Jonas of Bobbio, MGH SRM IV (1902), ed. Krusch — Life of Columbanus and his disciples, Book II, cc. 23–25, with the appendix of verses on Abbot Bobolenus. Translated into modern British English.

Chapter 23 — The Life of St Bertulf #

¹ …we ought to commit to memory, that as the examples of those who went before generate in us an ampler zeal for religion, so afterwards the acts of our own times may bring forth increase for posterity — and while we propagate what others should imitate, we set before ourselves what should often be remembered.

² For of the venerable Bertulf, prelate of the monastery of Bobbio, of whom we made mention above, we must not omit to hand down to memory who and how great he was; but first it is to be recorded what manner of worldly life his was. He was of noble birth, though pagan, a kinsman of the blessed Arnulf, pontiff of the city of Metz. And when he perceived that the foresaid pontiff Arnulf, after the honours of the palace, was panting after the pursuits of religion, leaving the trappings and pomps of the world, he also strove by trampling earthly things to desire the heavenly. He set behind him his father and native soil, the pomps of the world after the Gospel’s word; after the loss of possessions, naked, taking up the cross and denying himself, he followed Christ. Joined to the aforementioned pontiff Arnulf, he remained with him for a time. Then he went to the venerable man Eustasius at Luxeuil, under whom he long remained subject to the holy rule and pleasing to all in religion. Then, the blessed Attala arriving from the parts of Italy, he was joined to his company with the will and bond of peace of the venerable man Eustasius — for they were one heart and one soul, nor did any discord remain between them, as though they should be subject to each other in turn. He went therefore after the footsteps of the venerable Attala and, received into the bosom of Italy, remained in the monastery of Bobbio under the obedience of the blessed Attala. And when the revealer of things bore the often-named father Attala to the heavenly kingdoms after the world’s hardships, the whole company of the monks exalted Bertulf with one voice and mind to the father’s honour. Who for thirteen years did not omit to teach and imbue the people with salutary admonitions in every way. But what he did in those times is to be handed down to memory.

³ When he now ruled the people with excellent manners, goodness and discipline — moderating knowledge — the ancient serpent began to shake his quiet mind with a stroke of adversity. He stirred up a certain Probus by name, pontiff of the city of Tortona, who with all his might sought to make the foresaid abbot subject to himself together with the monastery’s supplement. He first attacked the courtiers or the neighbouring bishops, to tempt them with gifts; and when he rejoiced to have them joined to him, he went through them to persuade the king. For at the same time Arioald reigned over the Lombards. But when they received no other answer from the king save that they should prove by ecclesiastical right whether monasteries situated far from cities ought to be administered by episcopal dominion, he joined to his design all whom he could. While these things were being done, one of the courtiers secretly sent word to the foresaid Bertulf what the fomenters of the affair were brewing. He sent a messenger to the king to try the cause; to whom Arioald said: “It is not mine to discern the causes of priests, which a synodal examination ought to bring to a pure issue.” They asked him whether he was a favourer of their counsel. He answered that he by no means favoured those who wished to generate molestations against God’s servant. And when they saw that such words were spoken by a barbarian and a believer of the Arian sect, they asked that they be supported by a public supplement, that they might come to Rome to the apostolic see. The benefit being granted, the aforementioned abbot — in whose service I myself was — went in royal state as far as Rome and approached Pope Honorius. When he had disclosed the cause of the affair to him, the pope industriously inquired what was the custom of the regular discipline. And when he had set forth everything with eager mind in the prelate’s ear, the regular order, the cult of religion and the marks of humility pleased the blessed Honorius. He kept him therefore for a time, and strove to strengthen Bertulf with daily discourse — that he should not abandon the labour of the journey begun, and should not refuse to strike the perfidy of the Arian pest with the Gospel sword. For the venerable prelate Honorius was sagacious of mind, vigorous in counsel, illustrious in doctrine, mighty in sweetness and humility. He rejoiced to have found a companion for the needy, from whom he might draw sweet discourse, and was altogether loath to be quickly separated from his company. But since the burning heat forbade long tarrying, he bestowed the desired gift — he granted the privileges of the apostolic see, that no bishop should attempt to dominate the foresaid monastery by any right whatever.

