Translated from Jules Quicherat (ed.), Procès de condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc, dite La Pucelle, tome IV — Témoignages des chroniqueurs et historiens du XVe siècle (Paris: Jules Renouard, Société de l’Histoire de France, 1847).

Extract from the Regulations #

Art. 14. The Council designates the works to be published, and chooses the persons most capable of preparing and of seeing through their publication.

It appoints, for each work to be published, a responsible Commissioner charged with supervising its execution.

The name of the Editor will be placed at the head of each volume.

No volume may appear under the name of the Society without the authorisation of the Council, and unless it is accompanied by a declaration of the responsible Commissioner, stating that the work has seemed to him to merit being published.

The undersigned responsible Commissioner declares that the work of M. Jules Quicherat, containing the sequel to the Trials of Joan of Arc, has seemed to him worthy of being published by the Society of the History of France.

Done at Paris, 31 January 1847.

Signed Ch. Lenormant.

Certified,

The Secretary of the Society of the History of France,

J. Desnoyers.

Testimonies of the Chroniclers and Historians of the Fifteenth Century #

Perceval de Cagny #

I have no hesitation in placing Perceval de Cagny at the head of the chroniclers who wrote of the Maid. This honour belongs to him as the best informed, the most complete, the most sincere, and as the one who, first in date, bore witness for her, and in a manner worthy of her, in a work destined for posterity. This testimony, which none of the depositions recorded in the second trial can replace, was recently produced by me in the Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes (vol. I, 2nd series, p. 143). I drew it from an unpublished chronicle of the Dukes of Alençon, of which a modern copy exists in the XLVIIIth volume of the Duchesne manuscripts in the Bibliothèque Royale. No one appears to have known this chronicle, except the advocate Bry de la Clergerie, who used it for his history of the duchy of Alençon, and André Duchesne, the owner of the manuscript in question, who took from it the substance of several of his notes on Alain Chartier.

Here is what the author says of himself in his prologue:

Perceval de Cagny, a native of the country of Beauvaisis, has served and dwelt in the household of Alençon for the space of forty-six years continuously, that is to say: the late Count Pierre, in the rank and office of pantler; Jean, his son, first Duke of Alençon, as squire of the stables; and my lord who now is, as squire and master of the household (all of whom, and each of them, have done him far more good, honour and profit than he could ever have deserved of them); and he will serve them still as long as he can and knows how, and as it may please them. And although he has not the wit, the memory or the ability to know how to have this, or any other thing half as small, set down in writing: for the burning desire he has that in every land most honourable and good words should be spoken in praise and commendation of their said house, and also that his successors may see, know and understand how, and beside which lords, he has lived the greater part of his days: he has had this present memoir made; and with it he has wished to have set down in writing something of the troubles, wars and pestilences that came upon this kingdom of France before his time, and of what he had knowledge in the year 1436.

Thus it is at the side of the Duke of Alençon — that is to say, of the captain who kept himself most constantly with the Maid, of the one who best observed and knew her — that Perceval de Cagny gathered the things he tells us of this marvellous girl; and it was in 1436 that he set about having them put into writing, that is to say only five years after the execution at Rouen. I add, to give the measure of his good faith, that despite his quite frankly expressed purpose of writing for the greater glory of his master, he does not hesitate, when the case arises, to recount that master’s faults — which he does in three or four notable places where the other chroniclers had kept silent — nor to place him in the second rank when a personage more worthy of attention comes forward: which happens throughout the length of the account that is about to be read.

The points on which this account most deserves to be consulted are the preliminaries of the journey to Reims, the siege of Paris and the departure of the Maid for the Île-de-France in 1430. Thanks to the information — one may say the revelations — supplied by our author on these various facts, the so controversial problem of Charles VII’s attachment to Joan of Arc may be regarded as definitively settled.

The coming of the Maid to the King #

In that year [1428], on the [sixth] day of the said month of March, a maiden about eighteen years of age, from the marches of Lorraine and Barrois, came to the King at Chinon. She was of folk of simple estate and of the plough; she said most marvellous things, always speaking of God and of His Saints, and she said that God had sent her to the aid of the gentle King Charles in the matter of his war. At which the King and all those of his household, and others of whatever estate they were, marvelled greatly that she spoke and discoursed of the ordering and the conduct of the war as much, and in as good a manner, as knights and squires continually employed in warfare could and knew how to do. And upon the words she spoke of God and of the conduct of the said war, she was most thoroughly examined by clerks and theologians and others, and by knights and squires; and always she held and was found constant in one purpose. She took and put on the dress of a man, and asked the King to have armour made for her to arm herself, such as she would describe, and to give her horses for herself and her people; and so it was done for her. And the King kept her with him until the month of May, without her going anywhere. And before her coming, neither the King nor the lords of his blood knew what counsel to take. And thereafter, by her aid and counsel, matters went ever from good to better.

How the Maid began to make war on the English #

In the year 1429, the Maid undertook to show why she had come to the King.

After the day of the Herrings, the English of the bastilles before Orléans took care that no provisions could reach those within, so much so that they were in very great want of bread; and to provide for it, they sent several times to the King, who assembled his captains to advise by what means wheat and other provisions might be brought to them. None of them dared undertake the task, for fear of the said English, who were on either side in very great number in their bastilles, and who moreover held the towns and places above the river and below. The said Maid, seeing that none undertook to succour this noble place of Orléans, and knowing the very great loss and damage it would be to the King and to his kingdom to lose the said place, asked the King to give her some of his men-at-arms, and said: By my staff (1) — this was her oath — I will have provisions brought to them. The King granted it to her. At which she was most joyful. She had made a standard on which was the image of Our Lady, and appointed a day to be at Blois, and said that those who were to be in her company should be there; and that on that day the wheat and other provisions should be ready to set out in carts, on horses and otherwise. And she did not ask for a great company of men, and said: By my staff, they shall be well led; have no fear of it.

