident utility, or of approved custom, or by the authority or dispensation of superiors. But thus for brevity they suffice and for truth. Only let the party having the just cause beware lest by incredulity and ingratitude or other injustices it make void the divine aid so openly and marvellously begun, as we read it befell in Moses and the sons of Israel, after so many promises divinely conferred. For God, if not counsel, yet changes sentence for the change of merits.

Here ends the consideration of Master Jean de Gerson, chancellor of Paris, made in the year as above.

II. #

There follows the consideration of the reverend father the lord Élie (63), bishop of Périgueux, upon the process and sentence pronounced against the said Joan; in which consideration it is shown that the qualities attributed to the same Joan in the sentence least accord with her confession and sayings; nay rather they ought to be applied to them (64).

It is written, If thou perceive a difficult and ambiguous judgment with thee, and see the words of the judges within thy gates vary, thou shalt come to the priests of the levitical kind and shalt ask of them, who shall judge thee the truth of the judgment. Deuteron. xvii, 8. Following the sentence of this oracle, our most christian prince and lord Charles king of the French, when he had perceived a most difficult and ambiguous judgment with him of a certain late maid, Joan by name, who is believed to have been directed to him by the sempiternal King of the heavens, in the immense multitude of his mercies which are from everlasting, for the consolation of the same king of the French and the deliverance of the realm; but of old is known to have been taken by the people of the English and gravely inculpated and also delivered to death; whence he beheld the words of many to vary whether she had come led by a good or a wicked spirit, and whether she could have sustained such a judgment as she sustained, and so be truly incriminated by such a sentence and condemned by the equal balance of judgment: coming, I say, the same our lord the king, called the priests of the levitical kind, that is the pontiffs and priests of the Church whom he deemed fit to choose for this, asking of them the truth of the judgment. Among whom, by the pious deignation of his royal majesty, me, Brother Élie, of the sacred order of Minors, least of the priests, called bishop of Périgueux, albeit hindered by the most frequent darkness of ignorance, he commanded to be numbered, and by his patent letters bade me, his little one, inquire the truth of this thing. Whose behests, after the little portion of my littleness, I have earnestly cared to obey, and I have seriously run through the summary of the process conducted against the same Joan and noted the sentence borne against her; and the things which I have less ill discerned about these, as they are denoted below, I have discussed.

Whence that sentence borne against the same Joan contains twenty articles, in which she is reputed:

First, a mendacious contriver of divine revelations and apparitions. Secondly, a pernicious seductress. Thirdly, presumptuous. Fourthly, lightly believing. Fifthly, superstitious. Sixthly, a diviner. Seventhly, a blasphemer of God and his Saints male and female in his sacraments. Eighthly, a contemner of the divine law. Ninthly, a prevaricator of the sacred doctrine and the ecclesiastical sanctions. Tenthly, seditious. Eleventhly, cruel. Twelfthly, an apostate. Thirteenthly, a schismatic. Fourteenthly, manifoldly erring in our faith. Fifteenthly, delinquent in many modes against God and the holy Church. Sixteenthly, expressly, obstinately and pertinaciously refusing with indurate mind to submit herself to the same Church, the lord Pope and the general Council. Seventeenthly, pertinacious. Eighteenthly, obstinate. Nineteenthly, excommunicate. Twentiethly, a heretic.

Of which it is to be seen in order whether the same Joan, from the whole tenor of the process conducted against her, as is asserted, is to be deemed such.

And first, as to the first article in which she is inculpated as a mendacious contriver of divine revelations and apparitions, the cause wherefore she ought to be so deemed, the whole summary of the process run through, I find not sufficient to condemn, etc., etc. (65)

The conclusion of the same consideration (66).

And all and each these things said above, which I have run through not determining or simply asserting, but only piously suggesting and excusing the Maid, submitting each to the judgment and determination of the holy apostolic See and the sacrosanct Church and to the correction of all better discerning, with all honour and reverence and the benign sufferance of the aforesaid our lord the king, suffice for the present.

III. #

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, begins the opinion or counsel of Thomas Basin (67), bishop of Lisieux, upon the process and condemnation uttered against the said Maid (68).

Counselling in the matter of the condemnation of Joan the Maid, condemned by the lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, and Brother Jean Magistri, asserted subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the city of Rouen, of heresy, schism, false assertion of divine revelations and apparitions of the holy angels and of Saints Catherine and Margaret, and many other crimes more largely expressed in the sentence borne against her; under all correction and reverence and emendation of the most holy our lord the supreme Pontiff and of all catholics better discerning and judging: it seems that the process had before the said asserted judges and the sentence borne upon her can manifoldly, rationally, juridically and veridically be impugned. To demonstrate which particularly and orderly, I shall divide the present little work into two parts.

In the first part I shall show the said process and sentence had against Joan to be, by many reasons of law, as well null and void as to be annulled and irritated; not that I will to say the said process and sentence are at once null and to be annulled in the same respect, referring both to the law, because this cannot be at once. For what is null cannot be annulled (ff. De injusto rupto et irrito facto testam., § I Nam et si sub conditione; De despon. Impiis ad dissolvendum, with the like); but I shall induce many reasons which conclude to the nullity of the process, to wit that the process and the sentence are null by law itself; I shall induce also certain to prove that they are at least to be annulled.

In the second principal part I shall show, the Lord giving and favouring, that, even if the process and the sentence subsisted in all order and solemnity of law, yet from the confessions of Joan which are in the acts of the cause it cannot rightly and justly be judged that Joan was schismatical, heretical, an idolatress, a blasphemer, etc., entangled in the other crimes which she was compelled to abjure; and was afterwards condemned in fact as relapsed into the same.

Division of the first part.

The first principal part will be divided into twelve points or articles. In the first, the said process and sentence will be impugned, in that they were had against a person not subject by any reason of drawing a forum. Secondly, they will be impugned from the fear and impression which are said to have been inflicted by the English upon the subinquisitor, the other of the asserted judges, and the others having to counsel in the matter. Thirdly, from the recusation of the judges for legitimate causes of suspicion proposed by Joan. Fourthly, for the legitimate appeal interjected from the grievances of the asserted judges by Joan, as she could. Fifthly, from the arduousness and difficulty of the cause, for which it was to be referred to the examination of the apostolic See. Sixthly, from the unjust assignation of the prison of the keepers. Seventhly, from the denial of the counsellors and directors who were denied to the same Joan asking. Eighthly, from the minority of the years of Joan, who, without a curator, had no legitimate person of standing in judgment. Ninthly, from the too great severity of the judges, whom the compassion of her age ought to have bent to a remisser pain, even where it had lawfully stood to them that Joan had delinquished in mind. Tenthly, from this that the bishop of Beauvais, pretending himself judge, forbade the excusations of Joan and the determinations of her confessions to be referred by the notaries in the acts. Eleventhly, from this that the articles transmitted to the counsellors to have counsel were mendaciously, imperfectly and calumniously formed. Twelfthly, from the evil guile of certain feigned and false counsellors who, feigning themselves to be of the obedience of our lord the king, dissuaded Joan from submitting herself to the Church.

Prosecuting then the aforesaid twelve points conformably to the series of the doubts elicited by the lord Paul Pontanus and transmitted for the requiring of counsel; ever presupposing in fact the things which as true are presupposed in the doubts of this kind, I say first that the process and sentence had against Joan the Maid before the aforesaid judges are null, etc., etc., etc.

Division of the second part (69).

After the promise made in the exordium of the present consultation, the points being examined from which the process and the sentence had against Joan, for defect of the judiciary order or by law itself, fall and fail in validity, or at least as iniquitous and unjust come by law to be retracted and annulled: it remains to see and discuss of the sayings and deeds of the same Joan confessed by her, as it can appear from the acts of the cause, whether to wit they are such for which she ought to have been condemned guilty of the crimes which she was compelled to abjure, if in the process all the judiciary order had been duly observed. And this second principal part will be divided into seven points or articles. First, it will be discussed of the revelations and apparitions which Joan asserted she had; whether she was a mendacious contriver of the apparitions and revelations of this kind, or had them from malignant or good spirits. Secondly, whether from the reverence which Joan exhibited to the spirits who appeared to her, and the vow of virginity which she vowed to them, she could be judged an idolatress. Thirdly, it will be discussed of this that she said she was so certain she would go into paradise, as if she were already in the glory of the Blessed. Fourthly, of this that she said she was so certain that he who appeared to her was Saint Michael, and that she believed this so firmly as she believed our Lord Jesus Christ to have suffered and died for our redemption; and of the others’ certainty which she said had been revealed to her. Fifthly, it will be treated of the bearing of the male habit and arms, and the cutting of her hair or locks. Sixthly, of the leaving of her parents. Seventhly, whether for this that she refused to submit herself to the Church upon the sayings and deeds confessed by her, she could justly be judged lapsed into schism, heresy, idolatry and all the other crimes contained in the schedule of abjuration; upon which justly and canonically a judgment of relapse could afterwards be founded.

First then and chiefly of the revelations of the same Joan, etc., etc., etc.

Conclusion of the whole work (70).

And these are, the correction and emendation being saved in all

(63) Élie de Bourdeille, a Cordelier, called at twenty-four years of age to the bishopric of Périgueux by the unanimous suffrages of the chapter of that church (1447). Louis XI transferred him, twenty years later, to the archbishopric of Tours. It is of him that Brantôme writes: My great-uncle the cardinal de Bourdeilles… rich even to 60,000 livres of rent of that time, never gave aught of it to our house; and so far from giving us aught, he took of the house to build two churches and chapels which are still entire, thanks be to God; and for his memory he left us only his cardinal’s hat which we keep as a great special thing. (Brantôme, Hommes illustres, Disc. sur les provisions aux bén.)

(64) Manuscript 5970, fol. 111, r°.

(65) See what is said in the Preface on the mode of publication adopted for this memoir and the following.

(66) Manuscript 5970, fol. 132, recto.

(67) Thomas Basin, master of arts, doctor in civil and canon law, pupil of the universities of Paris, Louvain and Pavia. He was born at Caudebec in 1412, and raised to the see of Lisieux in 1446. He rendered great services at the reduction of Normandy, and was councillor of Charles VII and of Louis XI. Since the war of the Bien Public, in which he took part for the leagued princes, his life was a tissue of misfortunes and persecutions which led him to renounce his bishopric in 1474. He died in exile at Utrecht in 1491, with the title of archbishop of Caesarea. His life and his writings furnished me the subject of a memoir printed in the third volume of the Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes. I have shown in that work that Thomas Basin is the author of the Latin chronicle hitherto known under the name of Amelgard, and that so a famous passage where the pretended Amelgard says he composed a justificatory memoir of the Maid must be applied to Thomas Basin and to the work of which an extract is here given. It was then in vain that M. de l’Averdy caused the libraries of Europe to be searched for a treatise of Amelgard, which [did not exist].

(68) Fol. 133.

(69) Fol. 137, v°.

(70) Fol. 144, r°.

of the most holy our lord the supreme Pontiff and of all more perspicaciously understanding, which of the revelations, sayings and deeds of Joan, and the process and sentence had against her, seem to me, so far as it could stand and appear to me of the process and acts of the cause by the quaternion transmitted to me by the venerable and circumspect man the lord dean of Noyon, egregious professor of sacred theology; in which quaternion are contained the twelve articles elicited by the English and consequently the additions and determinations excerpted from the process to the truth by the most expert doctor of either law the lord Paul Pontanus, together with the schedule after which the judges made Joan abjure, and also certain doubts conceived and elicited by the aforesaid lord Paul for the inquiring of the counsel of experts thereupon. Many other things could be supplied and added to these which are said of the additions and excerpts of this kind of the lord Paul; but the things which are said seemed to me to suffice for the giving of counsel. Nor did I deem it necessary to make special mention, either of the leap from the tower, or of the signs of the letters of Joan, or of the cruelties which were falsely imputed to her, and suchlike things, which I esteemed of no or moderate dubitation. Also by the said excerpts or additions of the lord Paul a clear purgation of all such objects is sufficiently gathered. But if anyone shall have esteemed aught in this counsel either superfluous or diminished, let him pardon, I pray, and indulge the inexpertness of the writer.

Subscribed and signed by me, Thomas, unworthy bishop of Lisieux, least among the doctors of either law.

IV. #

Opinion of the reverend in Christ father and lord, the lord Martin Berruyer (71), bishop of Le Mans (72).

TO THE GLORY OF GOD.

Justly shalt thou pursue that which is just. Deuteron. xvi, 20. These words are directed chiefly to judges, of whom, a few things interposed, it is premised: Thou shalt appoint judges that they may judge the people with just judgment. Now to this that the judgment be just, it is required that that be judged which is just, as to the matter of the judgment, as to wit the innocent be absolved and the noxious punished, and for the measure of the sin be also the mode of the pains. It is required also that it be justly judged as to the form and mode of the judgment, because, according to the expositors, the mode of proceeding ought to be just and right. Now in both the process made against the young woman who was vulgarly called Joan the Maid was vicious, because neither was judged what is just as to the matter, nor justly as to the form. As to the form indeed the process fell, because the lord Pierre Cauchon, bishop of Beauvais, was not the competent [judge] of the same Joan; because he and those assisting him, as capital enemies of the same Joan, were recused by her; because she submitted herself, her sayings and deeds to our lord the Pope; because she asked that herself, her sayings and deeds be remitted to the Pope and the general Council, which had the force of an appeal, albeit she expressed not the word of appeal from simplicity, and legitimately indeed appealed for the premises; also for the denial of the directors and for the many grievances inflicted upon her, and for the arduousness of the matter of which it was treated, and for the many other things which the most expert jurists who have written in this matter most eruditely expressed, proving most efficaciously the process made against the said Maid and the following sentence, as to the form, to be null, or at least to be annulled and irritated. Now it seems principally to be insisted about the matter of the process, that is, granted that the process had been otherwise juridical, if the same Joan ought to have been judged such as is expressed in the sentence borne against her, and delivered to the supplice of fire. For to this end those pretended judges and those assisting them condemned that Maid as entangled in those most grave crimes expressed in their sentence, that they might put this great stain upon the glory of our most christian lord the king and his faithful subjects, that in his wars, in his coronation, in the recovery of his realm, he used the mystery of this woman who was superstitious, a diviner, an invoker of demons, an idolatress, a blasphemer, schismatical, heretical and infected with the other worst crimes expressed in the sentence borne against her. For also a certain one at Rouen, in a public sermon, in the presence of the aforesaid judges and those assisting them, is said to have exclaimed thus: O realm of France of old reputed most christian, and thy kings and princes most christian! Now verily by thee, O Joan! thy king, who calls himself king of France, adhering to thee and believing thy sayings, is made heretical and schismatical. To whom Joan constantly said: Saving your reverence, it is not true as you say, for I will you to know that there is not among the living christians a better catholic than he.

Insisting then about the matter of the process, five chapters will be set.

Chapter I. That in the things to which Joan said she was sent, she was moved not humanly but by a certain superior spirit.

Chapter II. That the same Joan in the things to which she said she was sent, seemed to be moved not by a malignant spirit but by the spirit of God.

Chapter III. That Joan was not such as is expressed in the sentence borne against her.

Chapter IV. Answer to the things which are objected or can be objected against Joan and which seem to bring difficulty into her sayings and deeds.

Chapter V. The conclusion following from the premises: that the same Joan was rashly and unjustly judged and impiously burned by fire.

Subscription of the work (73).

Now these things are written not to the disparagement of anyone, but in zeal of truth and justice without rash assertion, submitting all things to the determination and judgment of holy mother Church and of our lord the supreme Pontiff, and to the correction and emendation of the wise.

Written and signed by me, Martin, unworthy minister of the church of Le Mans, the seventh of the month of April, in the year of the Lord 1456.

So signed: M. Berruyer.

V. #

Opinion of the lord Jean (74), bishop of Avranches.

When, within a few days, for certain things to be done of my church of Avranches, I had come to this city of Paris; on the part of the most reverend and reverend in Christ fathers and lords the archbishop of Reims and the bishop of Paris, together also of the honourable and religious man Master Bréhal, of the order of the Friars Preachers, professor of sacred theology and inquisitor of heretical pravity through the realm of France, commissaries of the holy apostolic See and, as to those things whereof speech is here to be had, specially deputed; it was enjoined upon me that, upon a certain process made and concluded of old, near twenty-five years ago, at Rouen, by the reverend in Christ father and lord the then bishop of Beauvais, in the matter of a certain singular and admirable woman, who by common naming was called Joan the Maid; as to the confirmation or infirmation of the same process, and equally of the things contained in the same objected to the same Maid, I should will to write what I discerned in that thing by mode of opinion. In which matter at least, which appeared to me great, exceeding difficult and most arduous at first face, I should in no wise presume, most of all in so brief a course, to opine in any wise, unless the authority of the aforesaid lords commissaries intervened to me for a singular precept. A certain protestation then being premised of asserting naught which may seem or can be contrary to sane doctrine, it seems to me that the whole weight of this affair turns principally upon two things. Whereof the first, which is as material, concerns the things which were objected to the aforesaid Maid by her adversaries and judges; the second verily considers the form or order of the process even unto the definitive sentence and the condemnation of the same Maid. And about these two, not by mode of a codicil, as I have heard certain solemn prelates and doctors wrote solemnly and arduously and very pertinently to the matter; but what in a briefer course summarily only and by a certain light opinion, so far as from a certain summary extracted, written upon this matter, of the lord Paul Pontanus, most solemn consistorial advocate in the Roman curia, I could consider this matter and the process, my opinion, such as it is, under the premised protestation together and the correction of whomsoever more securely discerning, will turn.

About the first then, very many things seem imputed to the aforesaid Maid, among which seem to be the greater, that she said she had many and frequent visions and revelations and consolations of spirits, to wit of Saint Michael and the blessed Catherine and Margaret, etc., etc.

Subscription of the work (75).

And these are the things which, under the premised correction and protestation and submission, of the present matter by mode of opinion only and probably, seemed to me Jean, bishop of Avranches, to be conjectured. So written: J., bishop of Avranches.

VI. #

Opinion of the lord Jean de Montigny (76), doctor of decrees.

The excusation being premised, which I supremely need, as well by reason of the arduousness of the matter, the obtuseness of my intellect and the great inexperience in which I labour, as by reason of the highness and reverence of the fathers and lords in whose sight not undeservedly I dread to speak, I shall premise protestations approaching to the matter. The first will be of submitting to the determination of the holy mother Church and of whatsoever other to whom it belongs to reduce them that deviate to the way of truth, my present opinion and its several points, as also I submit; willing it to be had for not said, and revoking and retracting that as from now so from then, and as from then so from now, which shall be found deviant from the aforesaid determination. For I cannot deny, to use the words of Augerius, nor ought I, since I may say many things which by just judgment and no rashness shall be blamable (can. Negare ix dist.). The second, that by hatred or favour of anyone, or other whatsoever inordinate affection, I intend not to bring forward into the midst the things I am to say; but only for the elucidation of the truth, as the Lord shall deign to minister to me; adding that I intend to say naught by mode of assertion and absolutely; but only probably and by my first view to speak, since the present matter exceeds too much my faculty. For I intend not to assert the revelations, apparitions and the other things thence following on the part of the Maid, of whose process, whether it was just or unjust, it is asked, to have proceeded from God as pretended, or contrived by her, or sent in by a demon, since which of these was done stands not to me certitudinally or indubitably; but only, respect being had to the said process, to say whether the proceeding against her was lawful or not, as is required of me. And because it is not of my littleness to will credence to be accommodated to my sayings, save so far as they are fulcised by authorities or probable reasons, I shall allege, that credence be applied to them after the vigour of the foundation, studying brevity so far as shall be possible to me, as well for the brevity of the time enjoined me, as for the gravity of the matter which I cannot attain.

In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, descending to the purpose, I shall divide the matter itself, that I may proceed orderly, into two parts: to wit into the foundation or matter of the process whereof it is asked, and its form; subdividing the matter into four articles after the order of the thing done, as it was most like to me: to wit into the revelations or apparitions said to have been made to her through the Saints Michael the archangel, Catherine and Margaret virgins sent by God; the change of the female habit into the male; the assumption of arms with the warlike motion; and the adorations with the services, and masses, and the rest, which she is said to have procured or held ratified; the recusation which she is said to have made of submitting herself to the judgment of the Church, because it seems rather to pertain to the form of the process, remitting it to the same; yet it is found by mixed consideration (77) that savours the matter of both, and

(71) It is this name that M. De l’Averdy read Martin de Wesines. Martin Berruyer, of Tours, first professed philosophy and rhetoric in the university of Paris. Then devoting himself to theology, he was admitted to the number of the societaries of the college of Navarre. Elected bishop of Le Mans in 1449; died in the exercise of that dignity on the 24th April 1465, and not 1467 as certain authors pretend. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., t. V, p. 905; Gallia christ., anc. ed. t. II, f. 518.)

(72) Fol. 144, r°.

(73) Fol. 151, r°.

(74) Jean Bochard, called de Vaucelles, born at Saint-Lô, doctor in decretals of the university of Paris, confessor of Charles VII then of Louis XI. He was elected bishop of Avranches on the 28th April 1453, being archdeacon of the same church. It was at his request that the edict against the Nominalists was rendered in 1473. He wrote an abridged exposition of all the sacred books. Died the 23rd November 1484. (Gall. christ., t. XI, col. 594.)

(75) Fol. 152, r°.

(76) The rest of this name, written on the margin of the cropped manuscript, I have not found another doctor in decretals to whom it could be applied than Jean de Montigny, professor at Paris, canon and archdeacon of Sézanne in the chapter of Notre-Dame, and counsellor in the Parliament. He spoke in the assembly of the faculties, the 24th October 1453, against the suspension of exercises which the university had pronounced on occasion of a certain conflict arisen between the body and the justice of the Châtelet. Jean de Montigny was also one of the orators chosen by the university to form part of the embassy which the city of Paris deputed to the confederated princes during the war of the Bien Public. Died the 5th October 1471. (Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., t. V, p. 583; Chron. scandaleuse, ad ann. 1465; Blanchard, Catal. des conseillers au Parl. de Paris, p. 53.)

(77) Passage evidently corrupted. Perhaps: quid reperitur.

as well of the matter as of the form of the process, relation being made to both, which I shall not care to prosecute indifferently in either point or part.

Coming then to the first part of the matter which is of the revelations, etc., etc. (78)

VII. #

Opinion of Master Guillaume Bouillé, dean of Noyon (79).

To the honour and glory of the King of kings who defends the causes of the innocent (80), this little note summarily, albeit in rude and indigested speech, I Guillaume Bouillé, dean of Noyon, least of all theologians, (81) have deemed worthy to exhibit, containing certain brief and general advisements recollected from the original process of old made at Rouen against Joan, vulgarly named the Maid, that from them some occasion be offered to the most expert doctors of either law divine and human alike, of inquiring more largely and more amply the truth upon the iniquitous judgment made in such wise by the deceased lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, against the aforesaid Joan the Maid, then warring (82) for the defence of the realm against the violently usurping. Now since, as blessed Jerome witnesses, Gaul alone has lacked monsters, to wit of heretical pravity, it seems, to the honour of the most christian king of the French, not to pass over in silence the iniquitous sentence, scandalous and derogating to the honour of the royal crown, thundered by the same bishop of Beauvais adverse to the king, and, as appears at first face, thirsting for the confusion of the same our lord the king. Now that (83) the silence of this iniquitous condemnation depress the royal honour is manifest enough from this, because, warring under the king, the said Maid was condemned as a heretic and invoker of demons. For what a stain would seem to be brought upon the royal throne, if, in future times, it were brought back to the memory of men by adversaries, that the king of the French cherished in his army a heretical woman and an invoker of demons? To the caution of this infamy the wise man invites when he says: Take care of a good name, and the common authority of Augustine oft versed in the mouth of men: Cruel is he who neglects his fame, chiefly when the denigration of such fame redounds to the infamy of the realm or of the whole nation.

I believe indeed, piously and wholesomely, from the series of the process, that the innocence of the said Maid can be sustained luculently before all, her mode of living and the progress and end of her life being attended or well pondered. For she laboured to the restitution of this realm of France, which she frequently predicted. Did she not expel and terrify the most shameless enemies of the realm, and by her holy monitions excite the inert or sluggish to wars for the expelling of the ferocious enemies of the realm, in such wise that from that time the virtue or power of the adversaries growing old (84) ceased not to be weakened? Nor moreover through the whole process will it be found that in her observances the said Maid used sortileges prohibited by the Church, nor reprobated superstitions, nor fraudulent cauteries of men, nor to her own gain, but only to the wresting of the realm from the enemies and to the restitution of the most worthy royal throne. Wherefore the most serene royal majesty is deservedly held to magnify the innocence of the same Maid, and to cause the process confected less than justly against her to be examined by the most learned men theologians and jurists, so that, if the said process be found by them vicious or defective in form or in matter, all things be procured to be repaired, and at length the sentence borne against the said Maid be retracted as iniquitous, that the mouths of them that speak against be stopped for the future and the faith of the royal house persevere inviolate; which may the Lord ever deign to make firm in the person of our most victorious modern king, to the salvation and defence of his people.

Now since in fewer words [is more arduous and difficult], therefore, studying and cursorily reading the said process of old made against the aforesaid Joan, I have thought it expedient to collect under a brief declaration only three principal points of their (85) assertions, upon which chiefly the forenamed Cauchon and his accomplices strove to convict her criminal, and to show, more clearly than light, the crimes falsely imputed to her, the judgment of the more expert being saved; touching naught of the form of the process, but remitting to the lords jurists whether all the judiciary order in the said process was duly observed or not. Then more particularly I have cared to subjoin the manifest falsity of the twelve articles which were transmitted by the same Cauchon to the lords prelates and doctors for the founding of the judgment, from this that they were collected less rightly and less sincerely, nay corruptly, from the answers of the forenamed Maid, passing over in silence very many justifying circumstances, but adding many others aggravating, as will clearly appear reading the said process more seriously. Whence it will liquidly stand that the same lords qualifying, following the example of the fact, were deceived, and by consequence the whole judgment and sentence borne against the same Maid by the pretended judges, and all things thence following, to be utterly of no strength or vigour, and the whole process deservedly to fall.

First and chiefly the adversaries strove, from the process and acts had of her confessions, to convict the same Joan a mendacious contriver of the apparitions of the holy angels, etc., etc., etc.