⁴ Having obtained the desired gift therefore, we strove to return to our country. And when, the journey’s space accomplished, we had left behind the Tuscan fields and reached the Apennine country, and had come near the castle called Bismantum, so great a force of fevers oppressed Bertulf that he was believed to be utterly forestalled by death — for he had set out from the City already sick. Grief oppressed us all, as much for the length of the journey as for the labour of the sick father; and having no hope at all of his recovery, we pitched the tent in a rough place and, hedged round on every side with grief and wholly distrusting the father’s recovery, we took our lodging. For it was the vigil of the passion of the blessed apostles Peter and Paul [28 June]. And when dark night had now rushed in, he, amid the fires of the fevers, called me and, his mind given to cares, inquired about the night office. And when I said that everything was already prepared, he said: “Keep watch before my bed through all the bounds of the night, until the twilight of day break forth.” When therefore I had watched until the dead of night rushed on, so great a sleep oppressed me that I could not lift my head; and all who were keeping watch over the baggage or horses near the tent were oppressed by a like sleep. And when silence had covered all things, the blessed prince of the apostles Peter came and stood over the sick father’s bed: “Arise,” he said, “and go safe to your companions.” And when he asked who he was, he said: “Peter; today my glorious solemnities are celebrated in all the world.” And when he had said this, he departed. The other, struck with fear, with anxious and trembling heart took care to ask me what the matter might be — for he thought that I had both heard the voice and seen the vision. And when I said I had seen and heard nothing: “do you not see,” he said, “the tawny light where the apostle Peter goes?” And when I said that I saw nothing at all, he began to be silent. And when I had learned what the matter was, I scarce at last merited by prayers to obtain that he should disclose the truth of the matter to me — which he would have kept wholly silent, had he not thought that I had both heard and seen.

⁵ At a certain time, when the office of psalmody was finished, as he went out of St Peter’s church with the brethren at the second hour of the day, he met a man named Viaturinus, full of a demon’s rage. Beholding him, he looked up to heaven and begged the Creator that, favouring his vow, He would be present and heal the wounded man of the demon’s pest by his consulting prayers. Then he commanded that the demon’s swift violence go out of the man and no more presume to stain God’s image. The iniquitous pest fled from the man, rending him miserably; and at once health followed, and he went out of the church sound with the brethren and remained whole, rendering thanks to the Creator — who, so quickly favouring His servant and obeying his prayers, succoured his torment.

⁶ Then, a circuit of time having passed, another little boy named Dominicus, the son of a certain Urbanus, oppressed by a demon’s savage pest, hastened to him for healing. Him he cured with long rebuke and made the savage pest go out of the man.

⁷ Then another virtue followed. A certain leper, steeped in violent leprosy and having no confidence at all of recovering health from physicians, came to the venerable man Bertulf and asked that by his prayers he might merit the aid of mercy. When the man, full of faith, had saw him lying under a most heavy punishment, he sighed and bade him remain with him until he should be restored to health. He gave himself to it, that the mind conscious of virtues, penetrating the heavens, might arouse the Creator of things to his prayers. And a two-day fast being finished, he poured oil over the limbs full of ulcers; and soon the limbs learned to receive health after the putrefaction of the flesh and to return again to their former comeliness — and so the sick man was made whole that not even a trace of leprosy appeared on his body. And so the Creator of all succours His servants by favouring them, that strengthened more abundantly with the vigour of virtues they may ever study, trampling transitory things, to fulfil the heavenly praises.