(1) Perceval de Cagny is the only author who attributes this affirmative expression to the Maid. When I first published this excerpt, I conjectured that the word martin applied to the staff that must have formed part of Joan of Arc’s equipment. Learned persons have taken me up on this, supposing that there was a fault in the copy and that one should read Mons. Martin, that is to say Monsieur Saint Martin. Among several answers I could make to this objection, I choose this one, which dispenses me from any other. In a passage to be found below, p. 27, the author, reporting a speech of Joan of Arc in indirect form, says that she swore by her staff. Now it is no gratuitous supposition on my part to have put a staff in the hand of Joan of Arc. The Bourgeois of Paris says that when any of her men did wrong, she struck at them great blows with her staff. Lastly, one will not forget that circumstance reported in the rehabilitation trial, that she had led La Hire to swear by his staff, Negaret suum baculum, dum vellet negare Deum (III, 206). Thus my interpretation rests on something other than a more or less happy reminiscence of the expression Martin of the staff still in use today.

The provisions brought to Orléans #

The Marshal de Rais, La Hire, Gaucourt, Poton de Xaintrailles and other captains were at Blois on the said day for the convoy, and set out from the said town a great plenty of provisions. The Maid made them pass before the places of Beaugency, of Meung and other places garrisoned by the English, without any hindrance to what she was leading; and when she came near Orléans, she had boats of the said town brought down (1), and had the said provisions loaded, she and her people, into the boats, and went to the town, without hindrance from the bastilles of the bridge and of the other side of the river. At which those of the said town rejoiced most greatly, for the great need they had of provisions and for the coming of the Maid and of the people of her company. The lord of Gaucourt and certain others of the captains remained with her. The Bastard of Orléans and the other captains named above returned to the said place of Blois, and brought back those who had carried the said provisions. She had told and assured them that they would have no hindrance on their return, and so it was. And besides this, she ordered them to take other provisions at the said place of Blois, and to come to the said place of Orléans by the other side of the river, towards Paris, and to have no fear of the English. And so they undertook it as she had ordered them, and passed near the fortresses of the said English and near the town, between the bastilles, within sight of them, without a single man stirring from his quarters, like people who knew not nor could help themselves.

(1) Error: she had them brought up; but our author, who was following the Duke of Alençon, was not a witness of the arrival at Orléans.

How the Maid took and raised the bastilles of Orléans #

In that year 1429, on the fourth day of the month of May after dinner, the Maid called the captains and ordered them that they and their people should be armed and ready at the hour she appointed: at which she was ready and on horseback sooner than any of the other captains, and had her trumpet sounded; her standard behind her, she went through the town telling everyone to mount, and came and had the gate of Burgundy opened, and took the field. The people of the town, who were in good order of war, had firm hope that the English could do them no harm in her company; they sallied out in very great number. And after them took the field the Marshals de Rais and de Boussac, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Graville (1) and the other captains. The Maid ordered them to take care that the English who were within their bastilles in very great number could not come after her and her foot soldiers of the town. She took few men-at-arms with her, and went before the bastille of the abbey of the Ladies, called Saint Loup, in which were about three hundred English. As soon as the people of the town of Orléans had arrived there, they went at once to the assault. The Maid took her standard and went and placed herself on the edge of the ditches. Soon after, those of the place wished to surrender to her. She would not receive them to ransom, and said that she would take them in spite of themselves, and had her assault pressed harder. And forthwith the place was taken and nearly all put to death. This done, she returned into the town of Orléans, and the lords with her, who had waited for her, and who all marvelled at her deeds and her words. Nor did any of the other English put themselves in any order, or make show of sallying out of their places, any more than if they had neither seen nor heard anything that should displease them.

(1) Jean Malet, the last defender of Normandy, whence he exiled himself in 1418, after losing Pont-de-l’Arche. He had been Grand Master of the Crossbowmen since 1425.

All the next day, which was Thursday, neither the Maid nor any of the captains stirred from the said town. On the Friday, at the hour of vespers, she said that everyone should be armed and ready, and in boats came across the river towards La Sologne. They did not all follow her as she expected. As soon as she had landed, and few people with her, she went and placed herself before the bastille of the Augustins, her standard in her hand, and had the trumpets sound for the assault forthwith; and after that it was not long before the place was taken. And this done, those of her company thought she should return to lodge in the town. She lodged herself in the said bastille, which was very well supplied with provisions, and said: By my staff, tomorrow I shall have the towers of the bastille of the bridge, and I shall not enter Orléans until they are in the hand of the good King Charles. And she sent word to those who had remained in the town to be with her early the next morning.

Glasdale remained captain of the towers and of the bastille of the bridges after the death of the Earl of Salisbury, who was killed within it by a cannon stone, and it was never known who threw it or whence it came. The place seemed impregnable by assault to all men of war, and was supplied with all the equipment that belongs to the defence of an assailed place. And the said Glasdale had with him in the place from five hundred to eight hundred English, such as had seemed good to him for his security. And there was none of the captains to whom it did not seem impossible that the said place could be taken in a month by twice as many men as they were. The Maid said to those who were with her: By my staff, I shall take it tomorrow and shall return into the town over the bridges.

On the Saturday at seven o’clock in the morning, she had her trumpets sounded and made known that everyone should be ready to go and give the assault. And about eight o’clock she took her standard and went and placed herself on the edge of the ditches. And at once they began to cast a great number of cannonballs and culverin shot from the side without. And those within did all that was possible for them for the defence. They entered into their ditches in spite of them. The assault was hard and long; and several of those within were slain and wounded, and few of the others. That day the assault was given to them three or four times, and always the Maid heartened her people, saying to them: Have no fear, the place is ours. And about the hour of vespers she placed herself at the far end of the ditches, and forthwith several ladders were brought, and she strengthened the assault with culverins and men of the bow. And it was not long before our people entered into the place.

The said Glasdale and others of the greatest of the place, when they saw that they were taken, thought to save themselves by regaining one of the towers; but for the press, which was very great upon their bridge, the bridge broke, and the said Glasdale and several others were drowned, and nearly all the rest put to death. Thus was the place won. At which all those who saw it were utterly amazed; and there died on the other side no more than from sixteen to twenty persons. The bridges, which were so broken that it was a marvel and seemed impossible that in a week any way could be found to pass men over them, were, in less than three hours after, put in such order that the Maid and those who wished to cross came over the bridges to lie in the town. God knows with what joy she and her people were received there.