VIII. #

There follows (86) the consideration or opinion of the venerable man Master Robert Ciboule (87), professor of sacred theology and chancellor of Paris, who, as well before the beginning of this process as also after its beginning, the lords Delegates requiring his counsel, wrote upon the fact of the aforesaid process conducted against the said Joan at Rouen; prosecuting that the fourteen qualities or qualifications attributed against the said Joan in the said process and the sentences contained in it could not have been attributed to the same Joan or gathered from the deeds, sayings or confession of the said Joan; prosecuting particularly and marking each one of the aforesaid fourteen qualifications, as it is described immediately in the same opinion.

Of a certain Maid named Joan, who in our times, beyond the wonted use of women and girls, is said to have said many things and done marvellous things, it is not mine to write or say aught save with dread and in any wise opining. Therefore I intend or propose in this matter to write or assert naught, save under the protestation of following the judgment and determination of the greater, especially of those who are held more expert in right as well divine as human, and who were more fully informed from the sayings alike and deeds of the same Joan. But since an irrefragable authority, whose behests it is lawful for me to take up and unlawful not to obey the same, commands me to say something upon a certain process made of old at Rouen against the said Joan, in the year of the Lord 1431, by the lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, asserted judge in the matter of faith; from which process followed the sentence of condemnation of the said Joan as schismatical, infidel and heretical: I shall assert certain things in the purpose, naught save what is to be asserted and under the aforesaid protestations and the others which ought to be made in like cases.

For the matter then of the things to be said, it is asked if the process had and made against her in the matter of faith, and the sentence borne against her by the said lord bishop, are juridical, or are subject to nullity as well the process as the sentence itself, most of all in that part in which she was condemned as infidel, schismatical and heretical. For the deduction of which question, first the said sentence is to be set in its own terms; then collation is to be made, whether to wit the said sentence be conformable to the confession and conviction of the said Joan in all its articles and points; thirdly whether from the sayings or deeds of the same Joan she can or ought to be condemned of infidelity and heresy; fourthly whether the process was otherwise juridical, so that there was not error or defect in the judgment, neither on the part of the judges nor in the mode of judging.

So then the form of the sentence is this, etc., etc., etc.

Conclusion of the same work (88).

Wherefore it seems to me from the inspection of the process and the sentence, all things considered, and, so far as the littleness of my intelligence could attend to the aforesaid things and their circumstances, that, for the reasons alleged, the said process sins as well in matter as in form. My opinion is especially that she ought not to have been condemned as infidel, schismatical or heretical. Now all these things which above probably and for my opinion, most instantly required, I have said or written, I Robert Ciboule, humble professor of sacred theology, chancellor and canon of Paris and of Évreux, submit to the correction and emendation and determination of the sacrosanct apostolic See, adhering to the protestation made by me from the beginning of this treatise or schedule, written in my own hand, and signed with my sign in testimony of my whatsoever opinion.

Done at Paris, in the cloister of blessed Mary and in my house of habitation, in the year of the Lord 1452 (89), on the second day of the month of January.

So signed: Robertus Cybole.

[Visitation of all the instruments of either process made at Paris.]

After the presentation then of the said allegations on the part of the aforesaid promoter and actors, presented in the term for concluding in the cause and proceeding in it, as is said above; and the reception of the treatises inserted above, and for the greater part made before the beginning of this process, in zeal of justice, upon the same first process, and received from the hands of them that treated them or by their messengers with recognition of the writing and subscriptions: the aforesaid lords Delegates, to wit the most reverend in Christ father the lord Jean, archbishop of Reims, the reverend fathers Guillaume bishop of Paris and Richard bishop of Coutances, and the venerable Master Brother Jean Bréhal, the inquisitor named above, through the said month of June, all coming together in one at Paris, all things being done which seemed to be done in this deduction of the process for the examination and discussion of the matter and of the things required by the parties; and (90), until the assignation of the term for concluding in the cause and that term for concluding pending, desiring as well from the acts of the same first process as from all the other legitimate documents, as was commanded them in the rescript presented to the same, to seek out the truth of the matter by full discussion, and from the verified series of the fact to elicit and deduce the questions of law: all the books and all the originals of the same first process, of whose justification or nullity or annulment it is treated, beyond the visitations of the same books and originals made, as well by the same lords Delegates as by each one of them, and also by many doctors and experts in law to whom they had enjoined the aforesaid books and originals to be communicated and to be communicating, after the reception of them from the hands of the notaries, they again visited and caused to be visited; duly conferring, severally and particularly, with the said books the acts of the present process, and especially the informations and inquests made and published above, as well about the state and quality of the aforesaid Maid as about the quality of them that judged against her, the series and mode of the process itself, and the whole matter and form of the same process; a special discussion being made upon the confession or confessions of the oft-said Joan and the articles which the judges pretended and pretend extracted from the said confessions; the diversities, disconveniences, differences and contrarieties and many transpositions of words and omissions being marked as well by the said lords Delegates as by many of the doctors and experts in law, in the things which seemed most to serve the excusation of the aforesaid Joan, and also the many additions which seem to augment her accusation; con-

(78) This memoir, very voluminous, presents no general conclusions, nor bears a subscription, any more than the following.

(79) Fol. 160, r°. This memoir was remitted to the judges from the first day of the trial, as is seen by the manuscript of Urfé (fol. 113, v°), where it is consigned after the procès-verbal of the 17th November 1455, under this rubric: But the tenor of a certain note exhibited and delivered among the same preparations of judgment by the said petitioners then follows in these words. This memoir escaped M. De l’Averdy. Destined to call the attention of the theologians and canonists upon the irregularities of the first trial, it was composed after the information of 1449, which we have printed at the head of the second volume, perhaps even after the information of 1452 which the cardinal d’Estouteville directed. This appears from several places of the discussion where Guillaume Bouillé refers to the depositions already gathered: It stands moreover by the process and informations made upon the life and conversation of the said Joan, that she obeyed the Saints, etc. — These things appear from the deposition of many witnesses worthy of faith, etc., etc.

(80) The manuscript of Urfé adds: And also to the exaltation of the king of the French or of the house of France, which is never read to have shown favour to heretics or in any wise to have adhered to them.

(81) The manuscript of Urfé adds: to the royal highness.

(82) The manuscripts: nullitatem.

(83) Manuscript 5970: aut.

(84) So, manuscripts 5970 and of Urfé. Read senem or senescens.

(85) Manuscript of Urfé: summaria. Of these three points, the first which begins the discussion is indicated at page 326; the two others announce themselves by the following propositions: Moreover they argue the said Joan to have been culpable, a prevaricatrix of the divine and canonical law, for the wearing of the male habit and arms, and for the amputation of her hair (Manuscript 5970, fol. 161, r°). — Finally they strive to render the said Joan culpable because, of the revelations which she related she had, and of the wearing of the male habit and arms, she refused to submit herself to the determination of the militant Church [and of man]. (Ibidem.)

(86) Manuscript 5970, fol. 164, r°.

(87) Author of the Livre de saincte méditation en congnoissance de soy, printed 1510 and 1556. He was born at Breteuil, and had made his studies at the college of Harcourt. He was rector of the University of Paris in 1437, chancellor of Notre-Dame, dean of the chapter of Évreux and chamberlain of Nicholas V. Died in 1458. (P. Paris, Les manuscrits françois de la Bibliothèque du Roi, t. IV, p. 162; Du Boulay, Hist. univ. Paris., t. V, p. 921; Gall. christ., t. XI, col. 623.)

(88) Fol. 174, r°.

(89) That is, 1453.

(90) Manuscript: ut.

sidered also a certain leaf of paper written in the hand of Master Guillaume Manchon, the other of the notaries, and recognised by him and produced by the parties, in which are contained corrections and additions to be made before the transmission of the articles for the seeking of opinions, which nevertheless were not made; and the qualities attributed and the crimes imputed to the same in the sentences pronounced against her being seriously scrutinised also (and the aforesaid confession of the aforesaid Joan particularly read and oft repeated), and the content in them of a certain abjuration, which the witnesses produced in the inquests assert and depose to have been not understood by her and extorted and exacted by force and fear, as it is described in the superior inquests specially read to this end.

The said first process conducted against the said Joan having then been visited with the preceding acts of this present process, and the premised discussion made about the series of the fact and the manifold difficulties which seemed to consist in the fact: the aforesaid lords Delegates, together with certain prelates and doctors and others expert in divine and human law, the matter being communicated with them and all things offered and opened to them fully and clearly about the reasons of law and the questions incidental in fact and law, in the first place read and visited and caused to be read and visited the opinions of the prelates, doctors and others who in the first process gave deliberations and counsels; then the allegations of the promoter and the parties noted above; subsequently verily the treatises foreinserted composed upon the same first process by the forenamed prelates and doctors; and then the opinions and considerations of certain prelates alike and doctors who, upon the incidental questions of law, both processes being joined together, gave opinions and counsels; recollecting and commemorating also among themselves and among the doctors evoked with them to this visitation, very many considerations and counsels given them upon the same incidental questions; and conferring among themselves all and each the aforesaid things with mutual communication of their own considerations and of the doctors evoked with them, beyond the communications had among them skilfully and the visitations already made; reserving further to communicate among themselves and with many counsellors, who also were present in the first process, in the city of Rouen, until the time and day of the sentence to be pronounced.

Now this visitation, made as is premised about the acts as well of the aforesaid first process as also of the deduction of this present process, the aforesaid lords Delegates faithfully reported to us, the notaries, who in it, for other occupations, could not be present at length, and, we also being present, communicated of it among themselves, and ordered it to be inserted here among the acts; intending to have an ampler communication among themselves and with the expert counsellors in the city of Rouen, we being present, as is aforesaid, until they should come to the pronouncing of the sentence.

And since in the visitation of both processes and of the acts of the same or the things contained in them, very many prelates, doctors and experts in law, the said processes, books and their acts being offered to them at length, for the multitude and very great prolixity rendered themselves excused from writing or saying at length upon the aforesaid processes, and deemed it only and at least to be answered to certain particular questions, as well about the matter as about the form, some in writing and many of them by word showing the nullity or annulment of the said first process: the aforesaid lords Delegates deemed the considerations of the aforesaid to be recollected among themselves, and, for the multitude and because many of them willed to express them only by word, ordained them leastwise to be inserted here.

[Ordination for recollecting into one the foreinserted considerations.]

All the aforesaid opinions, treatises and considerations given as well by word as in writing having then been read, recited and examined, recollected to one another and collated among the aforesaid lords Delegates, many most learned and expert men also assisting and deliberating with them; a first discourse being made about the opinions set forth and described in the same first process: since it appeared that the aforesaid opinions in and upon the same articles forenoted above, dissonant and contrary to the confession and sayings of the aforesaid Joan, were founded, and given to so great a matter without allegations or at least with few; and that the same deliberators leastwise agreed, some asking the whole process to be communicated to them at length, others saying the same process was to be transmitted to the apostolic See, others relating they were coacted and precipitated in this part, or at least for the greater part saying the same Joan was to be admonished again of submitting herself to the Church (as also she submitted herself tacitly and expressly to the admonished apostolic See, and asked first herself, then all her sayings and deeds to be transmitted, submitting herself and them by all means to the same): therefore it seemed to the aforesaid lords Delegates and the counsellors evoked by them that the aforesaid opinions leastwise sufficed to the elucidation of the matter and in most things seemed impertinent to the same matter.

Now about the aforesaid treatises, made upon the first process before the present process begun, and the aforesaid considerations by word [or] in writing upon the same both processes joined together, together said and presented, the communications being had and the visitations aforesaid made: the aforesaid lords Delegates specially ordained the recollection of all the aforesaid to be made by the venerable man Master Jean Bréhal, called and assumed by their special ordination into conjudge and condelegate, after and according to the apostolic rescript and mandate directed to them, and with the most reverend in Christ father the lord Guillaume, cardinal of the title of Saint Martin-in-the-Mounts and then legate of the apostolic See, of old adjoined in the informations and other things about this matter; for the fuller elucidation of the matter; briefly annotating the questions, and the same very many, among the aforesaid lords Delegates and condeliberators aforetouched, as also below in the following deduction of the questions, as well about the matter as also about the form, the said recollection is described at length by several chapters.

There follows the aforesaid recollection of Brother Jean Bréhal, containing nine chapters about the matter of the process and twelve about the form of the same.

According to the Philosopher, in the 2nd of the Metaphysics, each thing as it has itself to being, so also to truth; for which, as each thing by natural instinct appetites to be and to be conserved in being, so also by natural impetus it inclines to truth; and most greatly the rational creature, because its perfection or intellect is the true; but the false is a certain evil of it. Whence also whatsoever false opinion occupy the intellect of a man, yet it properly assents not to it, save in the reason of the true. Which blessed Augustine thus deduces in the tenth book of the Confessions [chap. 23]: So amiable is (91) truth that whosoever love aught else, will that that which they love be the truth; for also they that are false will not be convinced that they are false; therefore for this thing they hate the truth which they love for truth. They love it shining, they hate it reproving. For since they will not to be deceived and will to deceive, they love it when it shows itself, and hate it when them themselves. Thence it shall repay them, that they who will not to be manifested by it, both them unwilling it manifests and for them therefore it is not manifest. To whom at least it is enounced, it oft-times breeds hatred, and he that preaches it becomes their enemy. By the same reason then he who loves truth also expugns or reprobates the opposite falsity, because it is of the same thing to prosecute one of contraries and repel the other, as medicine which induces health excludes sickness. Now what is said of the love of truth is indeed to be taken according to the natural order of the human mind; since, from the perverse deordination of the will it can befall that one desires to seem right and truthful in his opinion or judgment, who nevertheless of his own will embraces what is iniquitous or false, and by sophistical ratiocinations prosecutes falsity and injustice. Which indeed is most vituperable, as Bede says upon Mark, thus saying: They who spurn the rights of truth and charity betray God at least, who is charity and truth, most of all when they sin not by infirmity or ignorance, but by infidelity; thence they seek the opportunity how, the arbiters being absent, by a mendacious crime they may change truth and virtue. And it is alleged in the canon Abiit caus. xi, quaest. 3. Whence because in a judge and doctor most of all truth ought irrefragably to be found, therefore the supreme detriment is inferred therefrom if iniquity be mixed into judgment or falsity into doctrine. Which where it shall have stood ought in no wise to be transacted or pretermitted by dissimulation, as in can. Quisquis caus. xi, quaest. 3, and can. Nemo, and in the same question nearly throughout. Whence also the Philosopher in the book of the Elenchi distinguishes two works of the wise man, to wit, to say the truth of the things which he knows, and to manifest him that lies or repugns truth.

Therefore, with the same Aristotle deeming it holy in all things most to honour truth, the due protestations and submissions of humility nevertheless being supposed and premised, especially of the sacrosanct apostolic See, to which I most obediently subject all things said or in any wise described to be emended, and moreover the judgment of each better discerning being saved: it seems to me that in the cause of old moved, deduced and concluded against Joan called la Pucelle, truth was in the two things aforesaid evidently and enormously enough injured; to wit in justice, as to the pretended judges; and in doctrine as to them that deliberated, counselled and others assisting. In the whole course then of the thing two things come in kind to be considered, to wit upon what those judging founded themselves so as to proceed; and then in what wise they bore themselves in proceeding and concluding or defining: so that the first of these concerns the matter of the process; the other verily its form or order. Now about these two points the present whatsoever counsel will turn severally and distinctly.

Now the first point will have nine chapters, setting them after the words of the adversaries.

The first, that Joan frequently had corporeal visions or apparitions of spirits, as she said.

The second, that she asserted she had received many revelations and consolations from the same spirits.

The third, that she seemed to foretell or predict certain future contingents.

The fourth, that she oft exhibited reverence to those spirits appearing and speaking to her.

The fifth, that she departed secretly, not licensed by father and mother.

The sixth, that she long bore the male habit, cut her hair and bearing arms mingled herself in wars.

The seventh, that she uttered many words of rashness and vaunting, as it seems.

The eighth, that she refused to submit herself to the judgment of the militant Church of her sayings.

The ninth, that after the abjuration or revocation, she resumed the male habit dismissed by her, and adhered again to her apparitions and revelations, to which she had publicly renounced.

The entry of the first chapter, Of the visions and apparitions which Joan pretended she had.

For of these visions and apparitions, whether they be good or evil, it is not easy to be judged. For they are the secret mysteries of God, as is touched in the gloss upon that word I will come to the visions and revelations of the Lord (to the Corinthians II, 12, 1); for also Paul the apostle himself, full of the Holy Spirit, could not, as a man, know the secrets of the divine counsel, as appears in can. Beatus caus. xxii, quaest. 2. And in Daniel ii it is read: There is a God in heaven revealing mysteries. Nevertheless because in this cause whereof we here treat, it stands that upon the reprobation of the same visions a public and definitive judgment was given, therefore it will not shame to treat of them somewhat probably from the opposite; etc., etc.

The allegation of the predictions divulged of the Maid, from the same chapter.

But chiefly in this thing I deem it is to be attended that that supreme most wise and most clement provider of all things God, who has set in his power the moments of times in which at his nod he dispenses all things, then willed to give to the same Maid the consolation of these visions, when the hostile and ever inimical people of the English raised against the French the haughtiness of their extreme ferocity. And the most christian king Charles and the most renowned realm of France were succumbing, as was believed, near irremediably to the whirlwind of the wars, to wit in the year 1429, when, the whole realm being near desolate and the mind of near all the Gauls prostrate, the renowned city of Orléans was held most strictly besieged by the viperish army. Of which time indeed certain ones assert the venerable Bede long afore to have thus pronounced:

When force with force shall join thrice seven, New wars the cocks of Gaul for the bull shall prepare. Lo they make wars, then a maid bears the standards (92).

For, understanding in the wonted mode by i one, by v five, by l fifty, by c a hundred, by m a thousand, by repeating the said word in the supputation, there are found the exact years prescribed in which the same Joan, induced by these admonitions or apparitions, came to the king and most efficaciously laboured to succour the realm. Now there are subjoined thrice seven, that is twenty-one years: which time indeed is that in which, God bestowing and the same elect Maid cooperating, to the glorious king Charles the Seventh, against the English enemies in the reduction of Normandy and the assault of Aquitaine, victory ever fell. Whence the same pious helper God in tribulation then clemently succoured and in opportunity, when it was most and most extremely needful to him; as to the Israelitish people despairing of salvation, cruelly besieged in Bethulia, the most proven Judith was granted, etc.

Much more also I deem is to be attended the place whence the same took her origin, where also she first had the apparitions. For she was sprung from the borders

(91) The editions: amatur.

(92) These verses are not of Bede and are not found in his works. The author of the chronicle of Metz, printed by P. Calmet (Hist. de Lorraine, preuves, t. II, col. 202), reports them, giving to the first another form under which it is wholly unintelligible: Bit lex cuculli bis septem se sociabunt. At least in our reading some sense is obtained by changing culibis into chalybis. To this correction another must be joined. As the verse is a chronogram, as Bréhal explains immediately after, vi cum vi would bring two figures too strong to produce the year-date wanted. This is why we should propose a vii in place of vi cum vi, and one would have VII. VI. chalybis ter septem se sociabunt, that is MCCCGXXIX, by adding the numeral letters and doubling the sum furnished by chalybis, as is recommended somewhat lower.

(93) Read Chalybis, conformably to the restitution proposed in the preceding note. Such is a consequence of the error which made the copyist read Culibis instead of Chalybis, which was doubtless in the original minute.

of the realm of France and the duchy of Lorraine, from a certain hamlet or village called Domrémy, situate on the part of the same realm; in which, not far from the paternal house of the same Joan, is discerned a certain wood which by an old name is called Canutum. Of which a vulgar and ancient fame has grown abroad, that a certain Maid was to be born from that place who should do great things, as also it is related in the process. To which that which is read in the history of Brut seems not a little to bear suffrage, that Merlin the English seer thus predicted (94): From the Wood Canutum a Maid shall be eliminated that she may apply the care of a remedy, and the rest which will be subjoined elsewhere. There is extant also another prophecy of Eugelidis, daughter of the king of Hungary, beginning thus: O renowned lily, bedewed with princes, etc. It follows: but by a Maid sprung whence first the brutal venom was poured out (95). Which venom indeed certain ones understand of the ancient rebellion or subtraction made from the obedience of the king of France by the inhabitants of that part of Gaul, which of old was called Belgic. But whether this is so or otherwise to be understood, I leave to the more perspicacious genius and to him more skilfully scrutinising the most renowned deeds of the French. Now that saying of Merlin, by the express designation of that wood, appears clear and manifest.

Commentary upon the same predictions from the sixth chapter, That she long bore the male habit, etc.

For the whatsoever proof of which (96), certain things make which were foretold long afore of the marvellous event of these, as first that of Bede which we adduced above.

A certain expert astrologer of Siena also, by name Jean de Monte Alcino (97), is said to have written beforehand to the lord the king among other things thus: In a virgin counsel shall be thy victory. Pursue thy victory without intermission even to the city of Paris, etc.

Now Merlin the English seer thus sang:

From the Wood Canutum shall be eliminated a Maid, that she may apply the care of a remedy; who, when she shall have entered all the strongholds, by her breath alone shall dry up the noxious fountains. She shall stream with piteous tears and fill the island with horrible crying. A stag of ten branches shall slay her, whereof four shall bear golden diadems, but the six remaining shall be turned into the horns of wild oxen; which with nefarious sound shall stir the islands of Britain. The Daneian wood shall be stirred, and breaking forth into a human voice shall cry: Draw nigh, Cambria, and join Cornwall to thy side (98).

For this prophecy is not wholly to be rejected or despised, since the things which this Merlin predicted are found commended enough.

For Sigebert says: Merlin revealed many obscure things, predicted many things to come, whereof certain can hardly be understood until they begin to appear. For the spirit of God is wont to speak his mysteries by whomsoever he willed, as by the Sibyl, by Balaam and the rest of this kind. For this is read in the third part of the Speculum Historiale, book xxi, chap. 30.

Now in the first place there is expressed in the same the place of the Maid’s origin, by the designation of that Wood Canutum, whereof it was touched above. And he says shall be eliminated, that is she is proved to have been born within the limits of the said wood; for it is easily seen from the door of the paternal house of Joan, as is said in the process. Now the care of a remedy is the health of the realm then languishing begun and procured through Joan. She entered the strongholds when she summoned the king and the first men of the realm in the beginning of her legation; or when among the prelates and doctors endowed with wisdom she underwent a long and strict examination at Poitiers; or also when at Orléans, Paris and many notable cities of the realm and strong munitions and towns she manfully and intrepidly attacked; or perchance when she wholesomely conducted the lord the king with the peers of the realm and a great army to Reims to be crowned, through the swords of the enemies. By her breath, that is by the word of her strong reproof, she shall dry up the noxious fountains, that is she shall rebuke the treacherous conspirators and perfidious, and deprive them of her grace and friendship. She shall stream with piteous tears, because, pitying the calamity of the realm and the labours of the French, she shall copiously weep, and greatly merciful toward the poor, nay and most compassionating toward the humbled enemies. She shall fill the island with mighty crying, since the noise of her victorious fame shall exercise the whole people of the English, and it shall dread to commit battles in her sight. Now a stag of ten branches shall slay her, that is the young Henry, leaping into the realm of France by headlong usurpation, shall cause her to perish, being then indeed of the age of ten years. Four of these branches shall bear golden diadems, because for near four years from the birth of the same Henry the English shall dispense the empire of their power over their subjects with competent justice; but at length, all justice and the liberty of the people spurned, they shall be turned for the residue of the prescribed time into the horns of wild oxen, because they shall persecute their subjects with unbridled cruelty or tyranny. From which extreme cause of affliction, with nefarious sound, that is with the relation of their wicked deeds and the noise of the messengers of the murmuring people crying out together, they shall stir the islands of Britain, that is they shall implore with tumult the remedies of all suppressed justice. Which things being destroyed in that slaughter, therefore the Daneian (that is the Norman, because it proceeded from the Danes, so properly called), the Daneian, I say, wood shall be stirred, that is the promiscuous vulgar of Normandy; it shall be stirred, because, rebellion raised in the same land on this side and that, it shall be armed to the vengeance of the injury. And breaking forth into a human voice it shall cry, because, humanity being inspired into it and with all the heartstrings of the mind it shall aspire to its natural prince, saying: Draw nigh, Cambria, that is the crown of France, so called from Sicambria, an ancient city of Pannonia, whence the French came forth; for also to Clovis the protochristian king receiving baptism Remigius says: Bow down thy meek neck, Sicamber. Draw nigh, I say, thou who far from us and long as it were proscribed hast withdrawn, and join Cornwall to thy side, that is England, that the whole may be denominated from one part. Join indeed to thy side, since it is the votive confidence of us all that thou, by the success of happy victories, canst join England thence to thine empire.

In many things indeed I know a clearer and perchance another more convenient understanding could be elicited of the said prophecy by the geniuses; but in such things it is sufficiently permitted that each abound in his own sense. Nevertheless all the things which we have premised in expounding we see to have befallen with infallible success in our days.

There is found also a certain other prophecy, whereof we made mention above in the first article, in which it is thus held:

O renowned lily, bedewed with princes, planted by the sower in a delightful shrubbery in many fields, immortal, walled with flowers and marvellously redolent roses! Let the lily be astonished, let the shrubbery tremble: for divers brutes, strangers winged in the aforesaid shrubbery, adhering horn to horns, shall as it were wholly suffocate it, and as though fading, deprived of dew, they shall think to waste it narrowly and for a little while, near plucking out the roots, by the breathings of the asp. But by a Maid sprung whence first the brutal venom was poured out, and bearing behind the right ear a little scarlet sign, speaking remissly, of little neck, they shall be exiled sadly from the shrubbery; ministering irriguous fountains to the said lily, expelling the serpent outside and signifying the venom to everyone, she shall happily crown with laurel at Reims Charles the lily-dweller, named the son of Charles, with a laurel not made by mortal hand. The turbid shall submit themselves around the borders, the fountains shall tremble, the people shall cry: Let the lily live! let the brute flee! let the shrubbery flourish! He shall ascend to the field of the island, applying fleet to fleets, and there very many brutes shall perish now in slaughter. Then peace shall be made of many, the keys of many shall recognise their maker of their own accord. The citizens of the renowned city shall perish by the slaughter of perjury, commemorating very many sobs in themselves, and very many walls shall fall swearing. Then the shrubbery of the lily shall be as it were in some wise of the brutes and shall flower for a long time.