Chapter 24 — Of the vengeance on the monk by the Arians #

¹ For we have very often experienced that the virtues of monks burn bright, and therefore we think it right to interweave some of them. At a certain time, when the priest Blidulfus — of whom we made mention above — had been sent by the blessed Attala to the city of Pavia and had arrived there, walking through the middle of the city he met Arioald, duke of the Lombards, a man most noble by birth, son-in-law of Agilulf, kinsman of Adalwald, a believer of the Arian sect, who after Adalwald’s death took the kingdom of the Lombards to rule. When therefore he saw Blidulfus, he said: “This is one of Columbanus’s monks, who refuse to return a proper answer when we salute them.” And when he was now not far off, mockingly he offered salutation. To this Blidulfus: “I desired your salvation,” he said, “if you favour not your seducers and doctrines foreign to the truth — whom you still call priests, a name falsely assumed; no, it were better to confess the ineffable Trinity in one deity — not three powers but three persons, nor one person of the three names, but three persons in truth of Father and Son and Holy Spirit, in one power, will, essence.” Hearing this for a little while, he then went on and asked why he had no ministers of this cruelty who, when the darkness of night overwhelmed, would beset him returning and, crushed with cudgels or stakes, deliver this monk to death. Then one, madder than the rest, said he was ready to accomplish this if he should bid it. But he said: “If you do this, I will enrich you with gifts the following day.” Going on therefore, he joined to himself another companion of like crime and kept the way as the shades rushed in. The monk and priest therefore, passing by the same way and returning from a dinner to which a certain Christian had invited him, fell unawares into the satellites’ hands; struck on the brain and crushed in every joint of his body, beaten with inhuman blows of cudgels and stakes, he lay — no one of the people knowing, for the place was hidden — nor could he utter a voice, anticipated by such blows. Long therefore leaving the corpse lifeless, as they thought, they go away and announce to the author of the crime that the deed is done. And when he perceived that the priest and monk was lodging at a certain house — not knowing the event — a certain man named Justus, fearing lest injury should be done to the Arians, directed his way, found him lying, and as if buried in sleep… And the parents, seeing the marks of the blows, went together to the lodging. To him asking what had happened, he answered that nothing sweeter had ever come to him, nor had sleep been sweeter; nor did any pain touch his limbs — he denied that anything of the kind had happened to him, and asked him to return. The man therefore who had offered himself for this deed was scourged and confesses the crime committed with trembling. He cries to all the people: whoever commits such things against the Bobbio monks as he himself had perpetrated, let him be subject to like vengeance — and whoever assents to the Arians’ persuasions, let him feel such wraths of the just judge. The wretched Arioald, seeing that deed divinely manifested — confounded and fearing lest something similar should befall him — sent the man whom the horrible force was tormenting, with his companions, to the blessed Attala, beseeching for himself that he would pardon the evil committed; he was ready for much service if they would receive his gifts. The blessed Attala, seeing his member’s injuries divinely avenged, asked that all pray for the pestiferous man, and that the force of the adverse power be driven from the wretched man; but the gifts of the impious and heretical man he answered he would never receive for ever. To the prayer of all therefore the Lord for a time granted pardon: restored to health, the man at once returned safe — but enjoyed not long the gains of life. And when he sat in his lodging and was rebuked by others why he had done this, with insulting voice he said he had done it of his own will — what did they want of it? Soon seized by the fire of fevers and crying amid the pains of burning, he was deprived of life. Whom they dared by no means bury beside others’ sepulchres, but far from all in a conspicuous place, that passers-by might say: “Here lies that wretch buried, who by his wantonness administered cruelty to the Bobbio monk.”

Chapter 25 — Of the monk Meroveus and his vengeance, and of the death of the monk Agibodus, and of Theudoaldus and Baudacharius and Leubardus #