The departure of the English from before Orléans #

On the Sunday, the eighth day of May, the lords of Fastolf, of Willoughby (1), of Scales, and other captains who were in very great number in several other bastilles on the side towards France, had seen from afar the assault the Maid had given on the Wednesday to the bastille of Saint Loup, and had seen her take it by assault and put those of the place to death; and from their places they had also seen the assaults she had given on the Saturday to the towers and bastille of the bridge, and the place taken by assault. On that said Sunday in the morning, they set fire to their quarters, and most of them went off on foot to the towns and places of Meung and Beaugency-sur-Loire. And so was the noble city of Orléans succoured and set free by the Maid, messenger of God, in aid of the King of France. And eight or ten days after these good fortunes, she returned to the King at Chinon.

(1) Robert Willoughby, Lord Willoughby.

In the preceding month of March, after she had arrived at the King at Chinon, among the other matters she said she had from Jesus, she said that the good Duke of Orléans was part of her charge, and that if he did not come back hither, she would take much trouble to go and fetch him in England. And she had very great joy in employing herself in the recovery of his places. And by reason of the friendship and goodwill she had for the Duke of Orléans, and also because this was part of her charge, she made herself most intimate with the Duke of Alençon, who had married his daughter. And it was not long after her coming to Chinon before she went to see the Duchess of Alençon in the abbey of Saint Florent near Saumur, where she was lodged (1). God knows the joy the mother of the said Alençon, he himself, and the said daughter of Orléans his wife, showed her for the three or four days she was in the said place. And after that, ever since, she kept herself closer and more intimate with the Duke of Alençon than with any other, and always, speaking of him, called him my fair duke, and not otherwise.

(1) This meeting of the Maid with the Duchess of Alençon is recorded in the rehabilitation trial in the deposition of the Duke himself; but the prince does not say where it took place. See vol. III, p. 96.

The undertaking of the King’s coronation #

After the taking of the bastilles before the town of Orléans, the Maid said to the King, to the lords and to all his council, that it was time he should be ready to set out on the road to his coronation at Reims. Her counsel seemed very hard (1) to execute to all those who heard it spoken of, and they said that, seeing the power of the English and Burgundians, the King’s enemies, and considering that the King had not great finances to pay his army, it was impossible for him to accomplish the journey. The Maid said: By my staff, I will conduct the gentle King Charles and his company as far as the said place of Reims, surely and without hindrance, and there I will see him crowned. After these words, and what she had done in victualling the town of Orléans and raising the bastilles before it, no one dared contradict her. And the King appointed a day on which he would be at Gien-sur-Loire; and so the King did. The Maid, who always had her eye and her thoughts on the affairs of the Duke of Orléans, spoke to her fair Duke of Alençon and told him that, while the King was making ready and setting about making his way to the said place of Gien, she wished to go and deliver the place of Jargeau, which caused and laid great charges upon the town of Orléans. Forthwith the Duke of Alençon made known to the Marshals de Boussac and de Rais, to the Bastard of Orléans, to La Hire and other captains, that they and their people should be on a certain day at a village near Romorantin in Sologne; and so they did.

(1) That is to say, very harsh, very difficult.

The assault on Jargeau #

In that year 1429, on Saturday the eleventh day of the month of June, about two hours after dinner, the Duke of Alençon, the Maid, the Count of Vendôme and the other captains, with their company of two to three thousand fighting men and as many of the commons or more, came to besiege the town of Jargeau, in which were the Earl of Suffolk, two of his brothers and from seven to eight hundred English. On arriving, the commons, to whom it seemed that nothing could withstand the enterprise of the Maid, leapt into the ditches without her presence and without the men-at-arms, who were attending to their lodging. Some of them were well beaten, and came back. The matter rested for that day in this state. That night the Maid spoke to those within and said to them: Surrender the place to the King of Heaven and to the gentle King Charles, and go your way, or otherwise it will go ill with you. They took no account of the things she said to them. During the night the bombards and cannon were set in place, and when Sunday came, about nine o’clock in the morning, the Maid and the Duke of Alençon had the trumpets sounded to come to the assault. The Maid took her standard, on which was painted God in His majesty, and on the other side (1) and a shield of France held by two angels. She came

(1) Gap in the copy. Supply: the image of Our Lady, as above, p. 5.

into the ditches, and forthwith a very great number of men-at-arms and of commons leapt in, and the assault began, very hard, which lasted from three to four hours. And in the end the place was taken, which had seemed an impossible thing to take by one assault, seeing the men of defence who were within. And there died on our side only sixteen or twenty persons. The Earl of Suffolk was taken prisoner, one of his brothers and forty or fifty others; his other brother and the rest of the English were put to death.

On the Monday following, the Maid and the Duke of Alençon, after they had ordained what seemed good to them of men for the guard of the place of Jargeau, came with the rest of their company to dine in the town of Orléans and in the villages on either side of the river, and there they stayed that day and the morrow, which was Tuesday. That day the Maid was most greatly feasted by those of the town. The Duke of Alençon, all the other captains, knights and squires, men of war, burgesses and all the common people who had seen her were as content with her as could be, saying that God had sent her to restore the King to his lordship. At vespers she called her fair Duke of Alençon and said to him: I wish to go tomorrow after dinner to see those of Meung. Let the company be ready to set out at that hour. On the Wednesday following, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon, their company and a very great number of commons who had joined the Maid’s company set out after dinner and went to lodge near Meung. And on arriving a skirmish was given to those of the place, and no more was done.