For this prophecy indeed contains much praise as to the arms and crown of France, understood by the lily divinely transmitted by the heavenly sower. Moreover the realm itself is commended, which is hinted by the shrubbery, and this most of all as to the princes, prelates and wise, with whom the realm is known to be distinguished. It subjoins finally the past concussion of the realm and its near total destruction, wrought and procured partly by strange brutes, that is the English, partly also by certain domestics and nourished in the same place, yet joined together in the exercise of cruelty; so that the whole realm, held in long wasting, near all the princes now taken, now slain, should successively be desolated, or also infected with serpentine conjurations, as though deprived of dew, that is of the faithfulness innate to it, fading, should be thought utterly wasted. Thence it introduces the birth of the Maid, describing her in a marvellous scheme of words: whence, it says, first the brutal venom was poured out. Now this we have expounded above in its measure, where the place of Joan’s origin was treated; but nevertheless as there with this the designation may seem ambiguous, we leave it to the clearer intelligence. There are moreover delivered certain signets of the same Joan and certain of her characters expressly distinctive, to wit: a red mark behind the right ear; the second is a soft or remiss speech; the third verily shortness of neck. There is afterwards hinted the flight of the English and the ruin of certain princes and the renewed strong confederations and compacts with the king: from which the subdolous conspiracies of many perfidious men are wont to be made patent. It expresses at length very clearly the coronation of the lord the king, and the free and spontaneous surrender of certain ones subject to the English afore; and also describes the common gladness, peace and serenity of the people following therefrom. Finally it betrays the destruction and attrition of offence of the Parisians for the crime of perjury. Now at the end it concludes the future purity of the realm from the enemies and the enduring tranquillity of ensuing peace.

For in this prophecy many things are obscure enough, certain verily very open and express; certain verily seem to me transposed and not simply placed after the order of these things and as they succeeded. Which also frequently befell among the prophets of God; and it is saved by the figure which the grammarians call hysteron proteron. And because perchance it would seem little authentic among many, therefore it has pleased to insist less upon its declaration. Yet it is willingly here apposed, since, after the exigence of the thing, it can be an argument, and also these things are not easily given to contempt, most of all where naught repugnant to the catholic faith or to good and honest manners is found: for as it is said in John chap. iii, v. 8: The Spirit bloweth where it willeth. And upon that word of Paul to the Thessalonians, I, 15, 20: Despise not prophecies, a certain gloss says: God who opened the mouth of the ass, oft reveals to the lesser what is better.

Let these things then suffice of the present article.

Division of the second part (99).

The second point or second part concerns directly the form of the process, and will contain twelve chapters:

The first, of the incompetence of the judge, especially of the bishop of Beauvais.

The second, of his severity and inordinate affection.

The third, of the incommodiousness of the prison and the keepers.

The fourth, of the recusation of the judge and the sufficient provocation or appeal to the Pope.

(94) It is in vain that this prediction would be sought in the romance of Brut, where Wace expressly abstained from introducing the prophecies of Merlin, as he warns his readers (tome I of the edition of M. le Roux de Lincy, p. 361):

Dont dist Merlins les profesies Que vous aves souvent oïes, Des rois qui à venir estoient Qui la terre tenir dévoient. Ne voil son livre tranlater, Quant jo nel sai entepreter.

Although two or three manuscripts of the Brut which M. Francisque Michel has found in England give in interpolation the prophecies translated by a trouvère named Guillaume, it will presently become evident that it is not from that version but from the opuscule of Geoffrey of Monmouth, intituled De prophetiis Merlini, that the passage to which allusion is here made has been taken. See overleaf, p. 341.

(95) The text of this prophecy will be found p. 344; of its author we have been able to gather no information.

(96) To wit, of the Deeds of the Maid. Fol. 184, v°.

(97) In the collection of Simon de Phares, the forename of this astrologer is Pierre and not Jean (Ms. B. R. 7487, f° 143, v°): Petrus de Monte Alcino, practising the arts at Paris, sufficiently instructed in the science of the judgments of astrology, prognosticated upon the apparition of a comet which appeared in the year 1402, the 25th February sub marte, 28th degree of aries, well and truly, as appears by his index. And among other things predicted the destruction of the greater part of the halls and the death of the duke of Milan.

(98) It is only by force of good will that these words had been applied to the Maid; for besides that they are drawn from a prophecy relative to Winton (it is intituled De Guyntonia vaticinium), they have been truncated in more than one place, to be reduced to the state in which Jean Bréhal reports them. Indeed, after having long enumerated the calamities with which the Welsh city shall be stricken, Merlin adds: After these, from the city of the Wood Canutum shall be eliminated a Maid that she may apply the care of a remedy; who, when she shall have entered all the strongholds, by her breath alone shall dry up the noxious fountains, and thence, when she shall have refreshed herself with the wholesome liquor, shall bear in her right hand the wood of Calidon, but in her left the bulwarks of the walls of London. Wheresoever she shall tread she shall make sulphurous paces which shall smoke with double flame. That smoke shall stir the Rutheni and shall make food under the seas. She shall stream with piteous tears, and shall fill the island with horrible crying. A stag shall slay her, etc., etc. The Daneian wood shall be stirred and breaking forth into a human voice shall cry: Draw nigh, Cambria, and join Cornwall to thy side; and say to Winton: The earth shall swallow thee. Six pages follow in the same tone. See Galfridi de Monemuta vita Merlini, edition of 1837 given by M. Francisque Michel, p. 67 et seq.

(99) Fol. 187.

The fifth, of the subinquisitor, and his shunning, and the fear inflicted upon him. (100)

The sixth, of the corrupted composition of the articles.

The seventh, of the quality of the revocation and abjuration.

The eighth, of the pretended relapse.

The ninth, of the interrogations and difficult interrogatories made to Joan.

The tenth, of the assistants, defenders, exhorters and also preachers intervening in the process.

The eleventh, of them that deliberated in the cause or of their determinations as to the chapters of the cause.

The twelfth, of the quality of the sentence and the definition of the process.

The first chapter is of the incompetence of the judge, most of all of the bishop who led the process.

For in this undertaken work it seems not fully to suffice, unless somewhat and for our littleness we have shown there was not in it sufficient matter that Joan should be charged with error in faith or the crime of heresy or so rigidly proceeded against, unless also we have touched in its measure somewhat of the defects and vices of the process and judgment had against her. But because it more properly belongs to another Faculty and also certain most expert jurists are found to have treated of these most learnedly, therefore, under a compendium of brevity, these things seem to be passed over by us.

Of the incompetence then of the judge, especially of that bishop of Beauvais, to wit the lord Pierre Cauchon, before whom and by whom that whatsoever process is known to have been chiefly deduced, something is to be noted at present, etc., etc.

Conclusion of the whole work (101).

And so it is concluded from the foresaid in any wise deduced, that the process as to matter and form, and likewise the sentence had against this elect Maid, contain manifest injustice, which, for our littleness and under the premised protestations, we had undertaken to declare.

Here ends the recollection upon the difficulties about the matter and the form of the same first process conducted against the said Joan and upon the elucidation of the questions incidental in the said matter and form of the process, made by the aforesaid Inquisitor by ordination of the lords Delegates and the counsellors evoked by them.

Chapter IX #

[Visitation of the instruments of the cause made at Rouen by the counsellors of the first process still living.]

The aforesaid visitations, examinations and deliberations having then been made; the premised opinions and considerations, alike by word and in writings, and the premised recollection having been received in the city of Paris by the said lords Delegates, very many doctors and other counsellors assisting; the said term for concluding in the cause being assigned and pending: the aforesaid lords Delegates, as is said above in the preceding acts, in the said term of conclusion in the cause, situate in the city of Rouen, the aforesaid conclusion made, deemed all the aforesaid to be revolved and visited again, and to be communicated to certain doctors and counsellors in the same city of Rouen, and especially to those whom they knew to have been present in the first process, and whom of them they could find living and surviving in the aforesaid city; requiring also and receiving their deliberations and counsels.

And these being required and had, conformably to the things premised deliberated at Paris by the said lords doctors and counsellors, as above; again among themselves with the aforesaid counsellors they deliberated, and willed to recollect all the aforesaid, that they might the more certainly and conveniently proceed in justice and truth to the pronouncing of their sentence, the term being assigned and already pending for this. All the aforesaid visitations and examinations being then renewed in the said city of Rouen, the aforesaid lords Delegates, after the assignation of the term whereof above in the preceding acts, proceeded to the pronouncing of the sentence and the definition of the cause, as it is described in the acts immediately following.

[The last day of the process.]

In the year as above, on the seventh day of the aforesaid month of July, there appeared in judgment in the morning, at the palace or greater hall of the most reverend in Christ father and lord, the lord archbishop of Rouen, in the wonted place in which it is customary to sit in judgment in a cause of this kind, before the aforesaid most reverend and reverend fathers, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, of Paris, and Richard, of Coutances, by the same mercy bishops; Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other of the inquisitors of heretical pravity constituted in the realm of France; judges delegate and commissaries, etc. There appeared in judgment Jean d’Arc, the other of the principal actors, yet without revocation of the procurators constituted by him in the cause of this kind; Master Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator of the honourable persons Isabelle and Pierre d’Arc, actors, and in procuratorial name as above; and Master Simon Chapitault, promoter given and deputed in the cause of this kind; fortified with the counsel of the man of venerable circumspection and knowledge, Master Pierre Maugier, doctor of decrees, advocate deputed in the cause of this kind. And each of them, in fact, really and in writings, produced and exhibited the citation of old decreed to them against and adverse to the reverend in Christ father, the lord the modern bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all others believing they have interest in it commonly or severally, with its execution, to hear right and the definitive sentence in the cause of this kind to be borne and pronounced. Of the said cited not appearing in the same cause nor caring to satisfy the term of this day, they accused the contumacy, and each accused; and asked that they be reputed contumacious by the lords judges and commissaries, and, in their contumacy, that right and the definitive sentence be borne and pronounced, and each asked.

Then the same judges and commissaries reputed the said cited not appearing, nor sending anyone for themselves, nor caring in aught to satisfy the term of this day, deservedly, justice requiring, contumacious, and, in their contumacy, pronounced the definitive sentence, by the organ of the same lord archbishop, in the mode and form contained in the schedule inserted below. And in pronouncing the said schedule, it was said and pronounced that certain articles beginning Quaedam foemina, of old produced and exhibited before the aforesaid then bishop of Beauvais and the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the diocese of Beauvais, were to be torn as false and mendaciously invented; as they were torn.

Of and upon all and each the premises, the aforesaid Master Simon Chapitault, promoter, Guillaume Prévosteau, procurator, and Jean d’Arc, and each of them, asked that a public instrument or public instruments, one or more, be made to them by us, the notaries underwritten.

These things were done in the morning, at the eighth hour, in the said palace or greater hall aforesaid, there being present in the same place: the reverend in Christ father and lord, the lord Jean, bishop of Demetrias; Hector de Coquerel, doctor of decrees, vicar and official of Rouen; Nicolas Lambert, professor of sacred theology; Nicolas du Boys, dean of the church of Rouen; Jean de Gouys, Guillaume Roussel, canons of Rouen; Alain Olivier, Thomas de Fanoullières, Geoffroi de Croce, Jean Roussel, Guillaume le Conte, Reginald Diet, Pierre Roque, Jean Veteris, advocates in the court of Rouen, sworn witnesses, specially called and asked to the premises.

Now the tenor of the said citations and the relation follows, and is such:

The most reverend and reverend in Christ fathers, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, Guillaume, of Paris, Richard, of Coutances, by the same mercy bishops, Jean Bréhal, professor of sacred theology, the other of the inquisitors of heretical pravity constituted in the realm of France, judges delegate and commissaries of certain causes of nullity, etc., command to be cited, and cite peremptorily before them the reverend in Christ father and lord, the lord bishop of Beauvais, the subinquisitor of heretical pravity in the said diocese of Beauvais, and the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, the modern ones, and all others and each believing they have interest in this part commonly or severally, for the Wednesday next to come, precisely and at the seventh hour in the morning, in the archiepiscopal palace of Rouen, in which they have been wont to sit in judgment; to see and hear by the said lords judges and commissaries in this part right and the definitive sentence to be said, borne and pronounced, in the cause and causes of this kind moved and pending before the same, between the venerable men Pierre d’Arc, knight, Jean, provost of Vaucouleurs, brothers, Isabelle d’Arc, mother of the same deceased Joan, actors; the venerable and circumspect man Master Simon Chapitault, master of arts and licentiate in canon law, promoter given and deputed in the cause of this kind, adjoined to the same actors, on the one part; and the reverend in Christ father and lord, the bishop of Beauvais, the promoter of criminal causes of the court of Beauvais, and all others and each believing they have interest commonly or severally, defendants, parties on the other part; with the intimation wont to be made in such things; faithfully executing the mandate of this kind by affixion to the portals of the greater church of Rouen, at the instance of public edicts, which of old were written on the white of the praetorium. Given at Rouen, in the year of the Lord 1456, the fifth indiction, on the third day of the month of July of the pontificate of the most holy in Christ father and our lord, the lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third pope, in the second year; under the seals of the aforesaid lords of Reims, of Coutances, and of Jean Bréhal, inquisitor, since the lord bishop of Paris at present lacks his own seal (102).

The form and tenor of the pronouncing of the sentence follows, and is such:

In the name of the holy and undivided Trinity, Father and Son and Holy Spirit, amen. By the providence of the eternal majesty, Christ the Saviour, Lord, God and man, instituted blessed Peter and the apostolic successors chief watchers of the regimen of his militant Church, who, the light of truth opened, should teach to tread the paths of justice, embracing all the good, relieving the oppressed, and reducing them that decline to devious ways, by the judgment of reason, to the right ways. Now exercising this apostolic authority in this part, we Jean, of Reims, Guillaume, of Paris, Richard, of Coutances, by the grace of God archbishop and bishops, and Jean Bréhal, of the order of the Friars Preachers, professor of sacred theology, the other Inquisitor of heretical pravity in the realm of France; judges specially delegated by our most holy lord the now-reigning Pope;

The process solemnly conducted before us having been seen, in the force of the apostolic mandate reverently undertaken by us and directed to us, on the part of the honest widow Isabelle d’Arc, of old mother, and of Pierre and Jean the said d’Arc, german brothers, natural and legitimate, of good memory Joan d’Arc, vulgarly called la Pucelle, deceased, and in the names of their kinsmen, actors, against and adverse to the subinquisitor of heretical pravity constituted in the diocese of Beauvais, against the promoter of criminal negotiations of the episcopal court of Beauvais, and also against the reverend in Christ father the lord Guillaume de Hellande, bishop of Beauvais, and all the rest and each believing they have interest in this part and respectively, as well conjointly as severally, defendants;

Seen in the first place the peremptory evocation and its execution, at the instance of the same actors and also of our promoter instituted, sworn and created by us ex officio in this cause, decreed by us against the said defendants, to see the rescript itself commanded to execution, to say aught against, to answer and to proceed as reason should persuade;

Seen the petition of the same actors, their facts, reasons, conclusions reduced in writing under the form of concluding articles, tending to the declaration of the nullity, iniquity and guile of a certain pretended process in the matter of faith, of old made against the said deceased in this city by the deceased lord Pierre Cauchon, then bishop of Beauvais, Jean Magistri, pretended subinquisitor in the same diocese of Beauvais, and Jean d’Estivet, promoter, or bearing himself there for promoter, and demanded to execution; at least to the cassation of the same, and the annulment of the abjurations and sentences and of all things thence following, and to the expurgation of the same deceased, and the other ends there expressed;

And the original books, instruments, muniments and acts, notes and protocols of the aforesaid process having been seen, oft read through and examined, delivered and shown to us in force of our compulsory letters by the notaries and others; and their signs and writings recognised in our presence; and long upon them with the said notaries and officers constituted in the said process, and the counsellors evoked to the said process, whose

(100) Fol. 190.

(101) Fol. 202, r°.

(102) The execution of this citation, although announced by the rubric, is not consigned in the manuscripts.

presence we could have, communication being had beforehand, and also the abbreviation, collation and comparison of the same books and notes;

Seen also the preparatory informations, as well made by the most reverend in Christ father, the lord Guillaume, cardinal priest of the title of Saint Martin-in-the-Mounts, then legate of the holy apostolic See in the realm of France, the Inquisitor being called with him, after the visitation of the same books and instruments presented to him; as also confected by us and our commissaries in the exordium of the process of this kind;

Inspected also and considered the various treatises of the solemn and most approved prelates, doctors and practicians, who, the books and instruments of the aforesaid process having been visited at length, deemed doubts to be elucidated; and made and composed by the ordination of the same most reverend father and ours;

And the aforesaid articles and interrogatories having been seen, presented to us on the part of the actors and the promoter, and, after many evocations, admitted for proving; and the depositions and attestations of the witnesses being attended, as well upon the conversation and the departure of the same deceased from the place of her origin, as upon the examination of her in the presence of very many prelates, doctors and experts, and especially of the most reverend father Reginald, of old archbishop of Reims, metropolitan of the said then bishop of Beauvais, made at Poitiers and elsewhere on repeated days; as upon the admirable deliverance of the city of Orléans, and the progress to the city of Reims and the royal coronation; as about the circumstances of the same process, the qualities, the judgment and the mode of proceeding;

And the other letters, instruments and muniments also having been seen, beyond the said letters, depositions and attestations, delivered and produced in the term for producing, and the preclusion of speaking against the products of this kind; and our promoter being afterwards heard, who, the same products having been seen and said, joined himself plenarily to the actors, and for and in the name of our office reproduced for his part all the aforesaid things now produced, to the ends expressed in the writings of the said actors, under certain protestations; and the other requests and reservations made on his part and that of the said actors being admitted by us, together with certain motives of law, under brief writings, availing to advert our mind, received by us;

After which, the cause being concluded in the name of Christ, and the present day assigned to hear our sentence; all and each the things expressed above having been seen and maturely revolved and attended, together with certain articles beginning Quaedam foemina, which after the said first process the judges pretended to have been extracted from the confessions of the said deceased, and transmitted to very many solemn persons for opining; and which the aforesaid promoter and actors impugned as iniquitous, false and alien from the said confessions, and mendaciously contrived;

That from the countenance of God our present judgment may proceed, who is the weigher of spirits, and alone of his revelations the perfect and most true knower and judge; who blows where he wills, and sometimes chooses the infirm that he may confound all the strong, not deserting them that hope in him, but their helper in opportunities and tribulation; mature deliberation being had, as well about the preparations as about the decision of the cause, with expert alike and proven and God-fearing men; and their solemn determinations having been seen, as well made in treatises with great revolution of books, and the compositions of many; and the opinions having been seen, alike by word and in writing, as well upon the form as upon the matter of the aforesaid process, delivered and given, in which they esteem the deeds of the said deceased worthy of admiration rather than condemnation; marvelling most at the reprobatory and determined (103) judgment given against her, by reason both of form and of matter; and saying it most difficult to give a determined judgment of such things, blessed Paul saying of his own revelations whether he had them in the body or in the spirit he knows not, and refers himself to God upon this:

In the first place we say and, justice requiring, decree that those articles beginning Quaedam foemina described in the pretended process and the instrument of the pretended sentences borne against the said deceased, were, are and are to be corruptly, guilefully, calumniously, fraudulently and maliciously extracted from the same pretended process and confession of the said deceased; the truth being passed over in silence and falsity expressed in very many substantial points, and such that from them the mind of them that deliberated and judged could be drawn away to another deliberation; and they unduly adding very many aggravating circumstances not contained in the aforesaid process and confession, and passing over in silence in very many certain relieving and justifying circumstances, and altering the form of words which changes the substance. Wherefore the same articles, as false, calumniously and guilefully extracted and difformed from the same confession, we quash, irritate and annul; and the same, which we have caused to be extracted from the said process, we here judicially decree to be torn.

Moreover, the other parts of the same process being diligently inspected, and especially the two pretended sentences contained in the same process, which the judges call of lapse and relapse; the quality also of the aforesaid judges being longer pondered, and of those under whom and in whose custody the said Joan was detained;

And the recusations, submissions, appeals and manifold requisition having been seen, by which the said Joan most often and most instantly required that herself and all her sayings alike and deeds, and the process, be transmitted to the holy apostolic See and our most holy lord the supreme Pontiff, submitting herself and all the aforesaid to the same;

And there being attended, about the matter of the said process, a certain pretended abjuration, false, subdolous, and extorted by force and fear, the presence of the torturer and the threatened burning by fire, and least foreseen and understood by the said deceased; and also the aforesaid treatises and opinions of the prelates and solemn doctors, expert in divine and human law alike, saying that the crimes imputed to the said Joan expressed in the aforesaid pretended sentences do not depend on or cannot be gathered from the series of the process, and determining many things most elegantly of the nullity and injustice in this and in others;

And all and each the other things being diligently attended which were to be attended and seen in this part; sitting in judgment, having God alone before our eyes, by this our definitive sentence, which sitting in judgment we bear in these writings,

We say, pronounce, decree and declare the said process and sentences, containing guile, calumny, iniquity, repugnance and manifest error of law and fact, with the aforesaid abjuration, the executions and all things thence following, to have been, to be and to be null and void, invalid and irritated and inane.

And nevertheless, so far as is needful, reason commanding, we quash, irritate and annul the same, and utterly empty them of force; and the said Joan, and the same actors and her kinsmen, declaring to have contracted or incurred no note of infamy or stain by occasion of the premises, and to be and to be immune from the premises and expurgated, and, so far as is needful, utterly expurgating;

Ordaining the execution or solemn intimation of our sentence of this kind to be made forthwith in this city in two places: the one to wit presently, in the square of Saint Ouen, a general procession preceding, and in a general sermon; and in the other, on the morrow, in the Old Market, in the place to wit in which the said Joan was suffocated by cruel and horrendous burning, with solemn preaching there and the affixion of an honest cross to perpetual memory, and for the salvation of the same and the other deceased to be implored; reserving to our disposition and for cause the ulterior execution, intimation and, for future memory, notable signification of our said sentence in the cities and renowned places of this realm, as we shall see expedient, and whatsoever other things remain to be done.

This present sentence was borne, read and promulgated by the lords Judges, there being present the reverend in Christ father the lord bishop of Demetrias; Hector de Coquerel, Nicolas du Boys, Alain Olivier, Jean du Bec, Jean de Gouys, Guillaume Roussel, Laurent Surreau, canons; Martin Ladvenu, Jean Roussel, Thomas de Fanoullières. Of all which things Master Simon Chapitault, promoter, Jean d’Arc, and Prévosteau for the others, asked an instrument, etc.

These things were done in the archiepiscopal palace, in the year of the Lord 1456, on the seventh day of the month of July.

[Idiograph attestations of the notaries of the cause.]

And I, Denis Lecomte, priest of the diocese of Coutances, bachelor in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial [authorities], and sworn of the Court of conservation of the privileges of the University of Paris; was present at the presentation, reception of the said apostolic letters, the observation of all and each the terms, the pronouncing of the sentences; and saw and heard these things so done. Therefore to this present process, containing two hundred and four leaves, I have set my wonted sign, together with the sign and subscription of the venerable and circumspect man Master François Ferrebouc, public notary, and the appension of the seals of the lords judges (104), required and asked, in testimony of truth.

Signed in the margin with a flourish: D. Comitis.

And me, François Ferrebouc, clerk of Paris, licentiate in canon law, public notary by apostolic and imperial authorities, and of the Courts of conservation of the privileges indulged by the holy apostolic See to the alma mother University of Paris, and episcopal of Paris; who was present at the presentation of the apostolic letters written above, the reception of the request of the petitioners, the decree of citation, the observation of the terms, the pronouncing of the sentences and the other things concerning the premises, and saw these things so done. Therefore to this present book or quaternion, containing the form of the process and the definitive sentence in two hundred and four leaves of parchment, I have set my public and wonted sign, together with the sign and subscription of the notary written above who laboured with me in the deduction of the premised process, and the apposition of the seals of the lords Judges, here subscribing myself with my own hand, required and asked, in faith and testimony of the premises.

END OF CHAPTER IX AND OF THE WHOLE CAUSE.

PRIMITIVE REDACTION #

OF THE TRIAL OF REHABILITATION

AFTER THE MANUSCRIPT OF D’URFÉ.

REDACTION OF THE MANUSCRIPT OF D’URFÉ.

[Titulation.]

This work contains the judiciary process digested with grave maturity, defined by order of law, specially indicted by the most equal mandate of the holy apostolic See and the supreme prelate of the universal Church, directed to the most reverend fathers, renowned, most elect and eloquent judges underwritten; by whose series, justice prevailing, that iniquitous, detestable, false and calumnious process was sententially damned, quashed and revoked, by means whereof Joan d’Arc, called the Maid, falsely accused by subdolous and feigned suspicion of the faith, iniquitously damned by violent hand, at length consummated by ferocious fire, persisting in the solid faith, after pious exclamations of the holy name of Jesus, is said to have openly rendered her spirit to the Creator, in the sight of the people condoling with tearful sighs. Now after the definitive sentence of this renowned apostolic process borne in the archiepiscopal palace of Rouen, the public execution followed in general processions and public preachings solemnly and most devoutly celebrated; where the abomination of the preceding iniquitous process was openly revealed to the whole people.

[Prior presentations and supplications.]

In the name of Christ, amen. To the perpetual memory of the things underwritten. To all who shall inspect the present letters, Jean, by divine mercy archbishop and duke of Reims, first peer of France; Guillaume, of Paris, and Richard of Coutances, bishops, judges delegate and commissaries in this part specially deputed by the most holy in Christ father and our lord, the lord Calixtus by divine providence the third pope, to the cause and parties underwritten, salvation in the eternal Saviour of the faithful.

It is sanctioned by the public laws and the divine assertion manifest connexed to catholic piety, that the oppressed poor and the cries of widows ought the more swiftly to be heard by the clement embrace of prelates, and healthful aid to be imparted to their desolate complaints by the ministry of charity and justice. He who has not clemency, says Jerome, nor is clad with the bowels of mercy and tears, though he be spiritual, has not fulfilled the law of Christ. Again the sacred tradition of the Church, reverently received by every company of the faithful, thunders, crying that it is lawful for none either to will or to be able to transgress the precepts of the apostolic See or the dispositions and just mandates of its same holy supreme prelate, whose mystery it behoves the charities of the faithful to follow.