¹ At the same time also another monk, Meroveus by name, sent by the blessed Attala to the city of Tortona, arrived and, on account of the business for which he had come, went farther from the city to a certain village above the river Hira — in which, proceeding, he saw a temple shaded with trees; he applied fire brought to it and heaped up a pile of wood in the manner of a pyre. Which the temple’s worshippers seeing, seized Meroveus, beat him long with cudgels and crushed him with blows, and tried to drown him in the river Hira; but the water dared not receive the monk, although he was wholly ready to die for such a cause. And when they saw that he could not be drowned, whom the Lord’s mercy guarded, there was vain counsel among them. They stretched Meroveus upon the waters and heaped timber upon him, that an immense weight should sink him beneath the waves. And when they believed the crime sufficiently done, leaving the corpse, as they thought, they returned to their lodgings. They departing, Meroveus, feeling no hurt, rose whole from the river and, the bonds burst, entered Tortona safe, and afterwards returned to the monastery. And soon divine vengeance, as Meroveus went on, struck the satellites. For all who had been in that company to accomplish this work were afflicted with various blows: some blindness, some burning fire, some contraction of the hams, some weakness of all members — the various received various torments. But after they learned that Meroveus had returned safe to Bobbio, certain of them were brought sick there. But very few of them escaped through the medicaments of penitence; all the rest died in the same vengeance. A wondrous gift the Revealer of things bestows on His servants — since after the damages of the flesh and the injuries inflicted on the body, He both strengthens them in the present life by His aid and glorifies them in the future by crowning them after their contests — whom He sees here willingly undertake injury especially for His name’s sake.

² Of other monks indeed in the foresaid monastery of Bobbio we have seen a happy life and a happier exit accomplished — who left various examples to their survivors on going out of this light by way of exhortation. Of which some are to be set down, that the exhortation may grow for the living and for those imitating their life.

³ For at a certain time, when a certain monk named Agibodus — of whom also we made mention above, who governed the monastery’s affairs — was expecting his last hour, and when he already rendered the last honours to the brethren, and the souls were preparing eternal light for his exit from the world — his soul, slipped from the body, saw what it saw. And when, returning, he was bewildered what the astonished man should say, he declared he had seen one like to himself. He said: “You saw the inhabitant of tawny light, and seven times inserted he shines above.” Returning, he bade the brethren farewell — “henceforth you shall return to us.” And his soul returning into the body, when those standing by asked how long he had been gone, he exposed the cause — what he had seen, and how great a brightness had been promised to him; and he announced that he was going at that same hour. He asked for the viaticum and bade the brethren farewell on his return. And when he had received the Lord’s holy body and given the kiss to all, he asked that they pay the office of charity to his body. And the end soon followed the promise — and having a happy exit, he left to the living only desire. This only the rewarder of the saints willed to leave to posterity for an example — that they who had known his crown promised before his exit should be imitators of his purity and religion in all things. For he had been trained from boyhood under the norm of the regular discipline, converted from the world under the blessed Columbanus, simple and held in all goodness among the brethren, mighty in obedience and religion — in malice he was altogether a little one according to the Gospel. For what else was it that the most clement Creator of things willed to show the departing monk — what manner of man he should be hereafter — save that they who live in like simplicity and are subjected to obedience and voluntary mortification should expect a like reward and obtain the brightness of the eternal light?

⁴ Another also, like in obedience and piety and gentleness, Theudoaldus by name, we saw happily depart from the present life and hasten to the eternal joys with all gladness and exultation. For lying glad in his bed, he asks that all come, and to all says the last farewell — that he would go out of the body at that same hour; but how he had seen his exit, he would by no means indicate to us. And when he had bidden farewell to all, he asked the viaticum; which received, he himself intoned the antiphon, saying: “The saints shall go from virtue to virtue; the God of gods shall be seen in Zion.” The antiphon’s melody being finished, glad and filled with all delight he rendered his soul to its giver — that it might be openly given to us who stood by to understand that he was filled with the joy of the glory seen and the promised reward.

⁵ Another monk under abbot Bertulf, Baudacharius by name, when he was appointed at vintage-time to guard the vineyard lest the incursion of birds or beasts should inflict damage — it happened that thirty brethren came to guard the same vineyard. He, full of charity, asks that they refresh their weary limbs there after labour — having nothing else save a little bread which he had brought for his own uses. When the provost rebuked him — nor had he this in his intent, since he could not prepare bread — he said: “I have ample feasts with me, from which so many and more can be satisfied.” And when the provost asked what they were, he said: “A bird given me by the Lord, which the common people call a duck from swimming.” He said: “As you have asked, offer the brethren foods.” He set to, divided it among the thirty; and all were so satisfied that they said they had scarce ever been so filled with food — faith increased what the feasts had not in supplement.