Of the siege of Beaugency #

On the Thursday following, the sixteenth day of June, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and all the company, at the hour of noon, came to lay the siege before the place of Beaugency, and were lodged in the town and round about. And for all the rest of the day there was skirmishing before the place. And during the night the bombards and cannon were set in place. Messire Richard Gethin (1) and Matthew Gough, accompanied by four hundred English, had the guard of the place. On the Friday, the Count of Richemont, Constable of France, came to the company, as the Duke of Alençon had let him know as soon as he went before Jargeau; although the King did not wish him to meddle in his war, at the urging of the lord of La Trémoille, who held him as his enemy (and he had the whole voice in the King’s government). The Constable having arrived, with five or six hundred fighting men in his company, all that Friday bombards and cannon were cast at those of the place, and by them likewise at those without, and there was skirmishing, each doing the best they could. Those of the place had good knowledge of the undertakings the Maid had made in victualling the town of Orléans, of the taking of the bastilles, which was a great marvel, and of the taking of Jargeau; and they saw that nothing could withstand the Maid, and that she disposed all the ordering of her company in such conduct as she wished, just as the Constable and the marshals of a host ought and could do. They surrendered to the Maid and to the Duke of Alençon, saving their bodies, horses and harness. During the night between the Friday and the Saturday, news came to the Maid and to the Duke of Alençon that the lords Talbot and Fastolf had arrived with a great company of English at Janville in Beauce, who were coming to fight them.

(1) Bailiff of Évreux for the King of England. In the old English documents his name is written Guethyn, and that of Matago, Mathe Goghe or Goge (Bréquigny Collection, vol. III, Ms. B.R.); Matthew Gough in the modern ones.

The battle of Patay #

On the Saturday, the eighteenth day of the said month of June 1429, while putting out of the place of Beaugency the said English who had surrendered, news came to the Maid and to the Duke of Alençon that the night before the said Talbot and Fastolf had come to fetch from Meung the lord of Scales and those of the garrison of Meung, who abandoned the place, and all went together straight to Janville. About eight o’clock in the morning the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and all the company had come out into the fields, thinking to have battle; and when they learned that the English were going away, they ordained their vanguard and their main battle, and in order drew after the English, and overtook them near the village of Patay, about five leagues from the said place of Beaugency. When the English perceived the company following them, they took a field and there put themselves in order and in battle, almost all on foot. The vanguard of our people struck into them, and forthwith the battle joined with them; and, without much resistance, the English turned to rout and to flight. At which battle there were put to death from two to three thousand English, and taken prisoners the lords Talbot, Scales, the son of the Earl of (1),

(1) Supply Warwick, from the deposition of the Count of Alençon (vol. III, p. 97), who names the child Warwick among the prisoners of Patay.

and from four to five hundred other English. The Maid, the Duke of Alençon, the Constable of France, the Count of Vendôme and all the company lay at the said village of Patay and round about.

On the Sunday, the nineteenth day of the said month of June, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and all the company dined at the said place of Patay. The Duke of Alençon dared not bring the Constable before the King because of the disgrace in which he stood, as has been said. He returned to his house of Parthenay, glad and joyful for the day that God had given for the King, and very sorry that the King would not take his service in good part. The Maid, the Duke of Alençon and all the rest of the company went to lodge at Orléans and round about the town, and there they were received most greatly. They went through the churches thanking God, the Virgin Mary and the blessed saints of Paradise, for the grace and the honour that Our Lord had done to the King and to them all, saying that it was by the means of the Maid, and that without her such great marvels could not have been done; and the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and all the company were at the said place of Orléans and in the country round about from the said Sunday until the Friday following, the twenty-fourth day of the said month.

The beginning of the King’s anointing #

On that Friday, early in the morning, the Maid said to the Duke of Alençon: Have the trumpets sounded and mount to horse. It is time to go to the gentle King Charles to set him on the road of his anointing at Reims. So it was done. All mounted to horse in the town, and those from the fields too. And that day they lodged near the King in the town of Gien-sur-Loire. The King made great feast and great joy at the coming of the Maid, of the Duke of Alençon and of their company. And that day there was much talk among all the lords, the knights, the squires, the men of war and all people of whatever estate they were, who all held as a very great marvel the great fortunes of war which had befallen on the Saturday before, through the undertaking of the Maid, for her and her company. And I believe no one has seen the like: to bring into the King’s obedience, and in one day, three notable places, that is to say the town and castle of Meung-sur-Loire, the town and castle of Beaugency and the town and castle of Janville in Beauce, and to win near the village of Patay a day’s battle upon the English, who were in number … thousand, and our people about … (1).

(1) These two gaps in the manuscript concern two figures which must be sought in the subsequent authors. Jean Chartier speaks of five thousand English present at Patay. Jean de Wavrin, whose testimony is given below, supplies matter to raise this figure to at least eight thousand. By the same author’s account the French would have numbered twelve to thirteen thousand; but he is a Burgundian, and therefore suspect of exaggeration.

The King was at the said place of Gien until the Wednesday, the twenty-ninth day of June. And the Maid was much grieved at the long stay he had made at the said place, because of certain of the people of his household who counselled him against undertaking the journey to Reims, saying that there were several cities, other walled towns, castles and strong places well furnished with English and Burgundians between the said place of Gien and Reims. The Maid said that she knew it well and that she took no account of all that; and in despite she struck her lodging and went to lodge in the fields two days before the King’s departure. And although the King had no money to pay his army, all the knights, squires, men of war and commons did not refuse to go and serve the King for this journey in the Maid’s company, saying that they would go wherever she would go. And she said: By my staff, I will lead the gentle King Charles and his company surely, and he shall be anointed at the said place of Reims.

On that day, after many words, the King departed and took his road to go straight to the city of Troyes in Champagne. And as he made his way, all the fortresses on either side of his road put themselves into his obedience. The King arrived before the said place of Troyes after dinner, on Friday the eighth day of July. And those of the garrison and the burgesses of the town were disobedient to him. That day and the morrow great skirmishes were made, and on the Sunday, the tenth day, they put themselves into the King’s obedience. And after dinner he was most honourably received into the said town, and stayed there until the Tuesday following. And wherever the Maid came, she said to those of the places: Surrender [yourselves] to the King of Heaven and to the gentle King Charles. And she was always foremost in coming to speak at the barriers.