But lately, within a few times, sad with copious afflictions, attesting from within by face, gesture, word and immense bitterness of mind the grave stings of griefs, there applied to our presence the honest persons Isabelle d’Arc, mother, and Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the late deceased Joan d’Arc, vulgarly called la Pucelle, [residents] of certain of the city

(103) Manuscript ND., delectatum.

(104) There remains no trace either of these seals or of the place where they may have been set.

of Orléans and associated with other grave persons, expounding to us with tearful voices: that from our most holy lord the supreme Pontiff they had obtained an apostolic mandate directed to us, which under a leaden bull the same mother held in her hands, together with a certain most pious supplication, effectually expressing that the said Joan d’Arc, deceased, by a certain guileful, false and simulated process, which are named in the same apostolic rescript, was iniquitously damned, and at length delivered to the last supplice and openly burned by fire, as erring in the faith and relapsed, albeit innocent of the imputed crimes, and persisting in the constancy of the catholic faith had lived and persevered even to the end; and since these things proceeded in fact to the denigration of her fame and against justice and truth: the apostolic letter commanded that justice be ministered, the things to be repaired repaired, the nullity uncovered, the things iniquitously judged retracted, and the defamed restored to fame, them that were to be called being called without delay; the same desolate persons instantly asking that we undergo the burden of so great a thing and not defer to execute the apostolic mandate.

Now this new request of the grieving being heard with no moderate adjuration and pious compassion, albeit there occurred to memory the saying of the holy pope Gelasius inserted in the sacred canons, saying to bishop Honorius: Mindful of the divine retribution, doubt not that it pertains to the pontifical conscience not to deny pious solicitude to the commodities of the needy [Dist. lxxvii, c. 4], and although the same modern lord Pope, bearing pious bowels over the afflicted, in example of his clemency inclined benign ears to the cries of the desolate, conceding his aforesaid rescript; yet with so great a moderation of reason added, that, them that were to be called being called and the present process gravely discussed, justice and truth should obtain the principate: we willed not forthwith to approach a matter of so great arduousness difficult exceedingly and then unknown to us, without long meditation and the due prior information. For in the first place, communicating with the desolate petitioners in benign and deliberate exhortation, we expounded to the same the difficult progresses and prolix and dubious egresses of so great a thing, and that the matter had been pretended in the process of faith justly or unjustly by their adversaries; which is to be called favourable, chiefly if a right and ordered judgment of the undue judges preceded; and for the sentence of such the laws will rather that it be presumed; attentively adverting the same petitioners that either they should desist from their undertakings, or seek the valid counsels of experts and doctors, after which, being referred to us, we might walk the more safely; intimating also to the same that at length without legitimate informations or due preparatory documents we should in no wise be disposed to intend to the execution of their mandate or to begin any process. Who, the petitioners, answered and asserted with lugubrious voice yet constant minds unanimously, on the faith of an oath, that informations were ready, made ex officio by the authority of the most reverend father the lord cardinal d’Estouteville, then legate in France; and that they had many counsels, treatises, works and writings of doctors of the sacred page and of either law and experts, and that the first processes were by their inspection null and iniquitous; and other documents which, either presently or in their places at an opportune time, they willed to minister to us, to order those things to be prepared for us and caused to be exhibited.

Now that the said petitioners might then render us more certain, they left with us a certain note containing the grievances and oppressions of old inflicted upon the same deceased Joan, and certain other things which should render us readier to the preparation of the justice of this kind sought and the acceptation of the apostolic mandate, which are inserted below; supplicating again and humbly requiring that we should deign and will to undertake the burden of the business of this kind enjoined by the apostolic See, embracing the example of the same supreme Pontiff, who cared to hear the voices of the same desolate, and to provide for them by the concession of his apostolic mandate; and imitators of the eternal Judge, commanding by the prophetic mouth: Blessed is he that understands upon the needy and poor, etc.; bearing the likeness of the lawgiver who, entering of old to the Lord with the complaints of the people, related that, taught the truth according to his behest, he should judge.

Which being ministered to us, seen by us to sufficiency and diligently attended, together with that process of old deduced against the same Joan, and other things exhibited to us as preparatory, whereof special mention is made in this process in their places, which ought deservedly to move our mind in the zeal of piety and justice and obedience of the holy apostolic See: to the same Isabelle, Pierre and Jean, and the other complaining kinsmen and friends, we gave a consolatory answer of their grief, such to wit: that it was needful they make their supplication in a public place openly and solemnly for the healthful introduction of so great a business; and that we were ready, the matter of their supplication opened, according to God and justice, to do and fulfil those things which by prior deliberation we might better fulfil; intimating to the same petitioners that, fortified with good counsel, they should appear before us, Jean the archbishop and Guillaume the bishop of Paris, Richard the bishop of Coutances albeit absent from the city of Paris, on the seventeenth day of the month of November, in the hall of the episcopal house of Paris, before us, and present to us the said apostolic letters openly and publicly, and we should there deliberate everything to be done which should be just, and should expound the deliberated publicly and manifestly.

Now the tenor of the certain note exhibited and delivered to us among the same preparations of judgment by the said petitioners follows in these words (105).

Then follow the articles upon which the underwritten witnesses were examined by the most reverend father in Christ the lord cardinal d’Estouteville, etc. and the venerable man father Jean Bréhal, etc., in the fact of Joan called la Pucelle, of which mention is made above (106).

[Solemn presentation of the apostolic rescript.]

Now the said day arriving, which was the seventeenth day of the month of November, we, Jean archbishop of Reims and Guillaume of Paris, our colleague the bishop of Coutances being absent and acting in remote parts, being constituted in the greater hall of the episcopal house of Paris; there being present and assisting in the same place the venerable fathers, the lords abbots of Saint Denis in France (107), Saint Germain des Prés (108), Saint Magloire of Paris (109) and Saint Launomar of Saint-Lô of the diocese of Coutances (110), of Saint Crépin of Soissons (111) and of Corneilles (112) of the diocese of Lisieux, abbots; and also the venerable and scientific and religious men, Masters Jean Henri, archdeacon of Ouche in the church of Évreux, and Jean Lebeauvoisien, counsellors of our lord the king in his venerable court of parliament; the Brothers Jean Soret, minister general of the order of Carmelites, Jean de Vernon, Thomas Verel, Pierre de F……, Devotus de Puteo, Gérard Gehe, Guillaume Bouillé, professors of sacred theology; Martin de Fraxinis, Hector de Coquerel, doctors of decrees; Guillaume Sohier, Pierre Gay, Jean Lestournel, Jean Levebouys; and a copious multitude of notable men; before whom we were prepared to hear the complaint of the kinsmen of the same late Joan la Pucelle, unwilling to rely upon our own prudence; but desiring to proceed and agitate the cause by the counsel of the proven and in so arduous a business expert, so far as should be possible; we granted audience to the same kinsmen in the presence of the said prelates and expert men and the notaries underwritten (which notaries we commissioned as to this and caused the oaths wonted in such things to be made); expounding nevertheless to the same beforehand how arduous and difficult the deduction of such a business to be approached by them is, and how ambiguous the event of judgments, and that it has often been seen to befall that they who believed their undertakings would easily have happy issues, least led to their votive end, at length saw the things so begun turn to their own and others’ detriment.

Which audience nevertheless being so granted to them, appearing before us the aforesaid Isabelle d’Arc, mother, Pierre and Jean d’Arc, brothers of the same late Joan d’Arc, and in the names of the other kinsmen of the said deceased, and for them; there assisting them several notable burgesses and citizens of Paris and proven women of the town of Orléans; by the organ of the venerable and scientific man Master Pierre Maugier, distributed to them by us for advocate and counsellor, they caused to be expounded to us that, since already of old they had oft-times approached our and each of our presence and offered to us a certain supplication containing the causes of their grief and complaint; and albeit it was received with benign meekness, yet we deferred to proceed to the hearing of the contents in the same and her full answer; the aforesaid petitioners fearing, the gravity of the matter attended, that they could not come to the effect of the things contained in the same; since we had also on repeated occasions exhorted them that, relying on sane counsel, they should tread maturely and advisedly in the deduction of so great a business, nor declining from the way of truth and justice begin at the pleasure of their will so great a work, but should beforehand inform us, at least summarily, of the contents of their supplication, as they best could; which they had now done, as they said, as well by certain informations made of old and inserted above as from the tenor of the processes and acts of the adversaries and the opinions of the doctors had upon them; whence also we, moved by the premises, as they asserted, assigned them the present day to appear before us, and offered to the same condoling to do the complement of justice, as it should best seem to be done: therefore, that we might care to proceed with vigilant diligence to the complement of the business of this kind begun, they presented to us certain apostolic letters of the most holy in Christ father and lord Calixtus, by divine providence the third Pope, etc., etc., supplicating that we should proceed to the execution of the same and of the things contained in them with the just balance of justice. We therefore, the premises attended, desiring to obey and serve the apostolic authority; and compassionating the afflictions of the petitioners and most of all of them pretending oppression and lesion against justice and in their own fame; and willing to succour the same in truth and justice; summarily informed of and upon the things contained in the same apostolic letters and the others already of old expounded to us, received these apostolic letters with the reverence which was due, mature deliberation being had beforehand. Which we caused to be read through by the venerable man Master Jean de Cruisy, public notary, in the presence of the notaries subscribed, under this tenor.

There follow in the order of the things done or the productions made in the cause:

The tenor of the apostolic letters. — The oration of Master Pierre Maugier on the aforesaid presentation. — The adjunction of the lord Inquisitor. — The prior interrogation of the actors. — The ordination upon the evocation and citation of the parties. — The tenor of the procurations of Isabelle, Pierre and Jean d’Arc.

The 12th of December. Continuation of the assignation after the default of the cited at the city of Rouen.

The 15th of December. Productions made for the foundation of the judgment. — The proposition of M. Pierre Maugier translated into Latin. — The institution of the notaries and officers of the cause. — The evocation of the cited and the petition of contumacy against the same not appearing. — The assignation made to the defaulting to speak against the lords Delegates or the mandate directed to them. — The requisition of the promoter upon the informations made at Rouen in the year 1452, and the production and recognition of the same informations. — The production of the interrogatories of the first process. — The tenor of the letters of citation published in the diocese of Rouen and given at Paris on the 17th day of the month of November. — The tenor of the relation of Jean de Frocourt, executor.

Certain acts pending the aforesaid assignation. — The tenor of the citation of witnesses in the diocese of Rouen, given on the 17th day of December.

—— of the written petition of M. Guillaume Prévosteau —— of the same petition.

The 19th of December. The production and reception of the witnesses. — The tenor of the relation of D. Richard de Sainte-Marglise, executor of the citations in the diocese of Rouen.

The 20th of December. The appearance of the procurator on the part of the heirs of the deceased P. Cauchon. — The tenor of the schedule presented in the name of M. Jacques de Rivello (113). — The tenor of the commission in virtue whereof the inquests were made in the place of the origin of the said Joan. — The articles or interrogatories for the informations to be made in the country of the origin of the deceased Joan vulgarly called la Pucelle. — The attestations and sayings of the witnesses. — The tenor of the relation of MM. Reginald de Chichery and Walterin Thierry, commissaries for the abovescript inquest to be made. — The inquest made at Orléans. — The depositions of the witnesses examined as well at Paris as in the town of Rouen.

The 1st of June 1456. The undertaking of the cause by the lords Jean Fabri and Hector de Coquerel, judges subdelegated. — The tenor of the commission of the said subdelegates.

The 2nd of June. The assignation for producing, the way of speaking against the witnesses being precluded to the defendants. — The tenor of the citation given at Rouen on the 10th of May.

The 4th of June. Continuation of the assignation given for producing.

The 5th of June. Productions made by the procurators of the actors, to wit:

1° The tenor of the citation given at Rouen on the 10th of the month of May. 2° The tenor of the letters of guarantee given by Henry, king of England, on the 12th of June in the year 1431. 3° The work of Master Jean de Gerson upon the fact of the Maid and the credence to be given to her. 4° The minute or note of the notaries of the process conducted against the same Joan la Pucelle, delivered in force of the compulsory by Master Guillaume Manchon, the other notary, and for the greater part written in his hand, in which minute among other things is inserted a certain little leaf making mention of the correction of certain articles whereof mention is made in the preceding act (114).

(105) There follows the Memoir of Guillaume Bouillé. See above, p. 322.

(106) There follows the information made at Rouen in 1452, which has been reported in our second volume, p. 291 et seq.

(107) Philippe de Gamaches.

(108) Hervé Morillon.

(109) Jean Louvel.

(110) Richard N. His family name is not known.

(111) Guillaume Cayrol, professor in canon law of the University of Paris.

(112) Constantin Segré, third successor of Guillaume Donnel who assisted at the first trial.

(113) This piece, written on the verso of leaf 150, is interrupted at the words Protestor tamen which end the page. From the recto 151 to the recto 157 the copy of the procès-verbaux of the 17th November, the 12th and the 15th December begins again.

(114) This rubric, which ends the leaf v° 204, answers to nothing. The manuscript there presents a lacuna which seems ought to be filled by going to fetch at fol. 17 r° the fragment of the minute of the trial of condemnation which has been printed opposite the definitive redaction in tome I of the present work. See what is said in the preface on the confusion which the manuscript of d’Urfé presents.

5° The copy of the whole process conducted against Joan. 6° The tenor of the sentence or sentences borne against the same Joan (115), which tenor is such:

In the name of the Lord, amen. To all the faithful of Christ who shall inspect the present letters or the present public instrument, Pierre, by divine mercy bishop of Beauvais, and Brother Jean Magistri, of the order of the Friars Preachers, deputed and commissioned by the man of great religion and circumspection Master Jean Graverent, eximious professor in the sacred page of the same order, Inquisitor of the faith and of heretical pravity in the whole realm of France deputed by apostolic authority, in the diocese of Rouen and specially as to the present process; competent judges in this part: salvation in the author and consummator of the faith, our Lord Jesus.

Since it has pleased the supernal Providence that a certain woman, Joan by name, who is vulgarly named the Maid, should be taken and apprehended within the terms and limits of our diocese and jurisdiction, of the aforesaid bishop, by renowned men of war; the common fame now promulgating in many places that the same woman, wholly forgetful of that honesty which becomes the female sex, the reins of modesty broken off, oblivious of all womanly shame, bore with marvellous and monstrous dissolution deformed habits accommodated to the male sex; whose presumption moreover was reported to have gone so far that, besides and against the catholic faith, in lesion of its articles, she dared to say and disseminate very many things, and was said to have not mediocrily delinquished in these things, as well in our aforesaid diocese as in most other places of this realm; after these things were known to the alma University of Paris and to Brother Martin Billorini (116), vicar general of the aforesaid lord Inquisitor, they instantly required the most illustrious prince the lord duke of Burgundy and the renowned lord Jean de Luxembourg, knight, to whose dominion and power the aforesaid woman was then subject, a summation being added, under the pains of law, by the vicar now named, that they should render and deliver the aforesaid woman, as is premised defamed and suspected of heresy, to us, the aforesaid bishop, as ordinary judge.

Now we, the aforesaid bishop, as it is incumbent on our pastoral office, desiring with all our forces to intend to the exaltation and promotion of the christian faith, opted to fulfil a due inquisition upon the things so much divulged, and, as law and reason should persuade, to proceed with mature counsel to the things which should seem further incumbent. For the sake of which thing we also required the aforesaid prince and the said lord Jean, and under the pains of law, that they should remit to us and our spiritual jurisdiction the oft-said woman to be judged; and the most serene and most christian prince, our lord, king of the French and of England, required them nevertheless to the same end. At length the most renowned same lord duke of Burgundy and the aforesaid lord Jean de Luxembourg, benignly acquiescing in the aforesaid requisitions, and desiring with catholic minds that the things which seemed accommodated to the reparation and augment of the faith be fulfilled: rendered and delivered the same woman to the same our lord the king and his commissaries. Thenceforth verily the royal providence, kindled with all desires in favour of the orthodox faith, delivered to us, the aforesaid bishop, this same woman, that we should inquire at full of her deeds and sayings, further to proceed conformably to and after the canonical sanctions.

Which things being so done, and the territory in this city of Rouen, through the renowned Chapter of Rouen holding the administration of all manner of spiritual jurisdiction, the archiepiscopal see being vacant, being liberally accommodated and conceded to us; certain informations upon the sayings and deeds of the same woman, by our command, being first made in the country of her nativity and elsewhere in many and divers places and reported to us; and other things being attended which the public fame and the clamorous insinuation with scandal related; and counsel and mature deliberation being had with many doctors and licentiates and experts in the sacred page and canon law, whether to wit in that matter and how it was to be proceeded: we decreed that by us, the aforesaid bishop, it was to be proceeded in the business of the inquisition of this kind, and that the abovesaid lord Inquisitor was to be required that he should will to adjoin himself with us, or commit his turns in this to another; and that the oft-said woman, as suspected of heresy, was to be evoked and cited in the matter of faith, as, at the instance of the venerable man the lord Jean d’Estivet, canon of the churches of Bayeux and Beauvais, whom we constituted and ordained promoter in the cause of this kind for the deduction and promotion of the inquisition of this kind and its process, the said woman was cited and evoked to appear before us at a certain day. Which day arriving, and the same parties, to wit the said promoter in the aforesaid promotorial name on the one part and the said woman personally for herself on the other, appearing, and the judgment being so founded ex officio, we deemed she should be interrogated of and upon certain things concerning the said office of inquisition, and as well by us as by certain divers and renowned doctors we interrogated her and caused her to be interrogated.

Meanwhile verily a special commission to the present cause was transmitted to us, Brother Jean Magistri, the aforesaid vicar, by the abovesaid lord Inquisitor, by his patent letters, and thenceforth we, the aforesaid bishop and vicar, proceeding conjointly in the same business of inquisition, unanimously approving all things done, made and conducted aforetime in the process, assigned to the said parties a certain day, to wit for delivering and giving on the part of the said promoter written articles against the said woman, upon which he willed, asked and required that she be interrogated and inquired, and that answer be made to the same by the said woman. On which day the same articles, made in writing in judgment before us, were lucidly declared to the said woman in the French tongue. To which articles, the suit being first contested and the oath of calumny sworn, the same woman then answered. Afterwards verily we caused her answers, as well to the said articles as to the other interrogatories made to her ex officio concerning the same articles, and the assertions said by the same woman in the process, to be extracted and reduced under a certain compendium, into the form which follows:

A certain woman says and affirms, etc.

Which answers and assertions indeed we transmitted and communicated to the doctors and masters, licentiates as well in the sacred page as in canon and civil law, being at Rouen and elsewhere in copious multitude, and to the alma University of the study of Paris, that upon these they should charitably render their deliberations in favour of the orthodox faith; and their deliberations being had, we charitably admonished the oft-said woman, and caused her to be admonished by divers doctors and proven men frequently and on repeated occasions, that she should recede from those errors into which, after the deliberations of the aforesaid University and of other wise men, she was found to have fallen. Which when she refused with obstinate mind, willing in no wise to submit herself to the judgment of our Lord the supreme Pontiff, of the sacrosanct general Council, or to the determination of holy mother Church, but to the judgment of God alone, from whom she said, vainly vaunting herself, that she had and had done all things; the cause being renounced and concluded, at length on the twenty-fourth day of the present month of May, by us the aforesaid judges, a day being assigned to the same parties to hear our definitive sentence borne; and the same woman being again admonished in a solemn preaching by a renowned professor of theology, and the mind of that woman persevering ever in its pristine obduration, the healthful exhortations and monitions being spurned: we began, as law and justice persuaded, to pronounce a sentence against her, as obstinate, damnably and perniciously persevering in heresy, to the condemnation of her malice. But before the said sentence was borne, the said woman began to be converted; and returning to heart, submitted herself to our holy mother Church and our judicature, and revoked and abjured her errors with detestation of them, subscribing the schedule of revocation and abjuration with her own hand, the tenor whereof follows in the French tongue:

All persons who have erred and misdone in the christian faith, etc.

We also, the aforesaid judges, after the revocation and abjuration of this kind made as is premised, deemed the same woman was to be received to the mercy of the Church, and pronounced a milder sentence in the said cause, as the then appearing penitence and correction of the said woman demanded, in the mode and form following:

In the name of the Lord, amen. All the pastors of the Church, etc.

These things being so done, we, the oft-said judges, hoping the oft-said woman should assiduously remain in the way of truth and salvation which she seemed to have entered; deemed she should be confined in prisons for the doing of healthful penance. In which, while she had persevered a little time, and had taken the habit congruent to her sex in fact, the male garment being cast off, by our ordination, again and as it were forthwith we understood by renowned clamour and veridical revelation that the same woman, the male habit being received again, had fallen into the prior crimes and pristine errors, and was relapsed. For which cause, that we might know her state and disposition at full, we approached the place of her prison, and finding the same woman in the aforesaid male habit, deemed she should be interrogated, and interrogated her, of the cause of the resumption of the aforesaid male habit and of her relapse into the pristine errors.

Whose deposition being had, to wit that of her own accord and her own motion and will, none compelling her to it, she had resumed the habit of this kind; and also that she had from her revelations that by the consent given to the premised abjuration and revocation for the salvation of her corporal life she had committed and perpetrated a great treason against God; nor in the same abjuration and revocation had she done aught else save only for fear or terror of the burning; nay she willed to persevere in the sayings, deeds and things asserted by her in her process; and to have had all things contained in the same process and confessed by her from God and the Saints;

And her other answers and the aforesaid assertions being attended; counsel and mature deliberation of very many doctors and expert men being had upon these: we found the same woman had in no wise truly and mentally receded from the premised errors by her aforetime revoked and abjured, as is said, and the other grave delicts and crimes wrongly oft and scandalously committed and perpetrated, but persevered in them with admirable hardness of heart and was relapsed.

Hence it is that, at the instance of the said promoter that, notwithstanding our prior sentence, we should will to declare the oft-said woman relapsed, as is premised, and heretical: we, the aforesaid judges, the things to be deservedly attended about these being attended, assigned to the said parties the Wednesday, the penultimate day of the said month of May, and caused the same woman to be cited to hear right and our sentence to be borne on the same day.

On which day indeed, and the same parties appearing in the place in which we sat in judgment, to wit the said promoter in the aforesaid promotorial name and the same Joan for herself; and the judgment being so founded; the word of God being first proposed by a solemn professor of sacred theology, to the instruction of the people there existing in greatest multitude, and their consciences to be kept, and also to procure the eternal salvation of the same Joan and induce her to true contrition and penitence; her errors, into which lapsed she had lamentably long remained and still remained and was relapsed, the truth of her confession inspected, and the perils to which she had exposed herself being luculently declared: we, the aforesaid bishop and vicar; respect being had to the premises, by which it stands the aforesaid woman never truly receded from her errors and obstinate rashness and nefarious crimes; nay showed her diabolic malice of obstinacy in the darksome simulation of fallacious contrition, penitence and emendation, with the perjury of the holy divine name and the blasphemy of his ineffable majesty, manifoldly more damnable; and by these, as obstinate, incorrigible and heretical, and relapsed into heresy, utterly unworthy of all grace and commutation mercifully offered by us in the prior sentence;

And all and each the things to be considered in this matter being attended: by the mature deliberation and counsel of many experts we decreed it was to be proceeded to our definitive sentence, and proceeded, and pronounced it in writing in this wise:

In the name of the Lord, amen. As often as heresy, etc.

In faith and testimony of all and each the premises, we have caused the present letters to be reduced into this public form by our notaries subscribed, and commanded them to be fortified by the appension of our seals, together with the signs and subscriptions of our aforesaid notaries subscribed.

Given and done at Rouen on the said days, to wit Thursday the twenty-fourth of the month of May, in the cemetery of the abbey of Saint Ouen of Rouen, where the first sentence was borne; and Wednesday the penultimate day of the said month of May, in the Old Market of Rouen, near the church of Saint Saviour, where our definitive sentence was borne; in the year of the Lord 1431, the ninth indiction, of the pontificate of the most holy in Christ father and our lord, the lord Eugenius, by divine providence the fourth pope, in the first year.

There being present at these:

(115) This piece is found also in the manuscript ND., following the productions made on the 5th June. It is that which in the deposition of Guillaume Manchon is called instrumentum sententiarum. See above, p. 145. We reproduce it without repeating the documents of the first trial which are inserted in it.

(116) Perhaps this other form of the name, which we read Billormi in the 1st vol., p. 3 of this work, better recalls a French name. We propose it after the inspection of new texts.

On the said Thursday, the most reverend in Christ father, the lord Henry, by divine permission cardinal priest of the holy Roman Church of the title of Saint Eusebius, vulgarly named the Cardinal of England, and the reverend in Christ fathers, the lords Louis of Thérouanne, Jean of Noyon, and Guillaume of Norwich, bishops; Gilles of the Holy Trinity of Fécamp, Nicolas de Gemetics, Guillaume de Cormeilles, abbots; and also the venerable, circumspect and scientific men, lords and masters, Pierre, prior of Longueville-Giffard, Jean de Châtillon, Guillaume Boucher, Jean Fabri, Pierre Maurice, doctors; Guillaume Haiton, Nicolas Coppequesne, Thomas de Courcelles, bachelors in the sacred page; Raoul Roussel, doctor in either law, Jean Garin, doctor in canon law; Nicolas de Vendères, Denis Gastinel, licentiates in either law, Jean Pinchon, Robert Barbier, licentiates in canon law, André Marguerie and Jean Ad-Ensèm, licentiates in civil law;

And on the said Wednesday, the already said reverend in Christ fathers, lords and masters, Louis of Thérouanne, Jean of Noyon, bishops; Pierre prior of Longueville, Jean de Châtillon, Guillaume Boucher, Jean Fabri, Pierre Maurice, Guillaume Haiton, Thomas de Courcelles, Raoul Roussel, Jean Garin, André Marguerie, Nicolas de Vendères, Jean Ad-Ensèm and Denis Gastinel; together with many others doctors, masters, licentiates and bachelors in divers sciences in copious multitude, congregated on the said days and places, witnesses specially called and asked to the premises.

And I Guillaume Manchon, priest of the diocese of Rouen, etc., was present at the bearing and pronouncing of the aforesaid sentences and all and each the other premises, while, as is premised, they were said, done and made by the same lords Judges and before them, together with the notaries underwritten and written above, and saw and heard these things so done. Therefore to the present letters or the present public instrument faithfully written by another’s hand, I have set my wonted sign, together with the signs and subscriptions of the said notaries subscribed and the appension of the seals of the aforesaid lords Judges, in faith and testimony of the premises, required and asked. So signed, G. Manchon.