⁶ Another monk again, Leubardus by name, when he had been deputed at another time to guard the vineyard, found a little fox devouring the grapes; he rebuked it with threats and forbade it by command to touch them any more. And when he had gone away, the beast, accustomed to live on stealthy foods, came; and when it had tasted, bearing in its mouth the forbidden foods, it died. And soon Leubardus, going round the vineyard in his duty, found the fox dead, holding the forbidden foods in its mouth.

⁷ And on another occasion the same Leubardus with Meroveus, of whom we made mention above, were by the abbot’s command thickening and fortifying the vineyard’s hedge. It happened that they cut down a tree with an axe and thickened the hedge by piling the branches. And when they had now stripped the trunk of its branches, they took counsel to ask the Lord, prostrate on the ground, that He would increase their strength — how they might carry the tree’s intact trunk to the hedge. And when they had risen from prayer, with invocation of almighty God’s sacred name they seize the tree and try to bear it to the destined place. And what very many could scarce draw to the place, two armed men bore, the burden lightened by faith. Which afterwards many brethren set together tried to move — and when they could not lift it, then at last they acknowledged the almighty’s virtue; and what virtue, while they had come, both together — not reckoning anything to themselves but each to the other — secretly disclosed to the others.

⁸ But perhaps someone judges and condemns us for inserting such things, rebuking and gnawing at us. Yet we know not how to keep silent what pertains to the divine glory. Let him judge for himself whether these gifts of the Creator are to be received by him who denies such things, or cast away by him who does not believe the virtues accomplished by such faith.

Appendix — Verses on Abbot Bobolenus #

¹ Krusch’s preface: To the Bobbio abbot Bobolenus, of the Attic family, son of the priest Winioch from the parishes of Burgundy, a poet attributes these verses. I learn from the late E. Dümmler that he lived in the Carolingian age — for he knew nothing of the saint beyond the pious works and miracles, of which he relates one very like that which Jonas had told of Columbanus himself (I, 15). The verses are trochaic, composed of fifteen syllables in the abecedarian manner, so that in every fourth verse the letters follow one another — save that I and K are repeated. Ughelli first printed the poem in Italia sacra (Rome 1652, IV, p. 1326; Venice 1719, IV, p. 956), without recognising the rhythm, using a very faulty codex which he called a “little compendium of Jonas,” because it also contained a breviary of the lives of Columbanus, Attala and Bertulf published by himself. Cappelletti’s Le chiese d’Italia (Venice 1857, XIII, pp. 622–624) depends on this edition. But E. Dümmler first formed an entirely new text with German aids and restored the poetic oration in our annals, X, p. 334 sq. When he had had the Turin codices B 1a and b described or collated, reviewing them sent to Hanover I was able to emend some readings and better distinguish the original hand from the corrector’s. For each codex contained almost the same original text before it was corrected, and each was corrected in almost the same way by a later hand — so that what was read before can often not be discerned today. The corrector chiefly removed the rustic diction, which I am persuaded is to be referred to the poet himself — from which the original reading was almost everywhere to be preferred. In two places, however, the corrector seems to have restored the true reading excellently. Although B 1b depends on B 1a, as I showed above, yet it has not rarely preserved the original text better, in which the corrector raged the more violently. Since moreover the text of both codices was much corrupted, I consulted the most learned Paul von Winterfeld on its emendation, and I would wish whatever I have achieved in that matter to be attributed to him. How the most stupid copyist corrupted the author’s meaning, let these examples suffice: 18,3 “stilo neque” (conjectured by v. W.; codices “stilo namque”); 22,3 “deque susque” (mine; codices “detegit suus qui”). — B. Krusch.

Here Begin the Verses on Abbot Bobolenus #

¹ Atticorum — Sprung of the noble stock of the Attici,
Bobolenus presided over a monastery of monks;
with a father’s love he ever ruled Christ’s servants.