On that Tuesday the King departed from the said place of Troyes, and on the Thursday following he was most honourably received in the city of Châlons. And as he made his way, all the fortresses of the country put themselves into his obedience, because the Maid always sent some of those who were under her standard to say at each of the fortresses to those within: Surrender yourselves to the King of Heaven and to the gentle King Charles. And they, having knowledge of the great marvels that had happened and been done in the Maid’s presence, put themselves frankly into the King’s obedience, some of them. And those who refused, she went there in person, and all obeyed her. Sometimes she kept herself in the main battle with the King as he went on his way; other times in the vanguard, and others in the rearguard, as she saw it serve (1) her purpose. And on the Friday following the King departed from the said place of Châlons.

(1) We here correct the manuscript, which gives ainssi quelle bon convenir.

The day the King arrived at Reims and was anointed #

In the year 1429, on Saturday the sixteenth day of the said month of July, after dinner, the King arrived in the city of Reims, and there came to meet him at his coming the Archbishop and all the colleges of the city, the burgesses and others in very great number, all making great joy and crying Noël! at his coming. And all that day and the following night, by the King’s officers and those of his council, very great diligence was made for each of the offices in what belonged to it, for the deed and estate of the anointing and coronation of the King, which was done on the morrow.

On the Sunday, the seventeenth day of the said month, the King was anointed and crowned at the said place of Reims by [Regnault] de Chartres, Archbishop of the place, accompanied by several bishops, abbots and other churchmen, as the case required. That day the Duke of Alençon made the King a knight and served him as a peer of France in the place of the Duke of Burgundy, who at that time was the King’s enemy and allied with the English. That day the Counts of Clermont, of Vendôme and of Laval — who that day was made a count — served the King in the place of the other peers of France who were not there. The King was at the said place of Reims until the Thursday following, and that day he went to dine, sup and lodge in the abbey of Saint Marcoul, at which place the keys of the city of Laon were brought to the King.

How the King, after his anointing, took his road to come before Paris #

The Maid had the intention of restoring the King to his lordship, and his kingdom to his obedience. And to this end she made him undertake, after the deliverance of the county of Champagne, the journey to come before Paris; and in coming there he made very great conquests. And on the Saturday, the twenty-third day of the said month, the King came to dine, sup and lodge in the city of Soissons. And there he was received and obeyed as honourably as the churchmen, burgesses and other people of the town could and knew how to do; for all of it was very poor, by reason of the destruction of the town, which had been taken from the Burgundians in disobedience to the King.

On the Friday [the twenty-ninth day of the said month] the King and his company were all day before Château-Thierry, his people in battle order nearly all day, expecting the Duke of Bedford to come and fight them. At vespers the place surrendered, and the King was lodged there until the Monday, the first day of August following. That day the King lodged at Montmirail in Brie.

On the Tuesday, the second day of the said month of August, he came to lodge in the town of Provins, and was received there the best that could be done. And he stayed there until the Friday, the fifth day following. On the Sunday, the seventh day, the King was at dinner, supper and lodging in the town of Coulommiers in Brie. On the Wednesday, the tenth day of the said month, the King and his company lodged in the town of La Ferté-Milon. On the Thursday following, the King lodged in the town of Crépy-en-Valois. On the Friday following they lodged at Lagny-le-Sec. On the Saturday following the King held the field all day near Dammartin-en-Goële, thinking the English would come and fight them; but they did not come.

In the time the King took to make his way from the said place of Reims to the said place of Dammartin-en-Goële, the Maid made much diligence to reduce and place several towns into the King’s obedience. And so it was; for several were made French by her.

[How] the King and the Duke of Bedford were face to face near Senlis #

On the Sunday, the fourteenth day of the following month of August, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon, the Count of Vendôme, the marshals and other captains, accompanied by six to seven thousand fighting men, were at the hour of vespers lodged near a hedge in the fields near Montépilloy (1), about two leagues from the city of Senlis. The Duke of Bedford and the English captains, accompanied by eight to nine thousand English, were lodged half a league from Senlis, between our people and the said town, upon a

(1) Montépilloy.

little river (1), in a village named [Notre-Dame] de la Victoire. That evening our people went to skirmish with the English near their quarters, and in that skirmish men were taken on either side, and there was slain on the English side the captain of Orbec and ten or twelve others, and men wounded on either side. Night came; each one withdrew to his quarters.

(1) The Nonette.

On the Monday, the fifteenth day of the said month of August 1429, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and the company, thinking to have battle that day, all those of the company, each for himself, put himself in the best state of his conscience that he could; and they heard Mass as early as could be done, and after that took horse. And they came and placed their battle near the battle of the English, who had not stirred from their quarters where they had lain. And all night they had fortified themselves with stakes, with ditches and with their wagons in front of them; and the river fortified them behind. Continually there were great skirmishes between the one side and the other. The English never made any show of wishing to sally out of their place, except by skirmishing. And when the Maid saw that they would not come out, her standard in her hand, she came and placed herself in the vanguard, and they struck up to the fortification of the English. And in that enterprise men were slain on the one side and the other; and because the English would not make a show of sallying in great force, the Maid had all withdraw back to the battle, and it was sent to the English by the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and the captains, that if they wished to sally out of their place to give battle, our people would draw back and let them put themselves in their order. At which they would do nothing, and all day they kept themselves without sallying except to skirmish. Night having come, our people returned to their quarters. And the King was all that day at Montépilloy. The Duke of Bar, who had come to the King at Provins (1), was in his company, the Count of Clermont and others of the captains with them. And when the King saw that the English could not be made to sally out of their place, and that night was approaching, he returned to lodge at the said place of Crépy.

(1) At Reims, according to the other chroniclers. This Duke of Bar was René of Anjou, who afterwards became King of Sicily.

The Maid, the Duke of Alençon and their company kept themselves all night in their quarters. And to know whether the English might put themselves after them, on the Tuesday early in the morning they drew back as far as Montépilloy, and there they stayed until about the hour of noon, when news came to them that the English were returning to Senlis and straight to Paris. And our people came back to the King at the said place of Crépy.