And I verily, Guillaume Colles, otherwise Bois-Guillaume, priest of the diocese of Rouen, etc. So signed, G. Colles.

And I verily, Nicolas Taquel, priest of the diocese of Rouen, etc. So signed, N. Taquel (117).

There follows consequently the deposition of the noble man the lord Jean d’Aulon, knight, examined by our authority for our information and the inquisition of the truth; received by us, the archbishop of Reims, on the fifteenth day of the month of June, in the year of the Lord 1456; which we have willed and ordained to be inserted among the acts of the cause of this kind.

The 9th of June. Continuation of the day to the morrow, made by the lords subdelegates.

The 10th of June. Declaration of contumacy upon the cited not appearing, the ulterior deduction of the process being reserved to the lords judges. — The tenor of the citation given by the lords subdelegates (118).

Opinion of the reverend in Christ father, the lord Élie, bishop of Périgueux (119). Opinion and counsel of Thomas, bishop of Lisieux.

Opinion of the reverend in Christ father, the lord Martin Berruyer, bishop of Le Mans (120).

OPINIONS AND EXTRAJUDICIAL MEMOIRS #

PUBLISHED IN THE LIFETIME OF JOAN OF ARC.

SUMMARY OF THE CONCLUSIONS GIVEN BY THE DOCTORS ASSEMBLED AT POITIERS.

MARCH-APRIL 1429.

This is the opinion of the doctors which the king asked touching the fact of the Maid sent on the part of God.

The king, having regard to [the] necessity of himself and of his realm, and considering the continual prayers of his poor people toward God and all others loving peace and justice, ought not at all to abandon or reject the Maid, who says she is sent on the part of God to give him succour, notwithstanding that these promises may be but (121) human works; nor also ought he to believe in her forthwith and lightly. But following the Holy Scripture, he ought to prove her in two manners: that is to wit by human prudence, in inquiring of her life, of her manners and of her intention, as says Saint Paul the Apostle, Prove the spirits, whether they are of God: and by devout prayer, to require a sign of some work or divine hope, whereby it may be judged that she is come by the will of God. Also God commanded Ahaz that he should ask a sign, when God made him promise of victory, saying to him: Ask a sign of the Lord; and likewise did Gideon, who asked a sign, and many others, etc.

The king, since the coming of the said Maid, has observed and held the works and the two manners (122) abovesaid; that is to wit probation by human prudence and by prayer, in asking a sign of God. As to the first, which is by human prudence, he has caused the said Maid to be proved of her life, of her birth, of her manners, of her intention, and has caused her to be kept with him, well nigh the space of six weeks, [for] to show her to all people, be they clerks, churchmen, people of devotion, men of arms, women, widows and others. And publicly and secretly she has conversed with all people; but in her no evil is found, only good, humility, virginity, devotion, honesty, simplicity; and of her birth and of her life many marvellous things are said as true.

As to the second manner of probation, the king asked her for a sign, to which she answers that before the city of Orléans she will show it, and not at all in another place: for so it is ordained to her on the part of God.

The king, having regard to the probation made of the said Maid, so far as is possible to him, and no evil found in her, and her answer considered, which is to show a divine sign before Orléans; her constancy and her perseverance in her purpose seen, and her instant requests to go to Orléans, there to show the sign of divine succour, ought not to hinder her from going to Orléans with his men of arms, but ought to cause her to be conducted honestly, hoping in God. For to doubt her or forsake her without appearance of evil would be to repugn the Holy Spirit, and to render himself unworthy of the aid of God, as said Gamaliel in a council of the Jews in the regard of the Apostles.

TREATISE OF JACQUES GÉLU, #

ARCHBISHOP OF EMBRUN.

MAY 1429.

Preliminary epistle to the king Charles VII.

To the most christian prince the lord Charles the Seventh, most serene king of the French, and most renowned dauphin of Vienne, to bring ever into consideration the magnalia and mercies of the Lord.

Because about most lately, in favour of your highness and the praise and perpetual fame of the glorious house of France, I have understood the learned men to feel variously of the things done by the ministry of the young Maid, whose marvels cease not to strike the ears of all; certain asserting there to be a peculiar provision of the Most High, for the conservation of your proper dominions in your person and progeny, to endure happily for ever; others opining that the aforesaid Maid, deluded by the fallacy of the most wicked enemy, works by his means and his satellites to the confusion and vituperation of the most renowned justice of virtues, which they allege her to cultivate: therefore considering that in the Lord’s field, as each is able, one is held to sow his corn, another some precious thing, and another what he has, albeit not much excellent, nor are the riches of others to be made poor by another’s poverty; that the aforesaid matter may be made clear, I shall comprehend it after the measure of the credited talent in the present little treatise, God the giver of sciences favouring. Which I have proposed to destine to your majesty for a bright and wholly polished mirror, in which the fragility and imbecility of human and earthly power, and the excellency of princes albeit presiding over a grave people, and also the overabundant and manifold graces of the omnipotent blessed God imparted to you, yet without the bond of any obligation, of his mere liberality, moreover, which you are able to repay to the same God the lord giver by no faculty, you may be able to behold in the beneficence, to meditate, to see and recognise, albeit insufficiently. But now in an enigma and by this into the love, fear, praise and glory of God the benefactor, the free-born parent, with all the mind, all the virtue and all the soul may you arise, and at length progressing from virtue to virtue, render thanks to him face to face in the fatherland, dowered with the beatific vision. Which, that it may be, I suppliantly implore from my inmost heart the pious, merciful God, giver of all good things.

Yours, of old of Tours, now of the metropolis of Embrun, Jacques, unworthy minister (123).

Here begins the treatise of the Maid.

The faithful writings of the doctors having apprehended primarily the singular deed of the Maid coming to the most serene king of the French the lord Charles the Seventh, we began, not without marvel, to doubt the event here, and to inquire its final, efficient and material cause, and to scrutinise the will, piety, mercy and justice of God. Whence we find many things ceding to the confirmation of the sacred catholic faith and the confusion of certain ones attributing care to none of the universe; whom we have oft-times detested, and refute and condemn by the present little treatise, made to the glory of God, the approbation of the faith, the immense gladness of catholics, the excellency of the most high house of France, the praise of the aforesaid lord king and the perpetual fame of his realm and its most christian faithful inhabitants, by me Jacques, of old archbishop of Tours, now unworthy prelate of the holy church of the metropolis of Embrun; in the year of the Lord one thousand four hundred twenty-ninth; the lord pope Martin the Fifth presiding over the Roman church, and the lord Sigismund over the Roman empire, happily. In which treatise indeed we will assert naught rashly, but to follow the judgments of them that know better, our saviour the Lord Jesus Christ favouring, to whom alone is due honour and glory.

(117) This piece ends at the bottom of folio 100, recto; on the verso of the same leaf is found the deposition of Jean d’Aulon, whose rubric we report.

(118) This piece is interrupted at the bottom of folio 103, verso. On the following page begins a more modern copy of the last acts of the trial of condemnation.

(119) Fol. 205, recto.

(120) It is in the middle of this memoir, folio 240, verso, that the ancient writings of the manuscript of d’Urfé end.

(121) We doubt this word, which might be read senties in the manuscript; the copyist visibly hesitated over it. The sense would require instead of seules a participle such as consentant.

(122) So. M. Buchon, in the text which he gave of this piece, substituted for meurs the correction manières.

(123) We possess enough details on the life of this prelate, thanks to the care he took to note its principal circumstances on a book of canons which belonged to him. Born at Ivoy, in the duchy of Luxembourg, he made his studies at Paris and Orléans, professed the law, then, by the protection of the duke of Orléans, became successively master of the requests of that prince, counsellor in the parliament of Paris, and president of the dauphinal court. At the death of his master, he devoted himself entirely to the Dauphin Louis, who made him general of the finances and archbishop of Tours (1414). Sent the following year to the council of Constance, he was head of the embassy to go, in the name of the assembly, to signify to Pierre de Lune the subtraction of the obedience of France. On his return he was one of the delegated electors for the nomination of a pope. The support which on this occasion he lent to Martin V earned him being attached to the legation of the cardinal of Saint-Marc, a mission in which he nearly perished because of the massacre of the Armagnacs which took place while the pontifical commissaries were in the capital, and whence the bishop of Paris had all the difficulty in the world to draw them, both the archbishop and the cardinal. Since 1418, Jacques Gélu employed himself in divers embassies for the Dauphin Charles, brother of him to whom he owed his high fortune. He went to Castile and to Naples to essay to obtain succours for him. About 1427 he left the archiepiscopal see of Tours for that of Embrun, and died in 1432. Besides the present treatise, we have of him a book written against Benedict XIII, of the time of the council, and a chronicle of the archbishops of Embrun. (See Martène, Thesaurus anecdotorum, t. III, col. 1; Gallia christ., t. III, col. 1090; Monstrelet, t. I, c. 196, § Pareillement prins les cardinaulx…)

No people anywhere is or was so cast outside laws and manners, which has not believed in some gods. For the opinion of God is engrafted in all: hence every care of mortals, which the labour of manifold studies exercises, albeit it proceeds by a divers path, yet strives to come to the one end of beatitude. The more is the pravity of certain ones to be admired who, albeit they exist informed with the rational soul of the human kind, because we are all members of one great body and nature has brought us forth cognate, since she generated them from the same into the same: yet suspect evil and impiously of God; attributing to fate or chance, not to the omnipotence of the creator, the things which befall by divine providence; falsely esteeming that God has no greater care of men than of the individual members of the vilest species: whereby it comes that they believe they can indifferently and freely use their own wills, and at length, pressed by the mass of their sins, deny in God justice, the most renowned of all virtues; and, immersed also in cruelties, the piety which avails to all things; and, moved to the injuries of their neighbours, the mercy which is proper to the creator; nor esteem that they sin if they most avidly enjoy whatsoever their pleasures, which are not worthy of the excellence of man. But also they are most miserable who have come so far that they make such superfluous things necessary to themselves; for then is unhappiness consummated where base things not only delight but please, and there ceases to be a place for remedy when things which are vices become manners. Sprung from lust, they are without term; and cupidity which overleaps the natural measure goes forth into the immense. Wherefore they who immerse themselves in the aforesaid cannot lack the same, being as it were brought into custom; and because sin soon draws by its weight to another, and vices lead us into desperation, they fall into nefarious things, so that they posit not even hell, where they may pay the pains of their misdeeds (which nevertheless is described as a region oppressed by perpetual night in which is no redemption), denying also paradise where the things which neither eye has seen nor ear heard, and which has not ascended into the heart of man, God prepares for them that love him: esteeming also impiously that the human soul, educed from the potency of matter, is corrupted to wit as a brute’s and to the corruption of the individual; when nevertheless by this the divinity of the human species is severed from the brutal, at length the fool says in his heart: There is no God. They who do such things are worthy of death; and not only they who do, but also they who consent to them that do.

The aforesaid assertions can happily occupy a man nourished in vices and versed in damned manners; but virtue, which makes us blessed, since it draws us by its force and allures by its power, is not attained save by a mind well instituted and led to the highest by assiduous exercise in good things. Nature gives not virtue; for it is an art to become good, and a mind imbued with evil arts has not easily lacked lusts. Hence the things which are salutary ought often to be agitated and versed, that they be not only known but ready. The intellect is compelled not only to opine the dogmas set above to be false, but to know it by eyed faith and intellective reason, if that singular and marvellous deed be considered which the Lord now shows us through the Maid, divinely transmitted in aid of the lord king for the recovery of his dominions; which it has befallen to run through in mind, lest the posterities to come should hesitate about the aforesaid.

Now that naught of antiquity be unknown and the exordium of the thing be clear to all, we have deemed the business should be woven so that we choose king Jean of good memory for the stock. For he had four sons: Charles the Fifth, first dauphin of Vienne; Louis, duke of Anjou, king of Sicily; Jean, duke of Berry; and Philippe, duke of Burgundy, who had Jean, also duke of Burgundy (of whom it shall be said below), father of the modern duke of Burgundy. Charles the Fifth had Charles the Sixth, meek and pious, but hindered by infirmity, whereby he was less apt for the helms of the realm; and Louis, duke of Orléans, a man of elevated sense. Charles the Sixth begot Charles the dauphin, dead in tender age, to whom succeeded Louis duke of Aquitaine, a dauphin of perspicacious genius, deceased about adolescence. To him Jean count of Ponthieu, called of Hainaut, who had to wife the daughter of the count of Hainaut, stood successor; but he lived dauphin a moderate time. Lastly the modern lord king Charles the Seventh came to the dauphinate, afterwards to the realm.

But for the declaration of the things to be said, it is to be known that, Louis of Orléans and Philippe of Burgundy the dukes living, great dissensions rose between the same by occasion of the regimen of the realm, which were continued by the aforesaid Jean, his father being deceased, even so far that he secretly caused the duke Louis of Orléans to be slain. For which infinite evils came, because the lords of the most high house of France divided themselves, some cherishing the Orléans party and certain the party of Burgundy. The people also was divided. Hence bloody slaughters and seditions arose, in the midst whereof many notables at Paris and elsewhere, by vile men and of abject estate holding the Burgundy party, were delivered to death. Now the English, considering the division of the realm, invaded it and by lapse of time obtained many countries, cities and castles by their force and industry, partly also by the aid of the Burgundy party and of the subjects not obeying the lord king, and most attenuated in field battles the Orléans party which the lord king cherished as his own. The Burgundy party procured many damages to the lord king, because it confederated itself with the king of England; by whose aid the English obtained France, Brie, Champagne, Picardy, Normandy and the realm even to the Loire, and took Charles the Sixth and his queen his wife; whom being brought into their power, they caused by them the lord king to be disinherited against all right and divine and human law, and the king of England to be instituted heir; and afterwards the English appropriated to themselves a great part of the realm with the aid of the Burgundy party, and so terrified certain princes, nobles and others holding the king’s party, that the royal party was much weakened. For certain of the princes of the royal party did homage to the English; others extorted the lordship of the king from him by exquisite colours; others despoiled him of his faculties and finances; certain sowing false things in the people, that it might hold the king hateful, through the whole realm, and so much did these pests prevail that scarce was found who would obey the lord king. Item certain of the nobles and princes fell from hope, and leaving the lord king reduced themselves to their own, and the rumour grew strong that it was lawful for each to appropriate to himself of the realm what he could occupy. Whence the most patient king was impoverished, even so that he had scarce a slender sustenance not only for his house but for his person, and the queen; and the thing was so conducted that there was no appearance that the lord king could recover his dominions by human aid, the power of the enemies and of them not obeying him continually growing, and the remission of the aid of those who had cherished his party. The king could not find finances of his own, and the gifts of his subjects were dissipated without measure. The king was left without royal apparatus, and had not whence he might succour himself. Yet he sustained all things patiently, destitute of human aid and impoverished by the avarice of his own; but we have heard that he had placed firm hope in God and had recourse to God singularly, by prayers and alms, by the sale even of certain jewels which he had. By whose means, as is believed, the merciful God, placated and moved by the ardour of charity, inwardly thought thoughts of peace, reparation and restoration upon him and the realm; inclining his majesty by piety, that he should do mercy and justice to the same.

It pleased then the Most High, on whose thigh is written King of kings and Lord of lords, to succour the king by an adolescent maid, of late-bearing nourished and reared; informed not by magistral stole, not by the conversation of the prudent, not by the instruction of doctors; bearing the male habit; asserting herself sent by God, that she should be prince of the royal army to tame the rebels and expel his enemies from the realm, and to restore him in his dominions. Which thing, albeit considered in itself it stands marvellous, since it suits not a woman, especially a girl and young, for the fragility and modesty of her sex, that she be leader of an army or mingle herself in arms, and vanquish warlike men potent in corporal forces, exercised, who were a terror to all; yet related to the power of God they ought to induce no admiration, because in few as in many, even by the intervention of the female sex, he can equally bestow victory, as it befell in Deborah. There is none who can resist his will, since all things are set in his dominion. Hereby we are taught that men can do naught save the Lord doing it, because all power is from the Lord God. For human presumption is damned to extol itself against the justice of God; the necks of the proud and the great brows of them that confide in themselves are confounded; God has chosen the lowest that he may confound the strong. But even if we bear the present matter into a more open place, many things offer themselves for which we could deservedly suspect and believe the divine clemency to be inclined to the so doing of the aforesaid.

First occurs the justice of the lord king. For he was the son, now the only one, of Charles the Sixth of good memory, begotten in constant marriage, natural and legitimate, who did naught of ingratitude against his parents; and yet they, deceived, induced and terrified, disinherited him in fact, instituting his capital enemy, the king of England, heir against natural, divine and human right.

Secondly, the glorious merits of his predecessors offer themselves. For after the reception of the catholic faith they are never noted with any error in faith, so that of France it may be said that it alone lacked a monster. They honoured God, augmented the faith and the Church and ever held them in reverence.

Thirdly, the prayers of devout persons and the wailings of the oppressed, moreover on the other part the infidelity of the subjects and their inhumanity. For by them the faithful of the king being taken, they sometimes offered hay for foods and aliments as to brutes; denying them aliments altogether against the right of nature and, after their killing, burial. Secondly their savagery into all indifferently, without choice of estate or sex; for they slew prelates and ecclesiastical men, nobles, counsellors and virgins, the old with the younger and pregnant women.

Fourthly, the injustice of the enemies having no valid title, [who], as though they had not professed the catholic faith, which forbids not only to usurp another’s but to covet the neighbour’s thing, feared not to will to appropriate to themselves the diadem and sceptre of the realm; when nevertheless all that is not of faith is sin.

Fifthly, the insatiable cruelty of that people which admits no piety in its acts. For they feared not to deliver to death those whom they had subdued in wars, in no wise indulging the like, but slaying the same against the right of nature. By them all christianity was troubled; nay the whole orb; the enemies also of the cross of Christ gloried too much, hearing such destructions among christians, since no destruction of ours can be nearer than by such divisions. But we never saw the thing so conducted, albeit much troubled for the evils of our people, that we should not hope in the piety, mercy and justice of the Lord; asserting and persuading the lord king that it was more possible that in a living man there should be no rational soul, than that piety, mercy and justice should fail in God; and that by the sins of our king and the people or of all together the aforesaid pest befell not to the destruction of the royal house, but to our correction. Now it remained that, corrected from sins, we should flee to the Lord, because the agent acts in the predisposed patient. Hence we persuaded the lord king to flee to the goodness of the divine piety and commit himself to it with all devotion of mind, and firmly hope in it; for it can consummate desperate things by the magnitude of its virtue.

But let us for a little release our matter for cause.

It is asserted to us that much lettered men constantly say the aforesaid Maid is not sent by God, but rather deceived and deluded by diabolic art, and does not what she does by the power of God, but performs it by the ministry of demons. For argument they catch that in one impetus or moment, so to speak, God performs, since he needs not any time for the consummation or perfection of his works. He said and they were made; he commanded and they were created. Now this Maid began long ago; she has not yet accomplished; therefore, etc.

Item if the aforesaid were divine, God would have destined an angel, not a simple young woman nourished with sheep, subject to all illusion and easily deceivable for the nature of her sex and the solitude of her life passed in leisure. For the wary demon mostly deludes such. This we experience daily most of all in these regions in which we live. For many and various are his arts of deluding and deceiving men, whom he envies by nature after his fall and is at enmity with. Therefore, etc.

From the aforesaid theme we judge it useful enough to elicit certain little questions, that the present matter may be made clear; because truth agitated shines the more into light. I ask then first whether it becomes the divine majesty to introduce itself singularly into the acts of one man or realm.

Secondly, whether God has rather to despatch his things by angels than by men.

Thirdly, whether it becomes the divine wisdom to commit to the female sex the things which are competent to men.

Fourthly, if and by what we are able to know works to be from God or done by diabolic art.

Fifthly, if by the ordination, will or disposition of God certain things are to be done, whether they are to be performed without human prudence.

Excerpts from the discussion which is had affirmatively about each one of the aforesaid little questions.

1° From the third question.

We say that God could ordain that the Maid should preside over armed men and also rule them, and that she should vanquish and overcome the strongest and most exercised, and proceed doing such things in the male habit. Nor in this does the divine wisdom deceive or is deceived. For by the best reason all the aforesaid beyond the will of God, which is the supreme reason and which suffices for every cause or reason, are done, if the case which offers itself be well considered. The enemies of the lord king (who are christians and consequently obliged after the rules, precepts and mandates of God contained in the Decalogue to live), confiding in their virtue and power, willed to despoil the king of his paternal heritage without just cause, against the precepts of the law, or, the divine mandate being contemned, and as though God had ordained naught in this thing, to the contempt of God and the most injury of the neighbour. When nevertheless they ought to have served the Lord God alone and obeyed the same, and loved their neighbours as themselves, they strove to occupy the realm and appropriate it to themselves, offending the law of God and of nature; to convince so great pride and disobedience and to show that God is he to whom the injured can flee and obtain remedy; and that, without his good pleasure, human presumption ought to attempt naught.

Contemning such pride so elevating itself, could not God justly destine a woman, nay not even a shrewd one, a little simple Maid, of inferior estate, untaught, unexercised, in the male habit, that he might wholly confute so great pride; giving by this a doctrine to the human kind that in God is the piety by which he is moved to succour the injured, in God is the mercy by which he relieves the afflicted (and so afflicted that there was no human appearance for their restoration or reposition into the pristine state; but all human senses and prudence failed: for then it suits that the divine mercy interpose itself in human things, because it can consummate and complete desperate things by the magnitude of its virtue); to teach also that in God is justice, which attributes and conserves to each what is his, etc., etc.

Now that she justly proceeds in the male habit doing the aforesaid, this act has it by mode of sequel. For it is more decent that these things be committed in the male habit, for the conversation with men, than otherwise; because he who bears a like life with others, it is necessary that he feel a like discipline in the laws. Whence then we say that, even if there appeared not in our case any reason of so doing, beyond the sole will of God (which would suffice for reason, since we ought not to will to know the reason of the things done by the divine wisdom which is infinite and whereof we are not capable), yet, even if God were a mortal prince also, so many and so great ministries of ours concur, as is said above, that he could recede from the common law (which is that virile acts ought to be committed to men) and commit this virile act not only to a woman but to an untaught Maid; lest ever human power how great soever should dare or presume to elevate itself against the divine majesty, but should subject its acts to the divine power, and know that there is not humanly a valid power save so far as it shall have been positively conceded by the Lord, or at least permitted.

2° From the fourth question.

If it be said: Certain feign themselves to be good, as the hypocrites, when nevertheless they are evil; wherefore we can be deceived judging of the operations of such; under the appearance of a lamb they bear the wolf: the blessed Lord taught us their judgment, saying: By their fruits you shall know them. Moreover feigned things cannot long lie hid. Feigned things are compared to a grave and enclosed sickness, which must either be overcome by nature soon enough, or overcome it; for the extremely harming cannot long stand. Now when such sicknesses come to an issue, they go forth with impetus and violently break out, and openly manifest of what kind they were when enclosed. So it befalls in hypocrisy.

Applying to our case, of our Maid and her works, that they are from God, so far as human fragility suffers to know, we can affirmatively answer, that to wit they are from God. For she, as a good and faithful christian, worships God, adores him, solicitously venerates and frequents the ecclesiastical sacraments, oft confessing and devoutly receiving the body of the Lord. She is honest in words, honest in conversation, avoiding much-speaking in which sin is not lacking; sober in food; showing also in her other gestures naught indecorous, naught base, naught that becomes not girlish modesty, as it is related to us. Nor are the aforesaid of one day, lest they be thought feigned, but of many months; in which it could sufficiently have appeared if aught sinister were to be said of her. And albeit she is versed about arms, yet she has never persuaded cruelty, but pities all fleeing to the king her lord, or willing to recede of the enemies. She thirsts not for human blood; but offers the enemies a pacific withdrawal to their own, the realm being left in quiet and peace, and to the rebels a return to their home by good obedience, the indulgence of pardon being received from the king. It is true nevertheless that she strives to complete the things to which she is sent, to wit to subjugate the enemies and compel the rebels to submit their necks to the yoke, since, required that they do their debt, they have denied. For this is the way of the common law, consonant to all reason.

Of the conversation in the male habit she is sufficiently excused above, because the act to which she is sent requires this, as it has stood sufficiently deduced above. It behoves her also to have conversation with men, because it is theirs to be versed about difficult things, to intend to the things about which she is sent. Nor the less nevertheless she lives among the armed, armed, honestly, chastely and decently, doing naught for this which becomes not a virgin Maid, as it is related to us. Which also we piously believe, the whole thing being well pondered in itself.

3° From the fifth question, where it is concluded.

But coming to the last reason of the question, it was asked if by the divine will or ordination certain things are to be done or performed. We say with correction that, since it has well pleased God to commit to some creature the disposition or regimen of some business or deed: his will is to be undertaken and embraced with great devotion and followed with thanksgiving, so far as can be done; so that in no wise it be resisted to God, who willed to do the aforesaid rather by his goodness, piety, mercy and justice, than by debt or otherwise. Whence consequently we should counsel that the will of the divine commissary or messenger be in no wise resisted, but the same be wholly obeyed, most of all in the things which touch the essentials of his commission or his deed. Yet it is true that, before such a creature be received from the beginning of the business as sent by God, the spirit is first to be proved whether it be sent in from God or the adverse part, as Joshua did. For not lightly and without great weight and advisement was faith to be applied in such things from the beginning of the business; but since, the thing being examined and known so far as human fragility suffers to know, the business was undertaken as ordained and committed by God; we should then judge that it is to be said to anyone as it is written above. It is thus persuaded: obedience is better than sacrifice. Whence, because Saul obeyed not the divine will said to him by Samuel the prophet, he lost the realm, albeit nevertheless he believed not he did ill. For he and the people had reserved the fatter of the herds that they might offer them to the Lord, and he had pitied Agag king of Amalek, whose destruction God had committed to Saul. Whence certified of the aforesaid by Samuel, he made reservation of the abovesaid, albeit not uncolouredly; yet he was deprived of his own realm, because he obeyed not the voice of the Lord and his will. So ought the king to fear lest, if he omit to do the things which the Maid counsels, believing he does well, or hoping in human prudence, he should be left by the Lord nor obtain what he opts, but be frustrated of his intention.