² Bonus — A good shepherd over the sheep committed to him,
he nourished them daily with the word of life to be announced;
themselves unhurt he brought conveniently to Christ’s folds.

³ Corde — With his whole heart and strength and whole soul
loving God, and all men as himself in Christ,
he fulfilled the Lord’s first commandment of all.

⁴ Dogma — The whole dogma sanctified by the ancient fathers
he accomplished; whom he admonished with words,
he confirmed also by example — them indeed perpetually.

⁵ Edoctus — Taught by God’s holy prelate Columbanus,
to whom in the fourth place he merited to succeed,
following his doctrine he holds the right path.

⁶ Fortis — Strong among the company of the brethren in working with his hands,
since he was ever custom to sweat at labour,
he himself went before into the work more eager than the rest.

⁷ Gratia — So great piety gave him heavenly grace
that he bore to labour by day, watching by night,
given to prayer, prompt in fasting.

⁸ Hic — He, not deaf, following Paul’s voice obediently,
presses ever to labour, lest he burden anyone,
living by his own labour, as a true monk ought.

⁹ Igne — Kindled with the Lord’s fire, he shone as a lamp
set upon the candlestick, giving light to all;
standing in God’s house, his good works shone.

¹⁰ Igne — Kindled with the Lord’s fire, most loving in fire —
the fire which the Lord sent on earth, willing it to burn —
the hearts of His servants in mystic sevenfold.

¹¹ Karitate — Binding the brethren’s fellowship with charity,
he willed to study nothing else in life
than that all should enjoy what he himself enjoyed living.

¹² Living — Regularly living all things in common,
peacefully, simply, quiet… [lines defective]
…of the poor the father, of mourners the consoler.

¹³ Mundi — This world’s pomps and riches he subjected to mortification,
that by rejecting them he might accomplish…
…a pedagogue of the lowly, consoler of the sorrowing.

¹⁴ Nullius — Since his goodness toward all had been present,
no tongue sufficed to praise him together…

¹⁵ O — [verse defective]

¹⁶ P — [verse defective]

¹⁷ Quinta — [verse defective]

¹⁸ Rector — Ruler indeed and pastor…

¹⁹ Serpe[n]s — A creeping thing, cut from a stone, cut off a monk’s limbs;
he anointed them with saliva and restored them to health.

²⁰ T — [verse defective — the sickle episode: it happened that one cut himself with a sickle…]

²¹ Vasum — A vessel which, filled, was overturned downward,
he restored its heap upward, nor had it spilled on the earth,
covering it with his very napkin up and down.

²² Xristi — Christ’s light went before him in the dead of night
while he made his accustomed vigils’ rounds — as the
fire-bearing column protecting Israel’s sons.

²³ Ymnis — With hymns, psalms and songs in modulated voices
he sang together, immolating sacrifice to God;
spiritual praises he ever offered to the King of kings.

²⁴ Zelum — Zealous with the zeal of charity, full of the Lord’s zeal,
he lacked the ancient deceiving foe with triumph;
he placed himself in the heavens to the Creator by his merits.

²⁵ Gloriam — Let us sing glory to God, and pray likewise,
that He who crowned him for his merits
may grant us pardon and the joys of paradise. Amen.

Preface to the Life of Walaric, Abbot of Leuconay (Krusch’s introduction, appended in the edition) #

[The monastery] now Saint-Valery-sur-Somme — which they would have called Leuconaus or Ligonaus of old — had the patronage of St Walaric the confessor brought to it, whose sepulchre, illustrated with frequent miracles, is attested by Usuard’s martyrology under 1 April: “At Leucona, the deposition of the blessed Walaric the confessor.” The monastery which Walaric founded was occupied by a congregation of monks until the time of the emperor Arnulf II, when the count, compelled by Hugh duke of Francia, restored it to the monastery of St Bertin at Sithiu — to whom it might hand down the monastery, exempted by translation of the bishop, that he obtained for the churches… There are still extant documents of this history. Of which the last abbot of the reformed monastery was Theodinus — before Wazo (d. 1052) — formerly of the monastery of St Dionysius, who calls himself “their friend.” He was moreover an outstanding stranger, and undertook the business not only as asked by his brother, but also obeying the command of Hugh his archbishop — Hugh, I say, archbishop of the church of Besançon… He conjectured with great sagacity that the author was one of the monks of the neighbouring monastery of Luxeuil. So much of his time and condition.