On the Wednesday, the seventeenth day of the said month, the keys of the town of Compiègne were brought to the King, and on the Thursday following the King and his company went to lodge at the said place of Compiègne.

How the King came to Compiègne when he had left the Duke of Bedford #

Before the King departed from the said place of Crépy, there were ordained by the King, to go before the city of Senlis, the Count of Vendôme, the Marshals de Boussac and de Rais and other captains in their company. They having come before the place, those within, considering the great conquest the King had made in a short time by the aid of God and the means of the Maid, and that they had seen the power of the Duke of Bedford, who near their place had not dared fight the King and his company and had withdrawn to Paris and elsewhere to the other places, surrendered to the King and to the Maid. The Count of Vendôme remained governor and guard of the place, and there acquired honour and estate.

When the King found himself at the said place of Compiègne, the Maid was much grieved at the stay he wished to make there; and it seemed to her way of thinking that he was content at that hour with the grace God had done him, without undertaking anything else. She called the Duke of Alençon and said to him: My fair duke, have your people made ready, and those of the other captains. And she said: By my staff, I wish to go and see Paris from closer than I have seen it (1).

(1) She may have seen it, or at least made out Montmartre, from the heights of Dammartin.

And on the Tuesday, the twenty-third day of the said month of August, the Maid and the Duke of Alençon departed from the said place of Compiègne, from the King’s side, with a very fine company of men. And on their way they recovered part of the men who had been at the recovery of the said city of Senlis. And on the Friday following, the twenty-sixth day of the said month, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon and their company were lodged in the town of Saint-Denis.

And when the King learned that they were lodged thus in the town of Saint-Denis, he came most reluctantly as far as the town of Senlis; and it seemed that he was being counselled against the will of the Maid, of the Duke of Alençon and of those of their company.

How the Duke of Bedford abandoned Paris #

When the Duke of Bedford saw that the city of Senlis had turned French, he left Paris in the government of the burgesses, of the lord of L’Isle-Adam and of the Burgundians of his company, and scarcely any English remained there. He went off to Rouen, most sorry and in great fear that the Maid would restore the King to his lordship. After she had arrived at the said place of Saint-Denis, every day, two or three times, our people were skirmishing at the gates of Paris, once in one place and then in another; and sometimes at the windmill (1) towards the Porte Saint-Denis and La Chapelle. And no day passed without the Maid seeing the skirmishes made; and most willingly she surveyed the situation of the city of Paris, and besides this, which spot would seem to her most suitable for giving an assault. The Duke of Alençon was most often with her. But because the King had not come to the said place of Saint-Denis, for any message the Maid or the Duke of Alençon had sent him, the said Alençon went to him on the first day of September following. And he was told that on the second day of the said month the King would depart. And the said Alençon

(1) This mill is shown in a fifteenth-century miniature of which Montfaucon gave the engraving (Monuments de la Monarchie française, vol. III, pl. 16, p. 10). Instead of the word devers which follows, d’entre would be better.

returned to the company; and because the King still did not come, the Duke of Alençon went back to him on the Monday, the fifth day following, and brought it about that the King set out on the road, and on the Wednesday he was at dinner at the said place of Saint-Denis; at which the Maid and all the company rejoiced greatly. And there was no one, of whatever estate he was, who did not say: She will put the King inside Paris, if it rests with her.

How the Maid gave the assault on the city of Paris #

On the Thursday, 1429, the day of Our Lady, the eighth day of the month of September, the Maid, the Duke of Alençon, the Marshals de Boussac and de Rais, and other captains, with a great number of men-at-arms and of the bow, departed about eight o’clock from La Chapelle near Paris, in fine order; some to be in the battle, others to guard from surprise those who would give the assault. The Maid, the Marshal de Rais and the lord of Gaucourt, called by her ordinance whatever seemed good to him, went to give the assault at the Porte Saint-Honoré. The Maid took her standard in her hand and with the first entered into the ditches, opposite the Marché aux Pourceaux. The assault was hard and long, and it was a marvel to hear the noise and din of the cannon and culverins which those within cast at those without, and of every manner of shot in such great plenty as to be numberless. And although the Maid and a great number of knights and squires and other men of war had gone down into the ditches, and others were on the edge and round about, very few of them were wounded; and there were many, on foot and on horse, who were struck and borne to the ground by blows of cannon stone; but by the grace of God and the fortune of the Maid, not one man died of it, nor was any wounded who could not return at his ease to his quarters without other aid.

The assault lasted from about the hour of noon until about the hour when daylight failed. And after sunset the Maid was struck by a bolt of a stirrup crossbow (1) through one thigh. And after she was struck, she strove the harder to say that everyone should draw near the walls, and that the place would be taken. But because it was night, and because she was wounded, and because the men-at-arms were wearied by the long assault they had made, the lord of Gaucourt and others came to take the Maid, and against her will carried her out of the ditches. And so the assault failed. And she had very great regret at departing thus, saying: By my staff, the place would have been taken. They put her on horseback and brought her back to her quarters at the said place of La Chapelle, and all the others of the company — the King, the Duke of Bar, the Count of Clermont, who that day had come from Saint-Denis.

(1) That is to say, of a stirrup-spanned crossbow.

How the Maid departed from before Paris against her will #

On the Friday, the ninth day of the said month, although the Maid had been wounded the day before at the assault before Paris, she rose early in the morning and had her fair Duke of Alençon, by whom she was guided, come to her, and begged him to have the trumpets sounded and to mount to horse to return before Paris; and she said, by her staff, that she would never leave it until she had the town.