Secondly thus; if it be doubted of aught concerning the deed committed to the Maid, whom we piously believe to be the angel of the Lord of hosts, sent to make the redemption of his people and the restoration of the realm: it is to be judged rather to the divine wisdom than the human, because of the same, to wit the human, there is no comparison to the divine, since there is no proportion of the finite to the infinite. For the divine wisdom reaches from end to end mightily and disposes all things sweetly. Wherefore it is to be believed that he who committed will inspire into his creature whom he sent the things which are to be done, better and more expediently than human prudence could seek out.

Thirdly, the passions of men are divers. Some by fear of person, some by fear of estate, some by fear of goods, some willing to be advanced to higher things, some by divers considerations, as to each his fancy is, can be diverted from the true. Now the divine will and wisdom can neither be deceived nor deceive, nor be beguiled nor beguile, because it is ever its part to do good and benefit.

Wherefore we should counsel that in such things, first and principally, the will of the Maid be sought out, and howsoever it be dubious to us, or having no great appearance as to us, that yet, if she should say aught fixedly, the lord king should follow it as inspired from God, and keep it, for the minuteness of the business committed to her. Now as to the preparation of the businesses, as of machines, of bridges, of ladders and like things to be made; of victuals for the sustenance of the men of war and the like; of the mode of having finances and such extrinsic things, without which nevertheless the thing could not endure without miracle: we should say enough is to be provided by human prudence, by the reasons adduced in the beginning of the question. But where by the divine wisdom something is to be done more than otherwise, human prudence ought to succumb and humble itself, and ought to attempt, propose or follow naught which may offend the divine majesty. And in this we say the counsel of the Maid ought to be first and principal, and to be asked, investigated and sought from her before all them that assist. He who gives the form gives the consequences to it, and he who commits one thing commits also all without which… Wherefore we ought to hope in the Lord, who made the king’s cause his own, that he will inspire such things whereby the thing shall obtain its due and effectual end; because the Lord knows not a work of imperfection.

Moreover we should consider to the king that every day he should do some certain thing well pleasing to God and grateful to his will, and that upon this he should confer with the Maid, and, after her advisement, should bring it into being most humbly and devoutly; lest the Lord have cause of withdrawing his hand, but continue his grace. For properly his own is ever to have mercy and spare, unless we have made ourselves unworthy of his grace. Let then the mortal humility of the king submit necks and necks and bend the knees to the eternal majesty, offering the promptitude of his will to the divine dispositions. By this he shall have done his debt and meritoriously placated him through whom kings reign; to whom be honour and glory in sempiternal ages. Amen, amen.

IT ENDS.

PROPOSITIONS OF MASTER HENRI DE GORCUM (124) #

FOR AND AGAINST THE MAID.

JUNE 1429.

To the glory of the blessed Trinity and of the ever glorious Virgin mother of God and of the whole court of heaven (125).

The Lord took me when I followed the flock and said to me: Go and prophesy to my people Israel. (Amos vii, 15.) The people of the realm of France can not incongruously be spiritually named the people of Israel; whom it is known to have ever flourished in the faith of God and the cult of the christian religion. To the son of this realm a certain young woman, daughter of a certain shepherd, who herself also is said to have followed the flock of sheep, approached, asserting herself sent by God, that through her the said realm should be reduced to his obedience. Now lest her assertion be reputed rash, she uses also supernatural signs: as to reveal the hidden things of hearts and foresee future contingents. It is moreover related that she is shorn of head in the manner of a man, and willing to proceed to warlike acts; clad in male vestments and arms, she mounts a horse; who while she is on the horse, bearing a standard, straightway flourishes in marvellous industry, as an expert leader of an army to the artful institution of the army. Then also her own are rendered courageous; but on the contrary the adversaries timid, as though destitute of forces. Now when she descends from the horse, reassuming her wonted habit, she becomes most simple, unskilled in secular businesses as an innocent lamb. It is also said that she has lived in chastity, sobriety and continence, devout to God, prohibiting slaughters, rapines and the other violences to all those who will to exhibit themselves to the said obedience. For these things then and the like, the cities, towns and castles submit themselves to the king’s son, promising him fealty.

Which thing so standing as is aforesaid, certain questions emerge and allure learned souls to their declaration; for example:

Whether the Maid is to be believed a true person of human nature, or transformed into a like fantastical effigy?

Whether the things which she does can be done by her humanly, or through her by some superior cause?

If by a superior cause, whether by a good, to wit a good spirit; or an evil, as for instance by an evil spirit?

Whether trust is to be exhibited to her words, and her works are to be approved as divinely done, or pythonical and illusory?

For because about these or like little questions certain ones feel in this wise and others in that, so that each may be able to bring forth testimonies from the sacred letters for their defence, the present little work, not asserting but dictating by collation, offers certain propositions for the one part, and again certain for the other, in problematic mode; provoking the subtler geniuses to the profounder intelligence. Yet commending this to memory, that, to sententiate aught securely in this matter, it is necessary to foreknow to the liquid the manners, words, works and the other gestures of this Maid, as well those which she has solitary as those which she has with others in public, and the other circumstances of her life; and whether the things which she reveals and foretells are ever found true. Now in the things following, what is set is to be taken after the relation of common fame translated to these parts by many worthy of faith.

PROPOSITIONS FOR THE MAID.

I.

That she is a true Maid and a true person of human nature is simply to be asserted.

This proposition appears, because not only the rule of the philosophers sings that the operation argues the form; nay and our Saviour witnesses that cognition is to be taken from works. Because then this young woman is found continually conformable to other men in human acts, speaking, hungering, eating, drinking, watching, sleeping and the rest of this kind: who would dare to say she is not a true person of human nature, as others communicating with her in the like signs of human nature? Therefore, etc.

II.

The time ordained prophetical was before the advent of Christ, enduring in the exordium of the nascent Church with the operation of miracles.

This proposition is declared by the sacred doctors from this that the whole time of the old Testament was figural

(124) Trithemius (De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, n° 817) calls him, without the particule, Heinricus Gorrikeim, an alteration little distant from the form Gorinchem which the Germans give to the Dutch name Gorkum. It is known that this lettered man was professor and vice-chancellor of the University of Cologne, and that he was still living in 1460. It is at Cologne that his life passed, so that he was not at all under the empire of the Burgundian party, as Lenglet du Fresnoy advanced (Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, t. I, p. 186). His biographer resumes in these few words the nature of his talent: A profound theologian, a solemn philosopher, he shone by the wholly scholastic turn of his language and by his subtlety in the discussions. His works are numerous. Fabricius, who does not speak of the propositions on the Maid, cites of him twenty treatises of which the following: 1° Conclusiones in quatuor libros sententiarum; 2° … celebratione; 4° Contra Hussitas et Bohemos; 5° … dictorum Sah…; 6° Positiones in Aristotelem de cœlo et mundo … metaphysicæ de ente et essentia; 8° De modo conjurandi dæmones.

(125) This invocation is in the edition of Du Pin (opera Gersonis, t. IV, col. 859) and not in that of Goldast.

in this that the whole time of the old Testament was figural for the foretelling of the advent of Christ and the future state of his mystical body. Likewise in the primitive Church many are read to have been prophets. And because the things were then preached which transcend all cognition of the human faculty, it was necessary to apply signs by miraculous works, whereby the sayings of this kind should be confirmed. Otherwise it would have been less sufficiently provided to the salvation of the human kind, after that which Gregory says, that a plant newly fixed in the earth needs frequent watering, that being well rooted it may grow strong. Therefore, etc.

III.

In the days now running it is not unworthily deemed that from time to time certain persons are raised to the spirit of prophecy and moved to the operation of miracles.

This proposition is of Augustine’s De civitate Dei, and can also be extracted from the doctrine of Gregory. Whose declaration also appears from this, because by the Saviour’s mouth it is promised to us that he is with us even to the consummation of the world, directing the human kind by the hand of his providence, as the opportunity of our salvation requires. For so he has not bound his power to the sacraments, so neither has he bound it to any time, places or persons; nay in many of his mercies he is ever present to the human kind, providing congruous remedies and aids. For, says Isaiah, the hand of the Lord is not shortened, that it cannot redeem. Therefore, etc. Since then the human kind needs to be excited and recalled by the revelation of hidden things and the operation of miracles, now in one people, now in another, it is piously to be deemed that such things are not denied to us. Therefore, etc.

IV.

It is consonant with the sacred letters that by the fragile sex and innocent age a gladsome salvation has been exhibited by God to peoples and realms.

This proposition appears because, the Apostle witnessing, God chooses the infirm things of the world, that he may confound all the strong. Hence proceeding exemplarily, it is read of Deborah, Esther and Judith, that salvation was obtained for the people of God, and Daniel raised in boyhood to the deliverance of Susanna. So David in youth prostrated Goliath; nor undeservedly, because in this mode the affluence of the divine piety is made the more evident, lest man ascribe to his own aids, but rather refer thanksgivings to God. For so through the humble virgin the redemption of the whole human kind arose. Therefore, etc.

V.

Sacred scripture witnesses not that men of depraved life were sent by God under such a form or manner as the common recital celebrates of the said Maid.

This proposition appears, because as the Apostle says, there is no convention of Christ and Belial, nor does he deign to enter society or contract familiarity with demons, or with their ministers and members, albeit it is read that certain evil ones sometimes prophesied something in passing: as Balaam prophesied that a Star should arise from Jacob; and Saul and Caiaphas prophesied. But it is far otherwise of this Maid, who has at her nod the use of supernatural gifts in manifesting hidden things and foretelling future things serving her ministry, moreover prohibiting (as is premised) slaughters and the other vices to be done, exhorting to virtues and the other works of probity, in which God is glorified. As then Joseph was sent before in the spirit of God before his father and brothers into Egypt, and Moses to the deliverance of the people of Israel, and Gideon, and the abovesaid women: in like mode it is not incongruous to connumber this young woman among the good ones specially sent by God, chiefly since she neither seeks gifts and labours with all devotion to the good of peace. For this is not the work of an evil spirit, who is rather the author of dissension than of peace.

VI.

As it were by corollary following from the propositions premised afore: this girl is a true person in human nature, specially sent by God to those works which are done not humanly but divinely; to whom faith is to be exhibited.

This proposition appears answering the questions prelibated. For that she is truly man appears from the first proposition. And because he ceases not even in these days specially to provide for us by supernatural signs, it is not incongruous for God to assume an innocent Maid, chiefly after the fourth proposition. And because that gift perseveringly resides with her to a deific end, and through the means of virtue and honesty, as the fifth proposition asserts, this sixth proposition seems consequently to be conceded. Nor is it a marvel if in the equestrian state she be of another light than in the wonted female state: because also David, willing to consult the Lord, put on the ephod and took the psaltery; and Moses, while he bore the rod, did marvellous things, because, as Gregory says, the Holy Spirit frequently conforms himself inwardly to the concurrent outward things.

So from the prelibated, the friend of this way can take occasion of defending his part, proceeding also to the ampler dilation of another. But because there are found others more inclined to the opposite part, it remains to bring from the sacred Scripture certain testimonies from which they may be able to take the fulciments of their position, inspecting the propositions underwritten.

PROPOSITIONS AGAINST THE MAID.

I.

Many pseudoprophets are to come, asserting themselves to be divinely sent by God.

This proposition is of the Saviour saying that in the last days, to wit of the evangelical law, many shall say they come in my name and many shall be deceived by them. Whence also the Apostle says that the angel of Satan transfigures himself into an angel of light. Nor is it a marvel: because that malignant king over all the sons of pride incessantly strives to usurp the excellency of the divinity, and therefore procures false prophets sent under the name of God to deceive. Therefore, etc.

II.

Pseudoprophets frequently foretell the hidden things of hearts and the effects of future contingents.

This proposition is wont to be conceded by the doctors. Whose reason is because, the higher a virtue is, the more amply it extends itself. Now it stands that the intellect of demons is much higher than the human intellect, and so the things which are hidden to us and future, which are unknown to us, are known by the evil spirit. And so the prophets of demons, by their instruction, can reveal such things. Therefore, etc.

III.

The true prophet is not easily discerned from the false by outward appearances and signs.

This proposition appears because it behoves not a prophet to be of virtuous life or to have grace; and the prophets of demons can prognosticate things hidden to us and future; and so of many other things in which they agree with the true prophets. But if sometimes they foretell false things, they know to palliate by giving another understanding, or to allege that the true prophets sometimes prophesied certain things which came not to pass. So it is read of the prophets Isaiah and Jonah. For which also the Apostle says that not every spirit is to be believed, but they are to be proved whether they are of God, insinuating a difficult discretion between the good and the evil prophets. Therefore, etc.

IV.

Now, in the time of grace, that a spiritual mission be made by God to the prosperity of temporal felicity has not much apparent efficacy.

This proposition can be taken from the things which Augustine oft commemorates: for the goods of the present life are equally conceded to good and evil, just and unjust, chiefly in this time of grace, lest the good affix their love to transitory goods in which the evil most flourish; that they may also attend what goods he reserves to his friends in the future life, when he affluently confers the transitory goods of this life upon his enemies. To make then a mission procurative and prognosticative of the present felicity (which is written to be little weighed) seems to have a moderate appearance. Yet in the Old Testament, while that people served God for these temporal goods, it is read that mention was sometimes made to such (126). Therefore, etc.

V.

This Maid commits two things which are read to be prohibited in the sacred Scripture.

This proposition appears because in Deuteron. xxii a law prohibits that a woman put on the garments of a man; and the Apostle prohibits that a woman shave her head in the manner of a man: now the opposite of either is narrated of this Maid. And it seems at first face to verge upon a certain indecency of young girls, that the Maid sits a horse clad in the male habit; and, since God loves modesty, it seems to derogate from the assumed divine mission, to transform herself into the male form. Nor does such a mode seem concordant with the familiar mission, because so familiar a mission is made through the Spirit sanctifying the soul inwardly, after that of Wisdom vii: The wisdom of God transfers herself into holy souls; she constitutes friends of God and prophets. For which, if the mission of this young woman be prophetical, it behoves her to be of a certain excellent sanctity and of the divine mind inwardly, and it seems indecorous that such a person transform herself into a secular man of arms. For it is not so read of Esther and Judith, albeit they adorned themselves with the more solemn cult, yet womanly, that they might the more pleasingly please those with whom they had conceived to act. Therefore, etc.

VI.

That the said Maid was specially sent by God, and that God works through her, or that trust is to be applied to her, cannot be shown by sufficient appearance.

This proposition appears as it were by corollary from the premised, because, if many false prophets are to come like to the true; if to the prosperity of temporal felicity there be no special mission under the time of grace; if her proceeding is made against the divine mandates: how can it be assertively held that a girl of this kind was singularly elected by God to execute the things which are famed?

From which it appears how the favourers of this way may colour their part, impugning the opposite way, moreover taking occasion from the premises to find profounder things. So these things joined here and there, collectively set, are offered to them that shall see the cause of the present case or of a like future one, that they also may be able to answer something to them that move like questions, ever to the glory of God, who reigns blessed in the ages. Amen.

SIBYLLA FRANCICA. #

DISSERTATIONS OF A GERMAN CLERK OF THE DIOCESE OF SPEYER,

JULY — SEPTEMBER 1429.

SCROLL I.

Priests are commended by the honour of the Gods and the contemplation of the Angels (as in can. B. Gregorii caus. xi, q. 1, Sacerdotibus), since indeed, dowered with divine wisdom, they are comforted by frequent visions of Angels. Whence they know to interpret the mysteries of the marvels of God, and also to reveal by the high virtue the disposition of human things, by which the state of this sliding world is carried and governed. Verily it is clear that the things which God works marvellously in the lands, he willed these same to be manifest to his elect, whom he set in the lot of his heritage, and to whom he commended the treasures of wisdom and knowledge to be dispensed to the rest.

A rumour having lately arisen, which titillates the ears of them that hear, of a certain sibyl in the realm of France, who has begun to prophesy, the fame shining fulgid, besprinkled with the good odour of the opinion of all, notable in life, manners and conversation; whom the vulgar says to gleam with sanctity, learned also to wars and prescient of the events of battles: whence, admiring with stupor at the unaccustomed, it asks faith of the clergy, under whatsoever colour, what is to be thought of the same; as befell me four days not yet elapsed, a certain army of the lord N. returning and coming from the siege of the city N. (127), a question of such kind was impulsed. Now openly I gave solution to a secret thing, whereby I left the suspended minds of the askers. Yet I closed the round mouths of the adherents, the objected matters at length passing under silence, so that they nowhere raised the noise of asking further.

At length I revolved in mind the matter of the stupors of this kind of this rare and unaccustomed thing; so far as I could from the littleness of my genius, I have cared to amputate the ambiguous: whence indeed the clergy may be able to solve to the asking vulgar the doubt; and let the vulgar discern that wisdom and the knowledge of divine things are committed to the clergy from on high; and the things which God has excogitated to be done about these inferior things, he willed to be revealed and interpreted through the clergy, who knows the sense of the Lord, himself revealing, and was his counsellor predestined before the constitution of the world through Christ Jesus, who is a priest for ever; in whom participating the nature of the divinity, we also are made heirs of the realm of the heavens; who made known all things which he heard from the father; by whom he commanded and constituted himself to be offered, a host of salvation in the odour of sweetness, for sacrificing, in the sacrament of the altar, consecrating the mystery of our peace and unity in the table of proposition, as De consecratione, dist. ii, can. Quia passus. But because I am rude and untaught, I have bent my reed to simple things, so that also the idiot, who knows not letters, may be able to enter into the powers of the Lord, and that he may be able to know, and not be ignorant, that there are prophets in Israel, and that their germ fails not, until he who sits in the throne has made all things new.

That there is a sibyl in the realm of France I doubt not. For among the Greeks every woman who interprets the divine mind to men is called a sibyl, which name is from the office and not from the propriety of the word; as prophet in the male sex. Jerome, the most excellent of the doctors, who knew the Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean, Egyptian and Latin tongues as though he had been born and nourished in them, as Augustine relates of him, mentions to have read of ten sibyls:

1° The Persian, born of the Persians, in the time also of Cyrus the first king of the Persians, who reigned thirty years, and took up the government of the realm in the year from the creation of the world three thousand four hundred and seventy-three, of whom the History of Kings treats much, and of his son Cambyses, Darius, and his son Xerxes, who loosed the captivity of the Jews after the prophecy of Jeremiah, with whom this Sibyl protested the propitiation of the Gods upon the nation of the Jews. Of which things, in iv Kings, in Ezra and Nehemiah, you may revolve the histories, which I shall dismiss for brevity’s cause, this only being considered, that this Sibyl demonstrated by prophecy that the realm of the Jews was to be recovered, as our sibyl of the house of France is said to prophesy the same.

2° The Libyan, so called from Libya, near Crete and Sicily, which are the septentrional parts of Africa; whose presage was of the marvellous nativity of the incarnate Word, declaring that men in those times were to be communicated to the nature of the Gods. That as the Apostles and you, who in the primitive Church were fervent in exceeding charity, ever expecting the sword, raised the dead and foresaw the triumphs of wars, as in the Legend of SS. Simon and Jude the Apostles; so also our sibyl, in the noble realm of France, is said to direct battles to the salvation of the French against the occupiers and invaders of the same realm.

3° The Delphic, born in the temple of the Delphic Apollo, who prophesied before the Trojan wars, of whose most verses Homer, the greatest Poet of the Greeks, inserted into his work (as in Inst. De jure naturali gentium, § 4), as among the Latins Virgil is said. To our purpose. Troy being destroyed, Rome began to be planted, as Orosius and Gilbert (128) say in their chronicles. In like mode, the English being expelled, Paris shall be recovered, and the realm of the Franks shall be established in the hand of the Dolphin, the most illustrious firstborn prince of the house of France.

4° Herophile, born in Babylon, whose songs were found in the island Erythrea; who is proclaimed more celebrated and more noble than the rest, in this that she wrote most manifestly of Christ, and of the destruction of the realm of the Jews; who is also said to have been in the time of Ahaz and Hezekiah kings of Judah, in the year from the beginning of the world three thousand two hundred and fifty-three (of which iv Kings, ch. 17 and 18). Our sibyl, concerning the Dolphin king of the Franks, has signified many deeds done in part, part certain ones to be expected in future, as a most faithful prophetess in the events of things.

5° The Samian, called from the island, of which Bede says, book De temporibus, ch. 33, that the longest day there has fourteen equinoctial hours and two thirds of one hour; and to the gnomon of twenty-one feet answers a shadow of fifteen feet. She prognosticated one king of the whole earth; but our sibyl, one king in the realm of France, without the schism of the English.

6° The Amalthæan, who offered nine books to Tarquinius Priscus, in which were written the decrees of the Romans. She is also called the Cumæan, of whom Virgil:

Now comes the last age of the Cumæan song

and again Lucan, book V, fol. 3, after the beginning of the Punic war:

Such in the Eubœan recess the Cumæan prophetess, Disdaining to serve her fury to many Nations, proud from so great a slaughter of fates;

where the civil and Punic wars of the most sacred Pompey are surveyed, whom Mars the progenitor of Romulus dedicated to the city (129), who also subjugated realms. Yet his sepulchre is still discerned in Sicily, which is known to be subject to the Roman Church, as in Clem. Pastoralis De sententia et re judicata; and also lib. VI cap. Ad Apostolicæ, etc. So it is necessary that our sibyl, the Dolphin being crowned king of the Franks, will give informations and sane counsels, by which the realm itself shall be conserved, governed and prosper. The time of her prophecy being fulfilled she shall go out of the realm, and shall serve God in a humbled spirit. For her memory shall be more celebrated in death than in life.

7° The Hellespontine, born in the Trojan field, who is written to have been in the time of Solon, who with Draco, as the Justinian institution says, first published civil law for the Athenians; and committed the twenty-four letters to be used in writing, in the year after the creation of the world three thousand six hundred and eighteen; in which days Aristotle the son of Nicomachus was auditor of Plato, being in the eighteenth year of his age, in the time of Ahasuerus of the seed of the Medes occupying the realm of the Chaldeans, as the history of Esther in part relates, which was completed in that time. To our purpose. The Sibyl of France will cause the parliament at Paris to be solemnly treated and held for ministering justice to each; and the laws of Solon to be more ardently observed in the town of Paris, and letters as well of divine as of human things, by the doctrine and knowledge of the venerable and egregious doctors and masters, publicly and continually to be taught and preached, etc.

Long and tedious it would be to apply the properties of all the sibyls to our sibyl, of whom, to wit the Phrygian, Tiburtine and Albunean, for the present I supersede for brevity’s cause and the tedium of labour: since indeed from the things now set anyone of sound mind can understand that our little virgin fittingly obtains the sibyl’s name. And not undeservedly, according to the state of men and the qualities of the times, God works his miracles in the world variously and in divers modes through the weak and womanly sex, and reveals hidden things, so that by this intuit princes and dominators may feel the divine power above them, not hoping in bow and swords; as in times past it is read to have been done of Deborah, Judges ch. v, Judith and Esther, where by a womanly hand the victory was made by divine virtue. For thereby God is the more glorified than if in ten times a hundred thousand he had restored his people to liberty. For the weaker the person, the more glorious the triumph against the stronger.

I am borne indeed against the ferocity of the nation of the English, which is taught to wars in lance, sword and bow. For it has subjected the realm of France to itself under tribute. Yet let him see by what right it could do this, since otherwise the king of the English stood invested as feudatory of the king of the Franks, as De judiciis cap. Novit; what hostilities then has he made after the constitution of Frederick and Conrad of renowned memory (in lib. III De Feudis, tit. In quibus vasallus tenetur domino), Imperialem firmiter; likewise lib. III De pœnis violatæ pacis, of the constitution of the abovesaid, Hac edictali, etc. Not undeservedly then he is expelled as a foreigner, who by fraud trades against the most holy laws of the emperors. The pious France of the Gauls has generated many most profound doctors in the Church of God. Fierce England has atrociously fined very many, whom it has sent to the heavenly palaces by the most savage supplications. For she who has not blushed to pour forth her own blood (as Ex. De homicidio), as is worthy, neglects not to range against the blood of others. France, I say, is sweetly nourished of the things born of the land; but the other, shaken by the maritime floods after the likeness of the sea’s fervour, uses the goods of others. The islanders of the sea, as the English, the British, the Scots and the Thuleans, who are the last of all, among whom, as Pliny relates, the sea is held to be frozen, are exercised in the ferocity of wild beasts. Wherefore they are crueller than the other nations to rage not only against enemies but also sometimes against kin and friends; who, as Horace and Juvenal narrate, have in winter time nights continued for eighteen days without day, without the alternation of day. Night indeed is said from harming. Wherefore this people is prompt to harm, whom the Lord, to the ignominy of confusion, has suddenly reduced in the hand of our sibyl Maid.

Varro relates many sibyls, by whom it is commemorated that salvation was restored to realms, peace to lands, unity to the fatherland. For in the parts of the Rhine, Hildegard (130), whose prophecies and sepulchre are narrated at Bingen (131), of whom the inhabitants of the land behold to this day the events of many future things. Moreover also in the realm of Norway, Bridget, notable in birth and lineage, who slept in the Lord on the morrow of Mary Magdalene in the year of the Lord 1372 (132), how great a sibyl and prophetess she was, her eight books of celestial revelations attest, in which she saw manifold things of the future state of the Church, chiefly in the fourth, where she speaks of the glomeration of those, and of the ductile gold in comparison to Urban VI. Verisimilarly in the Epistle to Gregory XI, which she sent from Rome to Avignon, the prelibated Bridget born of the realm of Sweden, in which she evidently expounds of the mode of the blessed one’s assumption to the regimen of the universal Church, the joy of her mind, with insertion of certain hidden mysteries; whom lately Boniface IX aggregated to the catalogue of the Saints. Which all and singular things foretold by the same have either already passed, after the herald of the prophecy, or are expected in secure faith to be done in future without dread of the contrary.

Now the reason and causes that things so great and stupendous, never wont to be done, should be made, more than is wont (133) admires. For from the old times God was preached marvellous in the prophets. And these seemed as though by natural law to have authority of prophesying, because the prophet was born of the loins of a prophet, as Hosea of Beeri, and Joel of Pethuel, etc., proceeded of seed, yet notwithstanding that the light of prophecy is more excellent than the light of natural reason. For touched by the divine Spirit they were moved now to apprehending, now to speaking, now to doing something, or to all three at once, according to the magnitude of the good which God willed to give through them, or preordained the pain of evil to amend by temporal vengeance. The people thereafter became so fastidious at the annunciation of the prophets that it neither profited to good nor cared to cease from evil. And also they, sometimes troubled in a vehement spirit, brought vengeance, as IV Kings ch. 1, of Elijah and the two fifties. Similarly of the same, III Kings ch. 18. In the same mode of Elisha and the boys mocking him, whom two bears coming from the grove slew, forty-two in number, as IV Kings ch. 2 about the end. And moreover sometimes they were moved against the Lord who sent them, troubled in spirit, as appears of the son of the widow named Amati, whom Elijah raised; who sitting under the ivy, seeing not the comminatory prophecy against the Assyrian Ninevites completed, was angry against and towards the Lord, as Joshua says.