¹ But concerning his credibility these things are to be premised. He wished Walaric to have been enrolled in the monastery of Luxeuil under Columbanus; and when Columbanus was driven out, to have attended Abbot Eustasius; then to have migrated to Neustria to preach to the nations; and to have received a royal precept from Chlothar, the bishop of Amiens consenting, by which the place Leuconaus was given him for building cells; and at last to have died on the Lord’s day, as befitted his sanctity. Which if it were true, the place would have to be enumerated among the royal monasteries; and Blidmund, second abbot after Attala’s death at Bobbio (d. 627), having gone there — since after the saint’s death, the monks receding, the coenobial life had ceased and the place been reduced to solitude — is said to have obtained again from the same king and diocesan bishop a precept and licence of restoring the monastery. These things therefore the eleventh-century biographer described, which were done four centuries before himself — and of times so remote he could have learned nothing at all from himself. When Gregory of Tours, scarcely more than thirty years younger, describing the life of bishop Nicetius of Trier, put his author in the middle — lest he incur the reproof which he himself so simply exposes: “You, since you are younger, how shall you know the deeds of the elders, or how have their deeds come to you? Surely these things which are written are judged nothing else than things invented by you” — by so much the more, in so great an interval of time, an older author had to be adduced for this biographer. He contends therefore that Walaric’s life was dictated some years ago by abbot Raginbert with the highest zeal indeed, but in too prolix and simple a style; and that he himself published it in a succinct and polished style, that it might be better understood by the simpler brethren on account of the brevity, and lest the too unlearned and rustic manner of speaking should generate disgust in the studious. Although he everywhere bore himself as the most studious cultivator of brevity, yet the life that survives labours under excessive prolixity and even digressions. Granted that Raginbert was the third abbot and as near as possible to Walaric’s age, as is commonly supposed — he would certainly have to be distinguished from the later biographer. Yet he, furnished with an older author, bore himself as already the saint’s contemporary. The virtues therefore which he repeatedly testified he had described in a very brief, compendious and plain style, he wished to have received from the saint’s own disciples: “which we heard from truthful and well-informed men, whom he himself taught and nourished, and certain of whom he restored to health from various languors — of whom let us now bring forward one” — and one whom he called Blidmund, the monastery’s second abbot, he enumerated among his authorities in express words: “as,” he says, “the man himself, who had been infirm, afterwards related.” Then Bishop Berachund of Amiens (c. 614) is adduced as witness, as though he had related of a certain tree: “on which the blessed Berchund, as he himself related, used to hang the saints’ relics.” From these places it is plainly understood that it most concerned the biographer that nothing should be believed related save what was proved by eyewitnesses — for he himself was not unaware that fabulous things are accustomed to be spread by many. Therefore the miracles wrought after the saint’s death he related not as fables from many, but as we have now learned proved by truthful witnesses — and those chiefly which he had from the venerable man Raginbert, the learned abbot — by a pious zeal indeed and religious labour and a prolix style, but in a sufficiently simple and unpolished edition… Yet though the biographer had employed these aids, yet concerning the saint he made himself guilty in Raginbert alone and his person.