The said Alençon and others of the captains were well of this will, in her enterprise of returning there, and some not. And while they were in these words, the Baron de Montmorency (1), who had always held the party contrary to the King, came from within the town, accompanied by fifty or sixty gentlemen, to surrender himself into the Maid’s company. At which the heart and courage of those of goodwill to return before the town was the more stirred. And while they were drawing near, there came the Duke of Bar and the Count of Clermont on behalf of the King, who was at Saint-Denis, and begged the Maid that, without going further, she should return to the King at the said place of Saint-Denis. And likewise on the King’s behalf they begged the said Alençon, and commanded all the other captains, that they should come away and bring the Maid to him. The Maid and most of those of the company were very sorry at it, and nevertheless obeyed the King’s will, hoping to find their entry to take Paris from the other side, and to cross the Seine by a bridge which the Duke of Alençon had had made across the river opposite Saint-Denis; and so they came back to the King.

(1) According to Monstrelet, the lord of Montmorency made his submission during Charles VII’s stay at Compiègne. Jean Chartier names him among those who distinguished themselves beside Joan of Arc on the day of the assault on Paris; but Perceval de Cagny deserves more credence than these two historians.

On the Saturday following, part of those who had been before Paris thought to go early in the morning to cross the river Seine at the said bridge; but they could not, because the King, who had learned the intention of the Maid, of the Duke of Alençon and of the others of goodwill, had the said bridge broken up during the whole night. And so they remained unable to cross. That day the King held his council, in which several opinions were spoken; and he remained at the said place until the Tuesday, the thirteenth day, ever intending to return to the river Loire, to the great displeasure of the Maid.

How the King departed from Saint-Denis #

On the said Tuesday, the thirteenth day of the said month of September, the King, counselled by certain of those of his council and of his blood who were inclined to accomplish his will, departed after dinner from the said place of Saint-Denis; and when the Maid saw that at his departure she could find no remedy, she gave and left all her complete harness before the image of Our Lady and the relics of the abbey of Saint-Denis, and with very great regret put herself in the King’s company; who came away as fast as he could, sometimes making his way in a disorderly fashion, and without cause. He was on the Wednesday, the twenty-first day of the said month, at dinner at Gien-sur-Loire. And thus was the will of the Maid and the King’s army broken.

How the Duke of Alençon parted from the King #

The Duke of Alençon, who had been in company with the Maid and had always guided her in making the journey of the King’s coronation to the city of Reims, and from the said place in coming before Paris: when the King had come to the said place of Gien, the said Alençon went to his wife and into his viscounty of Beaumont; and the other captains, each to his own border, and the Maid remained with the King, much wearied by the departure — and especially of the Duke of Alençon, whom she loved very dearly, and did for him what she would not have done for another. A short time after, the said Alençon assembled men to enter the country of Normandy, towards the marches of Brittany and Maine, and to this end asked, and had the King asked, that it might please him to give him the Maid, and that through her many would put themselves into his company who would not stir unless she made the journey. Messire [Regnault] de Chartres, the lord of La Trémoille and the lord of Gaucourt, who then governed the King’s person and the conduct of his war, would never consent, nor do, nor suffer that the Maid and the Duke of Alençon should be together; nor afterwards could he recover her.

How the King remained to pursue his war #

When the King found himself at the said place of Gien, he and those who governed him made a show of being content with the journey the King had made; and for a long time after, the King undertook nothing to be done upon his enemies at which he wished to be in person. One might well say that this was by his council (1), if he and they had been willing to regard the very great grace God had done to him and to his kingdom through the undertaking of the Maid, God’s messenger in this matter, as could be perceived by her deeds. She did things incredible to those who had not seen her; and it may be said she would have done still more, had the King and his council borne and kept themselves well towards her; and it well appears so, for in less than three months she delivered and put into the King’s obedience seven cities, that is to say

(1) Sic; the sense would seem to require par fol conseil or par sot conseil — by foolish counsel.

Orléans, Troyes in Champagne, Châlons, Reims, Laon, Soissons and Senlis, and several towns and castles, and won the battle of Patay; and by her means the King was anointed and crowned at the said place of Reims, and all the knights and squires and other men of war were very well content to serve the King in her company, although they were but poorly paid.

After what is written above, the King passed the time in the countries of Touraine, of Poitou and of Berry. The Maid was most of the time with him, much grieved that he did not undertake to conquer any of his places upon his enemies. And the King being in his town of Bourges, she took certain of the captains, and upon the river Loire, around the town of La Charité, which was held by the Burgundians, she conquered three or four places; and after this, the Marshal de Boussac and other captains joined with her; and soon after that she laid siege before the said place of La Charité. And when she had been there a space of time, because the King made no provision to send her provisions or money to maintain her company, she was forced to raise her siege and depart in great displeasure.

In the year 1430, at the end of the month of April, the Maid, most ill content with the people of the King’s council in the matter of the war, departed from the King’s side and went to the town of Compiègne on the river

Oise (1).

(1) This paragraph has the air of being an interpolation, for the event is related much more exactly and with all its details in the chapter which follows.

How the Maid departed from the King #

In the year 1429, the … day of March, the King being in the town of Sully-sur-Loire, the Maid, who had seen and heard all the conduct and the manner which the King and his council held for the recovery of his kingdom, she, most ill content with this, found means to depart from them; and without the King’s knowledge or taking leave of him, she made a show of going to some pastime, and without returning went away to the town of Lagny-sur-Marne, because those of the place were making good war on the English of Paris and elsewhere. And it was not long there before some English assembled to come and make a raid before the said place of Lagny. She learned of their coming, had her people mount to horse, and went to meet the said English, who were in greater number than she had, between the said place and …; and she had her people strike into the others. They found little resistance, and there were put to death from three to four hundred English. And at her coming there was great talk and great stir in Paris and in the other places contrary to the King. After this, the Maid passed the time at Senlis, at Crépy-en-Valois, at Compiègne and Soissons, until the month of May following.