Now verily, in the time of grace, the Lord God has decreed to reveal gifts of this kind into the human kind through the womanly sex, which is soft and compassionate and bears pious bowels over the afflicted; so that, admonished by piety, we may rather be delighted to good, receding from evil, by the zeal of charity from piety, than by the liveries of chastisement from the terror of fear. This noble realm of France, I say, has suffered ruin of the superfluity of life and the abundance of bread, on account of the appearance of one woman (134). Now that the order of reparation may by merit answer to the prevarication of the offence, it is expedient to repair by a person fragile in sex but humble in life and devout to God, through the virgin, that which had been ruined through the woman. For France, in the pride of her swelling, extolled herself in power and arms above all the realms of the christians; terrified the neighbouring fatherlands to peace, as a lion; and when she roared, invaded and devastated lands; confiding too much in the wisdom of others’ counsels, as Achitophel; and in riches, as Baruch ch. 3, exalting herself to the stars; now verily prostrate on the earth, not able to rise again by her own power and fortitude of arms. That she may then fear God, and the more clearly recognise the sower of peace in all the powers of the reasonable creature, God disposed to raise her who could not rise of herself, since she has fallen and declined utterly to the depths.

I feel that the little virgin in France is a sibyl. For by the apprehension of instinct, by the revelation of the spirit as to vision, by the persuasion of counsel, and by the determination of the deed in her own person, she sets ends to the things to be done and done, as blessed Thomas says in the Second of the second, ch. lxxiii, q. 9, last art. And hitherto she herself has ever been intent and agitated by the prophetical spirit of predestination, which must by all means come to pass. But since she shall have begun to expound the vision of the menacing prophecy, even if the penitence of the people, against whom she shall have denounced the divine terrors and the vengeances of justice, shall thenceforth not obtain the pre-opted effect and the longed-for end (for the spirit of the Lord more perfectly touches the hearts of the prophets and illumines their minds, as IV Kings ch. 20); it will be verisimilar that she will not fully obtain with the vulgar the authority and credence of divination, although she be a true sibyl, as her life and acts contest. For she frequently purges and purifies her conscience by pure confession, and is strengthened in the virtue of the spirit of wisdom in the perception of the Eucharist; humble and molestless in conversation and consenting to the good, she vehemently detests the rapine of the poor and the depression of pupils and orphans. Wherefore she holds the state of honour in France for so much time as she shall reveal the visions of the prophecy of promise. Now the Gallic nation flourishes in cunning. For it is more summery than the Allemannic; but the latter is stronger, because more abundant in blood; therefore it fears not wounds from so great a one, as Vegetius says De re militari, lib. I, ch. 2. For which cause I move the violent by exasperating presumption, that, when she shall have declined the mode of prophesying of predestination and promise, it shall cast off the yoke of the Lord, nor hear the voice of the prophet, shall deport the sibyl into exile, and at last with the nation of the Jews shall treasure up to itself evil in the day of the Lord’s fury, as appears from the canon of the Bible in many passages of the histories.

Now on what kind of vision the aforesaid sibyl relies, the vulgar ceases not to ask. More than a year past, by a certain Frenchman of the Norbertine or Prémontré order coming to Laudun (135) with two horses as a pilgrim, I was in part taught. For she also contemplates by night the stars of heaven and measures the constellations. Yet I think that her sight is more towards the septentrion, and that thence she noted the stars of the Crown of nine stars, three of them more splendid, to wit the king of England, the dukes of Burgundy and Orléans, whom the Dolphin holds under his empire; Hercules standing genuflecting, having on his head and either shoulder a splendid star, the club (136) in the right, the lion’s skin in the left. Diligently she observed the lion of England to be crushed by the club of Hercules, and its power to be humbled; Cassiopeia quiescent in her seat in her thirteen stars, of which the first splendid in the head, so long as the daughter of the king of France stood matrimonially coupled to Henry king of England; the other great and splendid situate in the navel, since of the seed of the king of England she begat Henry, king of England, still established in puerile age, who also shall be lord of the sea, after the realms of Denmark, Sweden and Norway shall have been subjugated to the English lions. But Andromeda she revealed to be the queen of France, who glories in a constellation of twenty stars: in the head indeed a splendid one; for the firstborn of the Dolphin shall be more rutilant than the rest (137). At length both the hands of Andromeda are full of justice and truth; her steps upon the Lion and the Dragon.

And this as to the first kind of vision. We should have set more of the same, as of Bellerophon, Helice and Phœnix, which are also called constellations. Similarly also of the stars, as Orion, Bootes and the Hyades, which appear more in springtime, and their significations and ostensions; which I have passed over for brevity’s cause, and the tedium of the labour, and the moderate fruit. Indeed this thing is constituted in labour, which for the most part is contemned. The star is said from standing, because it is fixed to the orb. Constellations are made of many stars, as the Hyades and Pleiades, by which the times of the year are discerned. Whence Ovid:

That we may be in Pontus, the Ister has thrice stood with cold, The risen Pleiad makes four autumns.

The poet sets part for whole, or autumn for year, by a synecdochic locution, etc. The great stars are the constellations, as Orion, Bootes, Arcturus in the præcordia of Bootes, and Arctophylax, who is also called the keeper of the planets, etc.

Behold I have set the discretion on account of the wiser about the objected matter. For it is fair to speak of the soldiery of heaven, since the speech sparkles in the ears of them that hear; but the labour is egregious, for divine; for the astrologer is reputed a participator in the nature of the gods. Yet I will not that this our sibyl be connumbered among the planetarians, whom the Church disapproved, as caus. xxvi, qq. 2 and 3 throughout; but by the imaginary kind, doubt removed, she is not excluded: when being for the most part drawn out by sleep, or by a voice fallen from heaven, or by an accepted parable, corporally seeing things and their varieties, from which one elicits what the future event of battle or war will be; but by the intuit of the mind, so that she seems often to be set in ecstasy by the greatest, thus ministering truth to her revelations. For I doubt not that sometimes, with fasting stomach, through the natural day she considers and ponders the issues of things and the best ends, sometimes pursuing a solitary life, lest, that which is sought by the divine gift be lost by human conversation. For Parmenides the philosopher sat fifteen years on an Egyptian rock, that he might be free for the wisdom of natural things, sequestered from men.

Still the vulgar vacillates suspended in admiration, whence this befalls, that our sibyl prophesies not of other realms or lands, provinces or duchies. I shall lightly give an ear-soothing response. The studious inquisitor ought to contemplate the Master of the Scholastic History on the correspondence of the books of Kings, the thirteenth chapter, of Isaiah the prophet, born of royal seed, who prophesied the Babylonian captivity under four kings. Similarly Jeremiah in the thirteenth year of the reign of Josiah began to prophesy even to the third year of Joachim king of Judah, in which the captivity was made. Now Ezekiel and Daniel under four kings of the Chaldeans, Nebuchadnezzar, Belshazzar, Darius, Cyrus. These four greater prophets looked to naught more than only the kings of the Jews, the captivity and their deliverance. Little was their care of the realms of the Chaldeans, Assyrians, Medes and Persians, etc. At last the twelve lesser prophets prophesied only over the things to which they had been sent. Certain over the realm of Judah, that is of two tribes; certain over the realm of the Chaldeans; certain of the Medes; certain of the Assyrians: they prophesied each severally, and not each to each. So also and in like pace our sibyl looks only to the noble realm of France, and not the rest. Yet I have heard the relation of a certain one, who understood this same by ulterior fame, that the sibyl of France gave faithful testimony evidently of a certain other sibyl dwelling at Rome, whom she has never contemplated by corporal sight, by whom the realm of Bohemia was to be recovered. Behold an unaccustomed thing; wherefore worthy of admiration. Now what does this please, unless as though she should say that she is sent only for the realm of France, but that another is to be sent for another realm? Now as the Master in the histories relates, Epiphanius, bishop of Cyprus, merited in spirit to know the secrets of the prophets, because the world in flesh and full of faith. Marvel not then that the sibyl of France names another to come for another realm, describing the place of habitation and the disposition of the person: for she is the virgin of the Lord; she thinks the things that please God. That she may be chaste in mind, immaculate in spirit and body, her prophetical intellect, strengthened by the divine light, transgresses the corporal and the natural intellectual vision. For the corporal sight stands at the superficies of the seen body, and progresses not beyond. But the intellect by natural cognition stands at that which can be known from sensibles, so that it progresses also beyond. For this cause not by one and the same vision did all the prophets see. For certain denounced the future blinding of the Jews; certain the illumination of the gentiles; certain the final conversion of the Jews. Which all the Apostle commemorates in brief speech to the Romans, ch. xi, saying: Blindness in part has befallen in Israel, behold the first; until the fulness of the gentiles should enter, behold the second; and that all Israel should be saved, behold the third. Which shall be in the consummation of the world, and about the end of the world, when there shall be made one fold, that is the unity of the Church gathered in itself of all nations under the discipline of one faith; and one pastor, who set his soul for his sheep, which he marked in their fleeces by the aspersion of his blood, whom he shall lead to the fonts of life and the green pastures; who God and man born of the Virgin, lives and reigns in the ages of ages, amen.

Albeit my style redolent not the Italian eloquence, but in an uncultivated speech I have depicted these truths, and moreover with a hand tedious of the reed, yet not by that the less fruitful. He who shall have decorticated the spread grain, shall find marrow-deep the fecundity of its sweetness. The considerations of the soothsayers and mathematicians, who in exploring the nativities of men contend to arrive even to the atom, and also the influences of the heavens and stars, and the speeches on the harvest of the king of the Franks both of peace and of war — whoever shall will to speculate, labouring through lugubrious nights, shall arrive at the evident experience of all the premises, which is the directress of things and the most efficacious mistress. But since I am a christian, there is to me no care of such things; but let the things which have been said suffice for the present.

HERE ENDS THE FIRST SCROLL OF THE SIBYLLA FRANCICA.

SIBYLLA FRANCICA. #

SCROLL II.

God illumines every man coming into this world (as De hœreticis, cap. Cum ex injuncto); and the things which are said in darkness shall be produced into light; since naught is covered which shall not be revealed, and hidden which shall not be known. Before all things I supplicate that you attend, be not to me the most exacting exactors, but sustain somewhat the little of my insipience; support me in charity. For the things which I write, behold before God, who is witness of the pure conscience, which honours the magisterium and makes republics to be blessed (as De consolatione philosophiæ, lib. I, prosa 4, after the beginning), I testify are not feigned. I proceed only among so many things to inquire the truth, and in suspended doubt to choose the safer path (as De homicidio, cap. Ad audientiam), as of the sibyl of the realm and dominion of France, of which lately I persuaded certain things in a scroll, which I transmitted to your reverence. Now because I seem to fable things contrary to the priors, for this I pray I be not cursed, as he who enters the land by two ways is named accursed by the testimony of the law, as De apostatis, cap. Quidam.

Fabling, I lately sat, the ninth day of the month of September, by night, in a certain castle, about the hearth in collation with a certain doctor of law. Who among the rest related that he had newly come by sea from the realm of England; and of his own motion began to fame of the sibyl of France, and that among very many her deeds were detested, and not undeservedly. For revolving the books of the Old and New Testaments, nowhere is it read to be licit for a woman in the male habit, and chiefly in arms, to war. Wherefore the argument of the wise would be against the same, because led not by a good spirit she would attempt and prosecute things of such kind: but nay more strongly, by the faith of many, she would work such marvels hither and thither by magical arts and diabolical suggestions, etc.

To which I answered, albeit insufficient:

— I contest by the prohibition of the law (as in Deuter. xxii ch.) that it becomes not a woman to bear the male habit, nor vice versa, lest the rite of the gentiles be approved by the customs of the faithful. For the gentile women, that they might consecrate the sacred temples of Mars by their libations, bore arms and were vested in the garments of men; and on the contrary men attended to the distaff and spindles for the honour of Venus, the goddess consecrated to love. For the works of the illicit thing, so exhibited and noted with vice, are utterly to be punished; both because the outward cult ought to compete to the condition of the person, after the common custom. Nevertheless, as blessed Thomas says in the Summa, q. lxix, art. 2, this can be done without sin for cause of necessity, or on occasion of hiding from enemies, or of another reasonable cause. Whence deservedly it is most often read that women changed their wonted habits, as Tamar at the crossroads, Genesis ch. xxxviii.

He answered: — But not into the womanly.

— And moreover, as blessed Jerome relates in the book Vitæ Patrum, of brother Marinus, who, his sex and habit denied, assumed religion, his feminine name being changed to a masculine. Then because the virgin was a loving daughter to her father, who entered religion; and she sighing to the same, denied the name Marina, and moreover the womanly sex, and said she was Marinus a male, etc. And to blessed Jerome the Church stands as to an asserter of truth, as pope Gelasius relates in dist. xli, can. Sancta Romana, in which also the same book, to wit Vitæ Patrum, is approved by the Church by the testimony of seventy-two bishops. And if it pleased God that the virgin Marina warred in the spiritual male habit, when nevertheless certa spiritual things ought not to be intercepted by any fraud or guile: how much more does this virgin sibyl not offend in warlike arms; but shall be able to war for defending and forewarning for the republic and the common good?

And I marvel that one so famous in prosperous acts and deeds is not proved of what spirit she is; and that things so arduous and stupendous are neglected to be examined and proved by the Church. Indeed, since negligence hurts the soul and is the stepmother of the divine discipline (as in Auth. coll. VI De quæstore § Hæc omnia), the Church would be in fault if she should pass through dissimulating these things, since dissimulation is sometimes a mortal sin. Which nevertheless be far away. For the holy, immaculate and unwrinkled virgin mother is the Church, as in Clem. De summa Trinitate et fide, etc. Wherefore I am moved to excuse the virgin sibyl only from the relation of good odour and fame, which I have learned from the speeches of very many, by these writings: yet with protestation saved, that, if her deeds should be reprehended by the sacrosanct Roman Church, which by the Lord disposing is the directress and mistress of the others and of all the faithful (as De summa Trinitate, cap. Damnamus

(126) Reading of Goldast and of Du Pin. One would better understand missionem.

(127) These names, probably left blank in the author’s manuscript, could not since be supplied. The Vatican manuscript presents at this place the same lacuna as Goldast’s printed edition.

(128) That is to say Sigibertus, a frequent alteration in the middle ages of the name of Sigebert of Gembloux.

(129) We correct this member of the phrase after the Vatican manuscript, which bears quem mars proyenitet Romuli dicacit verbi. Goldast set in his edition quem Mars progenie et Romuli ditavit urbe.

(130) This saint, whose visions were examined and approved at the council of Trier, died on the 17th of September 1180. She began to be honoured only in the fifteenth century.

(131) Pinguïa, Bingen. It was indeed in the monastery of St Robert, under the walls of Bingen, that the relics of St Hildegard were kept until the Thirty Years’ War. Acta SS. Bolland. September, t. V, p. 67.

(132) Error of date: St Bridget died on the 8th of October 1373. Her predictions were approved by the council of Basel, which even declared them worthy to be commented on in the chairs of theology; they were thus one of the most widespread books at the beginning of printing. Editions were made in all languages. On the vogue which they enjoyed long before receiving the solemn approbation of the Church, see the Acta SS. of the Bollandists, t. IV of October, p. 400. Jouvenel des Ursins reports that in 1414 an ambassador of the king of England, the bishop of Norwich, harangued Charles VI relying on a quotation from St Bridget, wherein it was contained that by the prayers and orisons of mons. St Denis, patron of the French, the princes of the lineages of France and of England, by right, ought to have firm and stable peace.

(133) Reading of Goldast’s edition, no less vicious in the Vatican manuscript, which bears numquam in consuetum fieri plus solite.

(134) Allusion to Queen Isabeau de Bavière. Compare the analogous terms of the deposition of Catherine Leroyer: Prophecy… militèrent deperditioni, etc., t. II, p. 141 of this work.

(135) Doubtless Laudun, in the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.

(136) Reading of Goldast and of the Vatican ms. Correct rhopalon.

(137) This prediction applies to the child who was afterwards Louis XI. He was seven years old in 1429. See further on, p. 465, another version of the same oracle.

…, penultimate §), or by whomsoever having authority from the same, who should detest things of this kind as pernicious and contrary to the catholic faith, I reprehend and detest all and singular, as is premised, done by the aforesaid sibyl, or in any wise to be done in future, as void and superstitious, from these my writings and my own hand. For even if an Angel from heaven should evangelise to me another mandate than what the Church approves and establishes (Ad Galatas, ch. i, v. 8), I would not believe him. For I know that Satan also sometimes transfers himself into an Angel of light, so that he may be able to ensnare the miserable souls of the doubting; and he has knowledge of many things, as appears from the sentences of Isidore, book II of the Sentences, dist. 8, saying: By a triple acumen the malign spirit is known to flourish; by the subtlety of nature, because albeit lapsed from grace, yet not despoiled of nature; by experience, which is the effecting mistress of things (as De electione, c. Quid sit ecclesiis, book VI), which also is wont to constitute the untaught wise; and by the divine permission, as in blessed Job, Antony, etc. Whence for deluding he sets hidden snares, that he may be able to seduce, nay even sometimes sets the elect in error.

Yet it seems to me that this sibyl is not impelled by the prestiges of the malign spirit; otherwise she would by no means flee the legal pains, as C. De maleficis, l. Nullus, l. Nemo, l. Culpa. For she would be to be struck with the sword or burned with fire (in Inst. De publicis judiciis, § Eadem lege); where after Accursius, Azo and Bulgarus, by the Cornelian law on assassins, poisoners who publicly sold evil medicaments, so that man was extinguished by poison as by the sword, who are called assassins (as De homicidio, c. Pro humani, book VI), by which not only the death of bodies but also the peril of souls is procreated; and the whisperers, that is enchanters, and the rest insisting on odious arts, walk in like pace to the fining of pains. But nay rather of her merits, the sanctions of the laws requiring, if she should be caught noxious, she would be lethally punished, albeit the canons more mildly inflict a pain of forty days for penitence, as De sortilegiis, c. In tabulis, etc.

Yet I will premise certain arguments for knowing the diabolic arts, whence at length a presumption of the sibyl may be the more efficaciously had; first only presupposing the little treatise on superstitions of the venerable master Nicolai Jayr, doctor of the sacred page of the bounteous University of Heidelberg, whose fame and life is glorified by multimodal titles of lauds, and whose writings are deservedly approved by the Church, since from its unity by the integrity of the faith he seems not to have made digression. But also because the same little book is common in this fatherland, and known as its author, for that cause I pass it over, and presuppose in truth the things woven in it, willing to render some obedience to certain things which I find not set in the same.

Solinus in the second book De mirabilibus mundi says: The first voice of the newborn is wailing; for the joy of the living is deferred to the fortieth day, the mother’s pains being loosed and purged. Now only Zoroastres is read to have laughed in the same hour in which he was born. Nor is this a good sign by the indication of futures: for he was the first inventor of the magical art; for he invented iconias, that is images, on which this art is considered to rely.

It remains nevertheless that the iconic similitudes mix astrology and necromancy, superstitious faculties; but with a cult sometimes disparate. For the iconia of each art retains its operative force. Moreover the commentator recites upon the Centiloquy of Ptolemy (who, as the Histories of Realms hand down, stood a marvellous man in the mathematics; for he added more to astronomy than he found written before him. He was an advocate of Alexandria, and with astronomical instruments observed the stars in the time of Pius Antoninus the emperor, who was also related among the divinities, and as Romulus was worshipped by the Romans. For he was son-in-law of the tyrant Hadrian, who made the fourth persecution of the Church. He was, I say, in the island of Rhodes, where naval commerces were formerly treated: whence the Rhodian law took its exordium, as De consecratione dist. iii, can. Rhodiæ leges, and ff. De lege Rhodia de jactu, l. Si laborante, § Si conservatis, etc. For of moderate stature, white in colour, strong of anger, of little food, having a redolent breath, and shining garments; and he composed many books, the Almagest, the Perspective and the Centiloquy, etc., and lived eighty-eight years. These proverbs of his are borne: Among men he stands higher, who cares not in whose hand the world is. Likewise: The last promises of a man are hoary, etc.) that he saw a certain one who sculpted the figure of a scorpion, the moon existing in the sign of the scorpion, and whosoever afterwards had an impression of it, whether in incense or in wax, was cured of the bite of the scorpion.

Master Robert Holkot, an Englishman, narrates in like manner how in his times a certain one was in London, having the image of a golden lion fabricated after certain constellations. By means whereof they were cured who laboured of the quartan fever. This he in the fifty-second question, about the book of the Wisdom of Solomon. Place the reason whereof. For, as the Experimentator says after the division of the triple kind of the lion, the lion is the driest of animals, and of all quadrupeds its fat is the hottest, and is shaken together with quartan fevers. Wherefore the figure of the lion under the influence of the thirteen stars describing the sign of the lion seems to afford remedy against the leonine fevers, that is the quartans. For the scorpion in theriac heals the bite of the scorpion, as the Philosopher witnesses in the book De pomo, saying: Logic avails the philosopher as much as the scorpion in theriac, which alone profits them that are struck by scorpions, and not the sane; so alone against the sophists logic avails, and not them that nakedly inquire the truth.

Behold these figures had efficacious operations, the egregious masters afore-mentioned witnessing. When nevertheless the illustrated reason persuades that artificial images can attain no truth from art, nor have any from the celestial bodies, unless such as they should have by reason of nature and the substantial form. For the figure which the thing imprints causes not the principle of altering.

Wherefore it appears that such figures, as of the scorpion and the lion, are invented by demons through hidden pacts by reason of certain characters impressed on them, and consecrated to the same demons, as they were so. For only in this do astrological and necromantic iconias seem to differ, that these are expressed by hidden pacts, but those by public, invoking the virtue of demons, are confected and fabricated by artificers. Now the mathematicians sometimes use iconias, or the similitudes of figures congruent to that art. But these seem to have in them a certain oracle of divinity; which most openly appears by the lord Albertus Magnus in his Prestiges. Those also blessed Augustine confesses in the IV book of the Confessions to have fabricated, saying: Those planetarians, whom they call mathematicians, I ceased not to consult. And the same, caus. xxvi, question ii, can. Illos planetarios.

Again, astrology is distinguished from astronomy. For, Hugh witnessing in the Didascalicon, lib. II, c. 11, Astronomy investigates of the law and habitude of the stars in their motions, sites, dispositions of orbs, and their quantities and proportions, by demonstrative processes; from which it predicts future eclipses, conjunctions and the other predications of stars. And this is one of the seven liberal arts, which elevates the human intellect to the consideration of the most excellent work of God, which is the wondrous fabric and hall of the noble heavens. But astrology observes the conditions and habitudes of the stars and the parts of heaven, and considers them as causes and signs of future events. And that is partly natural, partly superstitious. Natural in the complexions of the elements and other bodies, which after the temperance of the superiors are varied in health, sickness; tempest, serenity; fertility and sterility. But superstitious in these events which are subject to free will, which, as Hugh witnesses where above, the mathematicians treat; who in exploring the nativities of men contend to arrive even to the atom, while they distribute the zodiac circle into twelve signs, each sign into thirty parts, each part again into twelve points, each point into forty moments, the moments into sixty ostents, that they may the more diligently consider the partitions of the stars to catch, as it were without error, the fate of him who is born, as the lord Bede says, book De temporibus, ch. iii, etc. Behold how much labour and how frequent exercise this valid thing requires.

There are also mathematicians who consider matter abstracted from its quantity and the other accidents: whom Boethius calls the intelligent; who by speculating know the things under the lunar globe by the more blessed and prior intellect, which requires a great clarity of light of the intellect, etc. Yet blessed Augustine reproves astrology in the V book De civitate Dei, ch. 1 to the eighth; likewise the second De doctrina christiana, where he says: The motion of the stars is certain; but to will to predict from what motion the manners of the newborn and events, is a great error and a great dementia; etc. Sententially also he says of astronomy: Albeit the demonstration of the stars contains not superstition by itself; yet because it is familiar to the most pernicious error of the magicians, for that cause it is more commodiously and more honestly contemned by christians than learned. Also the prophet Isaiah detests it, ch. xlvii, vv. 11 and 13, where he speaks of the Babylonians and Chaldeans, among whom the consideration of the stars flourished: There shall come, he says, upon thee suddenly a misery which thou knowest not. Let the augurs of heaven stand and save thee, who contemplated the stars and computed the months. Likewise the Apostle to the Galatians, ch. iv, v. 9, says: How are you converted again to the infirm and egenous elements, to which you will again to serve. You observe days and months and times and years. I fear you lest perchance I have laboured in you without cause. Albeit after blessed Jerome and the ordinary Gloss upon the same passage, this letter is taken of the ceremonies of the judaising, yet not inconveniently, after master Henri de Hassia, can it be understood of astrological things nakedly to the letter.

Now it is to be known that where I have set image, figure or similitude, always understand nakedly iconia, which term iconia is proper to this art; but for the better understanding I have added the concomitant, as is figure, image or similitude, etc. For upon such iconias the virgin sibyl of France is not heard to intend, nor has any fame ever besprinkled her as suspect and to be noted of such kind.