² Meanwhile he described the exordium of Walaric’s life, taken from the Life of Furseus — not from Raginbert or another author, but partly in Jonas’s words — and cited the deeds of Columbanus and Attala himself; but wrongly believed Jonas to have been Columbanus’s disciple, and too impudently transcribed onto his own Blidmund (c. 35) what Jonas had experienced of himself before Attala’s death — which he also knew from the same source. Since he wished Walaric “the great servant of God” to have been named by Columbanus — extolling his patron with praises — he wholly ignored the manners of the ancient Scots and related a plainly novel history of the monastery of Luxeuil: namely that certain shepherds, Columbanus being expelled, settled in the same place, and that the place began to be restored by Walaric, the seculars being driven out; then at last Eustasius came up and together with the saint removed the residue of the seculars from the monastery’s bounds. That contest instituted between seculars and monks — as it is refuted by Jonas and repugnant to Columbanus’s age — is to be referred to the rivalry between secular canons and regular monks; and the passage, dictated in the mind of an eleventh-century biographer, cannot be attributed to an older author. Finally, Jonas mentions Walaric not even by a word. But the biographer so followed his footsteps that he transferred to his own saint things said of Columbanus; and those removed, what is read in him remains either false or doubtful — and nothing which could not have been invented by an eleventh-century author. And so he seems to me to have appealed in vain to contemporary witnesses — he who related a manifestly false history; and I judge that Raginbert’s testimony was put forward for this purpose only: to veil his figments with a show of antiquity. Moreover, inveighing much against those who dared to drink before the mass solemnities, he seems to have chastised the manners of his own age.

³ The biographer, abhorring rustic diction — though he seemed to himself to have accomplished something in letters and displayed a Horatian passage, lest his liberal studies be doubted — yet labours under a harsh and broken composition, so that later copyists found very much to add and change.

⁴ 1) The Bologna codex n. 106, formerly of St Bertin, eleventh century, fol. 2–14 — written by a copyist who, seduced by his native speech, committed many orthographic errors, most often writing ti for ci, and md and mt for nd and nt.
1a) Brussels codex n. 7461, formerly of the Bollandist museum, thirteenth century, pp. 238–250.
2) Turin codex of the national library F III, 16 (formerly N. 14), formerly of Bobbio (n. 121), eleventh century, fol. 160–171.
3a) St Omer codex n. 311, twelfth century, fol. 76–85.
3b) Rouen codex O 55, formerly of St Ouen, twelfth century, fol. 39–57 — the Life of Walaric with the chapter headings found in Mabillon’s edition, fol. 57–66; contains the relation of St Walaric’s body and miracles.
3b*) Paris codex n. 13092 (formerly Res. St. Germ.), twelfth century, fol. 114–123 — the Life of Walaric without the preface; fol. 123–128 contains the Translation.
3b**) Brussels codex n. 8363, containing the same copied for the Bollandists’ use in a seventeenth-century hand. The relation of Walaric’s body in 981, which Henschenius published in AA.SS. Apr. I, 23 from codices communicated by Mabillon, is there assigned to the year 935, as in 3b; while in 3b* a false year, 932, is likewise indicated.
4a) Paris codex n. 5289, thirteenth century, fol. 66–73 — lacks the preface.
4b) Brussels codex n. 207, thirteenth century, fol. 182–187.

⁵ I have recensioned the Life of Walaric only on the better codices 1 and 2 — of which in indifferent matters I preferred the former, since the other exhibits a text lightly reworked in some places, chiefly at the end. The remaining interpolators basely corrupted it, and most of all tortured it at chapter 34 — where they were offended not only by the construction but also by the attempt of the bishop of Amiens, by which they had almost been deprived of the holy body. I have given a specimen of the interpolations in the notes to that chapter, but have not inquired more diligently into those books.

⁶ L. Surius, De probatis sanctorum historiis, Cologne 1571, tome II, 447–454, published the Life of Walaric without the preface, the rude style altered.

⁷ J. Mabillon, Acta sanctorum ord. S. Benedicti, Paris 1669, Saeculum II — seems to have recensioned the text chiefly on the St Ouen codex (= 3b), besides which he used codices of the monastery of St Walaric and of St Peter of Conches.

⁸ G. Henschenius, Acta sanctorum, Antwerp 1675, April tome I, 16–23 — besides the preceding edition employed two St Bertin codices, of which the former was our codex 1, the third of the monastery of Böddeken in the diocese of Paderborn, which lacked the prologue.

⁹ — B. Krusch.