Moreover necromancy verisimilarly fabricates images, which we call idols. Now necromancy, pyromancy, hydromancy, geomancy, spatulomancy (138), etc., were invented by demons, by which from of old the hearts of the gentiles given to vanity were prohibited, being impeded from the cult of the one true God. And those arts, after blessed Augustine, are inspired into men by demons from a certain familiarity, by which they are deceived when they converse with them, by the divine permission, on account of the manifold kinds of their sins. For certain things which are revealed to men by demons contain the express invocation of demons, as appears of the mode of enclosing the malign spirit, where a certain pact and promise is required, sometimes under a chirograph, sometimes in one’s own blood, sometimes in renunciation of the faith and detestation of the name of Jesus Christ, etc. Now the idol being fabricated, if anyone will to foreknow certain future effects, it is necessary for him to offer a holocaust, adoration being adjoined with unknown words. For such words are so truncated that neither Hebrew, Greek, Chaldean, Arabic nor Syriac could interpret their virtue. But it seems to me that these prayers, under the tenor of obscure words, are collected by the astuteness of the demon from divers languages into one, so that the worshipper of the idol may not understand the mysteries and the force of the words of such kind. Now the holocaust and adoration being completed, the fallacious deluder and father of lying exhibits his presence. O how great a holocaust offered Gilbert (139), who was the preceptor of Otto the emperor and of Robert king of France (who published the sequences of the Holy Spirit, and another Veni Sancte Spiritus, and stood an illuminated and learned king), and was also author of the six principles which the dialecticians formerly used! For the same ambitiously sought divers honours. For first he held the chair of the Church of Reims; at length translated to Ravenna; lastly made pope, named Sylvester in his obedience. Yet primitively, when he was a monk of the convent of Fleury, over which presided the abbot Joachim, as De summa Trinitate, cap. Damnamus, made an apostate, he did homage to the devil for the ambition of honour, and handed himself over to him. At length nevertheless, his members being incised, the trunk of the body set on a beast, he was borne to St John Lateran at Rome, and there buried (140).

In like manner it is narrated of the lord Albert, surnamed Regmersdorf, bishop of the church of Halberstadt, who was a great sophist (which shines again in his sophisms, which among the scholastics in the Universities of Rostock (141), Oxford, Erfurt and Leipzig are most frequently frequented). The same, while he was in his castle of Grüningen (142), situate at the distance of a great mile from the city of Halberstadt, in the time of the strife and war of the illustrious dukes of Brunswick (143), had an enclosed spirit, whom he consulted, and to whom he exhibited holocaust and adoration. Who answered the consulter: Lord, be secure; thine enemies shall be subjected; and in the same night, sleep being heavy, the aforesaid castle was taken by the dukes and burned.

Behold the fallacious deluder, the express invocation of the demon with a mendacious deception. Sometimes nevertheless not fallaciously but veraciously he gives responses after the order of the thing and the series of events, as befell the venerable lord John the Teuton, doctor of both laws, whom the lord Gaspar Caldrini alleged in his writings, in the treatise De decimis, etc.; who was provost of the church

(138) The Vatican manuscript gives spatumancia, but the correction spatulomantia emerges from the explanation given further on (p. 458) of this kind of divination. Spatulomantia is wanting in the glossary of Du Cange.

(139) That is to say Gerbert.

(140) It is long since criticism has purged history of these puerile fables. See the Apologie des grands-hommes accusés de magie, by G. Naudé, and the Histoire littéraire de France, tome VI.

(141) The Vatican manuscript gives Rostagtzensi. It is Rostock, in Mecklenburg.

(142) Brunyngin, in the Vatican manuscript.

of greater Halberstadt, and a fervent disciple of this discipline. Once in the sacred night of the Nativity of the Lord he read the lessons of the nocturnal office in the Cologne, Magdeburg and Halberstadt churches; relying on the authority of the magical art, as by a spiritual motion, the same cold old man, subtly journeying through the air in the space of three hours, exhibited his personal and corporal presence in the three aforesaid places distant from each other. He had also an enclosed spirit, whom he compelled by exorcism to responses.

It is also said that, while he insisted on the precepts of the exorcism against the enclosed spirit, and heard a priest with a lamp and the sacrament of the Eucharist pass by his house, after the honorary constitution De celebratione missæ, c. Sane, he bent his knees, reverently inclining himself to the sacrament. Now the same little shade in the glass vessel was discerned to do likewise. And because the incautious priest had only one part in the pyx, which he communicated entire to the sick man, and on his return induced and permitted the people to idolatrise: the lord John hearing the lamp, bent his knees. Smiling, the spirit said: The house is empty, and the guest has gone out. Passing, the provost looked into the pyx in which the sacrament was being borne, and found it empty. Behold he gave truth to his responses. The same lord John the Teuton was a marvellous operator of the magical art. He built indeed a certain thunder-veil (144) of the greatest square-cut stones under the earth, in which I also have been, the first truth witnessing; where he diligently attended to the exercises of the aforesaid art, and explored and demonstrated many experiences in the events of things thereupon.

Sometimes also they are deceived who study in the magical art, not indeed by those demons whom they worship and invoke; but by their princes, who are more powerful than the others. Whence while a certain German was journeying to St James, when he had come to the realm of Navarre, he met a certain necromancer, who said to the pilgrim: I see thou art in peril of death; but if thou wilt repay me a reward, I shall save thy life. The German promised. The necromancer therefore led the pilgrim into a certain town, and in the chamber prepared him a bath, and while he was in the water of the bath, he set before him a delectable mirror, which the magicians are wont to use, and asked of him what he saw. The pilgrim answered: I see in my house my wife, and a man with her. Then the necromancer had formed a certain image of virgin wax, and again said to the pilgrim: What seest thou in the mirror? He answered: I see a certain clerk standing with a bow stretched and an arrow set, that he may shoot thy waxen image. Then the necromancer, expounding to him the deed, said: The waxen image is thine image. Now thy wife and the clerk her lover agree in this that they slay thee; because if the clerk shall be able to shoot that image, thou art dead. Guard then thyself, and when he begins to draw the bow, immerse thyself wholly under the water of the bath in which thou standest. Do this a third time, because he cannot shoot more. Which being done the pilgrim raised himself from the water, and again looking in the mirror, saw how the wife with the handmaid buried that clerk, dead of a sudden death, in a certain stable. The German therefore paid the necromancer the reward, and his pilgrimage accomplished, returning home, perceived the things which he had seen in the mirror completed in deed. Whence it appears that that necromancer of Navarre had a demon superior to that which the clerk had at home with the pilgrim’s wife. And so that clerk was deceived not indeed by his own demon, but by the superior, as appears.

I think it not to be passed over in silence that many simple ones are deluded by the magical arts, by no means ascribing authority to the suggestions of the demons, for the reason that they understand not the mysteries of the pacts and their hidden causalities, but sometimes believe things of this kind to come to pass by chance, sometimes by natural progress. As that which Palladius relates De agricultura, lib. I, where treating of doves he says: The doves perish not, nor desert the place, if through all the windows something of the wood or the bond of a strangled man be suspended. All such things look to certain pacts constituted of old between men and demons, and many other things which are frequented by old women in common uses, as are the medications (145) which they make with poplars and a measuring-rod of seven feet in length upon the head of a sick man, for recovering lost things (146): as those who suffer the cholic passion, which is called by old women the pregnant woman, and them that suffer turrets, pustules or ulcers of the lung. For with the length of the crucified one they strive to cure, proffering words whose significations are well known to the devil; and maledictions, which they have for benedictions, into the remedy of the amaror of the bowel or the vecordial passion; and exorcisms whereby they compel the amarons (147) to return in the morning and seek fire before the sun’s rising; and incantations whereby they procure sometimes the intent sterility, sometimes fecundity, or the impotence of coition (as caus. xxxiii, q. 1, can. Si per sortiarias), by deprecations and immolations and exorcisms of lights kindled in praise of the idol, which they worship under an unknown name, believing it the name of God; yet it more truly represents the name of the devil. For the malign spirit, as is clear in many passages of the sacred Scripture, greatly affects latria, servitude and the honour of the creator. For this cause when he is adored, and this from the intention and confidence of the magician, he makes sometimes unaccustomed and marvellous things; as we have here to intersert a long history, which is not a fable but a thing done, at which I also was personally present in the territory of Mainz (148), about twenty years having flowed by, how the malign spirit supplied the office of a midwife, and the infant being born, deported the same into another house, guarding its mother and forewarning her from infamy. Afterwards the mother revoking the homage by penitence, it besieged her. At length liberated, she exposed to all the series of the thing of adoration, immolation, holocausts and pacts entered between them. Whence from the evidence of the deed an argument is taken, how and wherefore the iniquitous spirit suborns very many deceptions and fallacies; although the human kind obstinate in sins least perceives the lurking snares of the enemies.

For every superstitious thing, as blessed Augustine says, lib. II De doctrina christiana, making for worshipping, or for consultations, or for tacit or express pacts bargained and federated with the demons themselves, against the cult of the true religion of one God and faith, is to be eliminated by the Church. Chiefly the volumes of the magical arts, and the ligatures of sicknesses, which the discipline of the physicians condemns, whether in prayers, or in words, or also in figures, which they call characters; as the Master of the histories relates, of the correspondence of the Gospels, how in the presence of the renowned Vespasian, while he was in the siege of the city of Jerusalem, a certain Jew by exorcisms confected by Solomon ejected demons, chiefly applying to the nostrils of the obsessed the root of a certain herb, which the old women call the herb of St John. For what cause this was sinning, it pleases to know. I answer: it stands that Solomon was sometimes an idolater; whence it is possible that his exorcisms were ordained by demons, and therefore are illicit. For upon such characters no virtue from the stars or planets can be imprinted, as I foretold, since they are not distinct things figured. But if there is imprinted upon them a virtue on account of the figure or character or the authority of words, as here, this is naught but through pacts of demons instituted of old. For by a great pact the evil spirit inflexed Solomon to idolatrise. For as a just king erects the earth, Proverbs ch. xxix, and directs all the people subject to him in the way of the Lord, because the heart of the holy king is inscrutable of high counsels, Proverbs ch. xv, so the iniquitous king makes all the people delinquent in the law of God, etc.

Now they who have pythons study the magical art in prayers. For the pythonic art is firstly in the raising of the dead, that he may give responses, or the devil in his likeness, as is I Kings, ch. xxviii. Saul consulted the Lord, who answered him neither by priests, nor prophets, nor dreams. He approached the pythoness, prayers and pacts being voluntarily entered with her. Lifting himself up, the devil appeared in the likeness of Samuel, and straightway sent himself to be adored (which Samuel would not have done), saying: To-morrow thou shalt be with me; and consequently he prophesied the issue of the war and true things, because future contingents, hidden to us, are permitted sometimes to be predicted by the divine ordination. Moreover, from this that Saul was not worthy to have responsion from any of the prophets living, so much the less prodigally would he have merited responses from any of the prophets dead, chiefly of Samuel, the most eximious of all the prophets, postulated from the Lord. Yet willing more fully to know the pythonic divination subjected to the error of the magical art and equally condemned, let the prudent reader recur to the Epistles of blessed Augustine, epist. ii, to Felician, and he will find a copious matter, which for brevity’s cause I pass over. Similarly in caus. xxvi, q. 5, can. Nec mirum, where also of the rods of the magicians in Egypt, etc.

I have seen and heard in the mountains of Styria and Carinthia women having pythons. And near the town of Prunecke, of the diocese of Brixen, there was a certain old woman diligently intent on prayers and diabolic holocausts, who in a time of serenity, the sun inflecting its course about the tropic of Cancer, raised a most savage tempest with lightnings and coruscations and no small hail, through the spaces of certain fields, willing to avenge herself on her adversaries. At length indeed, caught and vanquished by her own confession, she was given living to the fires. Which I think was done not yet twelve years past. I have seen several obsessed and fatigued by the malign spirit in those fatherlands. For the worst people of these lands for the most part delights in curious superstitions. The competently taught clergy prohibits not the people, but dissimulates.

About divination many things are to be considered. For certain divine in a dead python, as I have now foresaid; certain in a living one, as the arrecticii, who only know the variable qualities of the times, the light of the sun alone being considered: for Python Apollo, after Isidore, is said to have been the author of divining; certain in fire, as the pyromantics; certain in the air, as the aeromantics; certain in water, as the hydromantics; certain in the viscera of immolated animals, as the aruspices; certain about the sites and motions of the stars, as the genethliacs, observing the considerations of natal days; certain about the garritus of birds, as the augurs, of whom much in the poets; certain about the words of men prolated beyond intention, which they retort to something future, which they think to foreknow thence. And these are called ominor, as Maximus Valerius relates, saying: The observation of omens is connected by some contact of religion, since it is believed to stand not by fortuitous motion but by divine providence; as, the Romans deliberating whether they should migrate to another place, by chance at that time a certain centurion cried: Standard-bearer, plant the standard; here we shall best remain. Which voice heard they took for an omen, relaxing the counsel of passing. Now certain from the inspection of hands, as the chiromantics; certain from the shoulder-blades of animals, certain flowers appearing thence, who are called spatulomantics; certain from the stars, as the astrologers; certain from dreams.

But of dreams the cause is twofold: interior, and this is twofold: one indeed essential, in so far as it intervenes in the man’s fantasies in sleeping, in which his cogitation and affection had lingered waking. And such a cause of dreams is the cause of future events; whence dreams of this kind are accidentally related to future events. If sometimes they concur together, it will be casual. Albeit the intrinsic cause of dreams is the corporal cause; for from the interior disposition of the body, a certain motion is formed in the fantasy, convenient to such disposition: as to a man in whom cold humours abound, it shall occur in dreams that he is in water or snow. Similarly choler abounding too much in the body, the man suffers dreams of fires; as the lord Albert narrates that he had a certain dream, that burning pitch was in his belly. The cause was, because black choler dominated in him. Rising from sleep he emitted black choler in great quantity, etc. And for this the physicians say that dreams are to be intended, for cognising the interior dispositions.

Now the exterior cause of dreams is similarly twofold; corporal, in so far as the imagination of the sleeper is changed either by the contingent air or by the impression of the celestial body, so that certain fantasies may appear to the sleeper conformable to the celestial disposition. Now the spiritual cause is, sometimes indeed from God, who by the ministry of Angels reveals certain things to men in dreams, after that of Numbers xii: If anyone among you shall be a prophet, in vision I shall appear to him, and by dream I shall speak to him; sometimes also from the devil on account of tacit or express pacts, entered or to be entered, as Matth. ch. xxvii, of Pilate’s wife.

Yet the Philosopher determines three kinds of men frequently to have significative dreams. The first the frenetic, that is the idiots, who are not solicitous about terrene things nor about themselves, and therefore well feel the extraneous motions of the celestial bodies, as certain birds and beasts forefeel rain and things of this kind. The second the melancholies, who are imaginative, and commonly the inventors of arts. For they are naturally cold and dry: therefore the impression of the simulacra becomes naturally stronger, since indeed their brain is naturally white and

(143) It is here a question of the war which William and Henri of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel made against their uncle Bernard of Brunswick-Lunebourg, which war lasted from 1416 to 1428.

(144) The reading is the same in the manuscript and in the printed text as to the two words tonitru vélum; but the beginning of the phrase differs in the manuscript, which bears: edificavit quidam quotam. t. e. It is impossible to understand either the one or the other. Some word of the hermetic tongue, having the sense of laboratory, must hide beneath the expressions tonitru and vélum.

(145) Mensiona, in the edition of Goldast.

(146) In the manuscript: Et septem pedum longitudine recuperanda perdita.

(147) For this word, as for all that precedes, the edition of Goldast and the manuscript are in desperate agreement.

(148) Maiszensi in the manuscript.

clear; wherefore they delight in light and clarity, and hate blackness and obscurity. They are the most expert authors of novel subtleties, as appears of Ptolemy, where above. The third are the lovers. Whence the Milesian poet:

He feigns the embraces, kisses, sights of the brother, Lastly figures the sweet work of Venus.

For love rests not, which has transverberated the marrows of hearts. In the absence of the beloved it contemplates, in his presence it rejoices. Now it plays in Fescennine songs words stammering in the manner of tender little boys, proffering the mysteries of secret things. Whence Ovid De remedio amoris:

By innumerable arts the mind of lovers is besieged, As a stone beaten on all sides by the waters of the sea.

Now it pours forth the entangled words of them that stagger in the gulf. Whence Naso in the books of the Tristia:

Often I bid farewell; again I have said many things, And as though departing I gave many kisses, etc.

And if it shall please, I shall collect into one the hidden art of the poets of loving, the times being apt. In like manner you can take judgment of enmity, since the same discipline most often belongs to opposites.

Nevertheless since I have a little touched the species of the magical art and of divinations, unwilling to interpret each too expositorily: both because none could obtain fruits, and also, if by your negligence or inadvertence the present scroll should come to the hands of idiots, certain might attempt less sufficiently; whence could follow peril of bodies and souls, as befell at Erfurt not many years past. Certain were congregated in one conventicle (149), willing to prove an experience in necromancy, which they called an experiment, with lights made of virgin wax being kindled and consecrated. The adoration being made, when they ought to have offered the holocaust, they offered not duly. Wherefore two of them were found dead in the morning; and the third, bowed in hands and feet and head through one seat, after the custom of that fatherland, quadruped, anxiously tribulated, and that night made bald as though he were an old man of seventy years, when he was scarce thirty; whom I saw and knew, who also obliged himself by vow to will to be promoted to the priesthood. The same, called Johannes Lapicida, became a good organist, chaplain of the lord Bishop of Merseburg.

Yet I am silent for the present of many things, discerning of fewer; willing indeed to add one thing to the premises of the notory art, which is of the acquiring of knowledge, which is wont to be done with great abstinence, fasting and labour. And the followers of this kind take argument from the three boys and Daniel, who so merited discipline, and wisdom in every book, and the notice of future things. These therefore use certain characters, and observe fastings prohibited by the Church, to wit on the Lord’s days, as De consecratione, dist. iii, cc. Placuit and Jejunium and dist. xxx, c. Si quis presbyter. Also with prayers collected from the tongues of divers idioms, which no expert can understand; but it is presumed that they are pactionary with the iniquitous spirit, who blinds such in their malices, on account of the fervent desire which they have to such an art, so that they see not the way of truth, as the Psalmist says: The fire of vain concupiscence has fallen upon them, and they saw not the sun. Whom blessed Augustine detests (as in caus. xxvi, q. 2, c. Qui sine Salvatore) with the anathema of eternal damnation, and says it is the error of the magical arts. For they think not that the gift of knowledge is a gift of the Holy Spirit, which is given to one and denied to another (as I ad Cor. ch. xii, Divisiones gratiarum, etc.); which the Lord God conceded to Solomon by his ineffable liberality (as III Kings, ch. iii, and II Paralip. ch. iv, etc.); and promised to concede to his disciples (Luke ch. xxi: I shall give you a mouth and wisdom, etc.). It is expedient to serve him who has eternal wisdom to give; who knows when, to whom and how much he ought to give, according to the capacity, the committed office being faithfully executed to the common utility of the republic and the mutual participation of charity, etc.

I knew a certain licentiate of the sacred page, who had no moderate notice of these arts. About seven years past he came with royal promotions to the lord duke Frederick of the house of Austria (who in the sacred council of Constance strove to deport the lord Balthazar de Cossa, called in his obedience John XXIII, into Italy; and sufficiently argued in him the jest which the most illustrious king Sigismund had played upon him); and had prayers for the bishopric of Trent. He made great costs and large expenses; at length retarded and neglected in the promotion, intercepted by the death of duke Ernest of Austria. The likeness, I say, of Priam shone again in him; of wondrous eloquence, and amiable to all the courtiers. Who, more joyful all his days, one night after the feast of St Martin, as I learned from his host, went more joyfully to bed. In the morning he was found dead, so that no wounds of death shone out at all. He left behind him one codex ever closed with an iron lock; and he esteemed it as a manual, because he confided it to none; whose key they found by his thigh-piece. The codex being opened, divers figures, characters, iconias and idols appeared written. The readers understood not. Called by the lord Ulrich, then chancellor of the aforenamed duke Frederick of Austria, now bishop of Brixen, I came, revolved the codex, and in the presence of the lord Duke interpreted one iconia. Lastly the same duke willed that I should proceed to the praxis, promising me a copious reward. But I excused myself as best I could. I persuaded him at last of a certain Goliard called Moreller. For in these things I should be insufficient. So that by the naked argument of reason I comprehended that the prelibated licentiate was a great magician and diviner. I said also to the aforesaid Ulrich the chancellor, from this that he went so joyfully to bed, and because perchance he grew warm with wine, he forgot to offer the evening sacrifice. Which being neglected, the evil spirit took to himself the sacrifice as his own, to wit the soul of the diviner, because every diviner, as the law of sacrifices says, is acceptable to the devil.

Now by the common fame, which is the officious nurse of virtues and honours, and the sweet pupil of praise, as Virgil relates in the Æneid:

Fame, the ill than which no other is swifter, Flourishes by mobility, and acquires forces by going;

and again in the same:

Each has his day; brief and irreparable is the time Of life to all; but to extend fame…

this little virgin in the realm of France is praised by all in the profession of the catholic faith, and in the ceremonies is found supported; she venerates much the ecclesiastical sacraments; she is conversant in a laudable life; religious in acts and deeds; in the name of the Holy Trinity she undertakes all works how great soever, and brings them to the opted end; confirming peace, taking away the want of the poor, she loves pursuing justice; she requires naught of the vanities of the world, neither pomps nor riches. For if she intended to superstitious things, her conversation would manifest it, since she would fabricate iconias, idols or figures, etc., and offer holocausts to the devil, and adore him by prayers, unless by occasion of inspection, as I related in the first scroll, or because she is arrecticiate; then because she is puerile in conversation with the boys, whom she is wont most to love, she could be named reprehensible. For levity in every divine work is to be avoided, and the gravity of manners most greatly to be pondered, by the Saviour’s example, the Scripture relating. Yet I think, ampler information saved, that the thing done by her is of the divine ordination. Within a term, the Lord helping, she promised the restitution of the realm to the Dolphin, and that he should reign twenty years. But of his coronation naught certain is heard. But it is patent to all that the archbishop of Reims has to anoint the king of the Franks with the oil of the ampulla of St Remigius, which even to-day is said to be closed in the prelibated church of Reims. For each of the christian kings receives from a certain bishop the munus of consecration and unction, as Ex. De sacra unctione cap. Cum venisset, of which Hostiensis sets the cause. For the Hungarians, second after the king of France, are anointed by the archbishop of Strigonium; the Poles by the Cracovian; the Bohemians by the Pragatian, etc. But the king of the Romans is honoured with a triple crown. The first at Aix-la-Chapelle, of the diocese of Liège, by the archbishop of Cologne, of silver, that he may shine in eloquence, divine wisdom and the clarity of purity. The second of iron, by the archbishop of Milan, that he be a strong hammer against the heretical pravities, crushing the insanity of the enemies of the Church of God, as by iron all metals are tamed and fabricated. The third of gold, from the hand of the Supreme Pontiff in the church of the Fisherman, prince of the apostles, where the splendour of gold designates the ecclesiastical liberty, which he is held to guard with sincere faith, after the form of the oath which he ought to make to the Church before the coronation and to exhibit (as in Clem. De jurejurando, cap. Romani principis). In the last coronation he receives the munus of sacration and unction. Yet the Roman pontiff can commit to cardinals or bishops, who also outside the Roman city have to anoint and consecrate the king of the Romans, from certain reasons and legitimate causes occurring. I believe nevertheless that the illustrious Sigismund, king of the Romans, has not yet attained the last two coronations with their insignia; but of the first it is clear to all.

Lastly the sibyl of the realm of France prophesied: The twenty years being completed in the realm of France, the Dolphin shall sleep with his fathers. After him his firstborn son shall reign, now a boy of six years, who shall reign in ampler glory, honour and regal power than any of the kings of the Franks since the time of Charles the Great (in whom the sacred Empire was translated from the Greeks to the Latins, the election being directed into the Germans, about the year of the Lord DCCC, as in Gl. Ex. De electione, c. Venerabilem). She has, I say, the sibyl, a good spirit of prophesying, because of the good regimen of the republic, peace and concord, and the joyfulness of the times; which all in their kinds are good to the Church and reason. Wherefore it is argued that she has a good spirit in God.

With greater stupor, I say, the divine miracles are named worthy of admiration, when things of this kind are hidden from the wise and prudent and revealed to little ones. As sixteen years past, the sound went out into every land of a certain virgin in Brabant, by name Ludewigis, who shone with wondrous sanctity, and the Lord worked great prodigies through her, as I was then taught by the relation of those who saw her and narrated her signs; for who shall find a strong woman afar from the uttermost ends of the parts of the earth? For from the sun’s rising and setting, from the north and the south, the name of the Lord is preached admirable in these two little girls in the fortitude of the divine virtue, which exalts the humble and deposes the proud, that we may know that the Lord has chosen not many noble and powerful, wise and rich of this world, but the things which are infirm, that he may confound the strong; who in the perfect Trinity lives and reigns God in the ages of ages. Amen.

THIS SCROLL WAS FINISHED IN THE YEAR 1429, THE SEVENTEENTH OF THE MONTH OF SEPTEMBER, IN THE ROMAN SILVER INDICTION VII.

This second scroll, venerable lord and gracious favourer, master Pierre de Grumbach (150), custos of the church of St Germain without the walls of Speyer, vicar-general of the most reverend father in Christ our lord Raban, bishop of the Church of Speyer, under the best confidence without the will of any evil (but your missive extorted this same from me), I have cared to transmit; committing to consult, ruminate, correct and judge whether it be licit to communicate to many what cannot profit all. The little spark of my puerile reason has invested your mandatory authority with the insignia of the goddess Vesta, to execute the things which are known to be charred by the duty of the style. This little work I think to have offered into the temple of Vesta. It pleases the consecrated goddess that the little page rejoice in versified little letters (151). But if it shall be needful with a sharper reed as with a ploughshare (152), from a higher matter, the subject seems to be discoursed with the patent nail of knowledge, deeply fixed (153), that to wit (154) to the four parts of the wheel of Fortune I should extend the victory of wars, and the recovery of the realm of the Franks to be designated from the same. The faculty of Vesta is commended by Horace, II of the Epistles to Julius Florus. And not undeservedly; since it becomes not the empire to stand without reason, which plants authority, strengthens realms and augments republics:

At Rome it befel me to consult, and to be taught, etc. And let them be turned still within the penetralia of Vesta Obscured long. The good people shall be made, and shall Proffer into light the specious vocables of things, etc.

The same referring in the epistle to Cæsar, Since thou sustainest so many, etc.:

Often by night I demand the reed, the papers and the cases. We write, untaught and taught, poems everywhere.

Let simplicity excuse, where the poverty of letters reigns; let benignity catch what pure truth offers: between both charity shall germinate.

(149) Secret committee, conventicle.

(150) In the manuscript, Buumbach.

(151) In the edition of Goldast, ut paupella litterula gaudeat carminantù.

(152) In the manuscript: Sin autem arundine amieiori quia…

(153) Or rather videbor?

(154) Goldast sets stylum instead of scilicet.