How she came to Compiègne and was taken there #

In the year 1430, on the twenty-third day of the said month of May, the Maid, being at the said place of Crépy, learned that the Duke of Burgundy, in great number of men-at-arms and others, and the Earl of Arundel, had come to besiege the said town of Compiègne. About midnight she departed from the said place of Crépy, with her company of three to four hundred fighting men. And although her people told her that she had few men to pass through the army of the Burgundians and English, she said: By my staff, we are enough; I will go and see my good friends of Compiègne. She arrived at the said place about sunrise, and without loss or hindrance to her or her people, entered into the said town. On that day the Burgundians and English came to skirmish in the meadow before the said town. Great feats of arms were done there on either side. The said Burgundians and English, knowing that the Maid was within the town, thought indeed that those within would sally out in great force, and for this the Burgundians placed a strong ambush of their men in the cover of a great hill near there named the Mont de Clairoy. And about nine o’clock in the morning, the Maid heard it said that the skirmish was great and strong in the meadow before the said town. She armed herself, and had her people arm and mount to horse, and came and put herself in the mêlée. And forthwith, she having come, the enemies were driven back and put to chase. The Maid charged hard upon the Burgundians’ side. Those of the ambush saw their men returning in great disorder; then they uncovered their ambush, and with the prick of spurs came and put themselves between the bridge of the town, the Maid and her company. And a part of them turned straight upon the Maid in such great number that those of her company could not well withstand them; and they said to the Maid: Take pains to regain the town, or you and we are lost!

The capture of the Maid #

When the Maid heard them speak thus, most sorry, she said to them: Be silent, all of you! It will rest only with you that they are not routed. Think only of striking at them. For all that she said, her people would not believe her, and by force they made her return straight to the bridge. And when the Burgundians and English perceived that she was returning to regain the town, they came in great force to the end of the bridge. And there great feats of arms were done. The captain of the place, seeing the great multitude of Burgundians and English ready to enter upon his bridge, for the fear he had of the loss of his place, had the town bridge raised and the gate shut. And so the Maid remained shut out, and few of her people with her. When the enemies saw this, they all strove to take her. She resisted them most strongly, and in the end was taken by five or six together, some laying hands on her, others on her horse, each of them saying: Surrender to me and give your faith. She answered: I have sworn and given my faith to another than you, and to him I will keep my oath. And speaking these words she was led to the quarters of Messire Jean de Luxembourg.

How the Maid was put in prison #

Messire Jean de Luxembourg had her kept in his quarters three or four days, and after that he remained at the siege before the said town, and had the Maid taken to a castle named Beaulieu in Vermandois. And there she was held prisoner for the space of three months or thereabouts.

After this, the said Luxembourg, through the means of the Bishop of Thérouanne, his brother and Chancellor of France for the English king, delivered her to the Duke of Bedford, lieutenant in France for the King of England, his nephew, for the price of fifteen or sixteen thousand saluts paid to the said Luxembourg. And so the Maid was put into the hands of the English and taken to the castle of Rouen, in which the said Bedford then kept his dwelling. While she was in prison in the said castle of Beaulieu, the one who had been her master of the household before her capture, and who served her in her prison (1), said to her: This poor town of Compiègne, which you have so loved, this time will be delivered into the hands and the subjection of the enemies of France. And she answered him: It shall not be, for all the places that the King of Heaven has reduced and restored to the hand and obedience of the gentle King Charles by my means shall not be retaken by his enemies, so long as he takes diligence to keep them.

(1) Jean d’Aulon.

How the Maid was judged to death #

In the year 1431, on the twenty-fourth day of the month of May (2), the Duke of Bedford, the Bishop of Thérouanne and several others of the council of the King of England, who had seen and known the very great marvels which had happened to the honour and profit of the King by the coming and the undertakings of the Maid (as I have declared above, her words and her deeds seemed miraculous to all those who had been in her

(2) This date is that of the day on which Joan was definitively condemned as a relapsed.

company); after the said Bedford and those named above had held her in their prisons at the said place of Rouen: as men most envious of her life and her estate, they questioned her and had her questioned in all the ways they could and knew, desiring with all their powers and knowledge to find in and upon her some manner of heresy, as much in that they said she called herself a messenger of God and kept herself in disorderly dress, clothed in man’s dress, and rode armed, and indeed meddled in the deeds and words of all feats of arms that a constable or marshals could and should do in time of war; and upon these matters they presented her, and in the presence of several bishops, abbots and other clerks, had several articles read against her; and in the end they cast their sentences, and by them she was condemned and judged to be burned.

When the Maid was burned #

It may be known that to make the execution of so great a case, the people of the King of England’s justice in the said town of Rouen had a suitable place made ready, and the equipment to execute justice in a place that could be seen by a very great crowd; and on the said twenty-fourth day of May, about the hour of noon, she was brought from the castle, her face bowed down, to the said place where the fire was ready; and after certain things were read in the said place, she was bound to the stake and burned, by the report of those who said they had seen it.

How the King wished to treat with the English and the Duke of Burgundy #

After the King came away from the town of Saint-Denis, he showed such small will to put himself forward to conquer his kingdom that all his subjects, knights and squires and the good towns of his obedience, marvelled greatly at it. And it seemed to most that his nearest counsellors were well enough of his will, and that it sufficed them to pass the time and live; and especially after the taking of the Maid, through whom the King had received and had the very great honours and good things declared above, solely by her means and good enterprise. The King and his said counsellors, after the said taking, found themselves more abased in goodwill than before, so much so that none among them knew how to advise or find any other way in which the King could live and remain in his kingdom, except by means of finding an agreement with the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy, in order to remain in peace. The King showed well that he had a very great desire for it, and preferred to give away his heritages of the crown and of his goods most largely, rather than to arm himself and sustain the burdens of the war.

Another Chronicler of Alençon #

This author, like Perceval de Cagny, was attached to the person of Duke Jean II; but he did not write until 1473. His work, very succinct, has never been printed. De Thou had a manuscript of it, which he communicated to Bry de La Clergerie, who made much use of it for his Histoire du duché d’Alençon. The extract given here has been taken from the copy in the Bibliothèque Royale, which is a transcription made in the sixteenth century (no. 9574-3, Fonds français). The only interest this testimony presents is that we learn that the Maid made predictions to the Duke of Alençon which were fulfilled later.

It is true that the said King Charles the Seventh, being thus despoiled of his said kingdom and his subjects in very great and marvellous perplexity and tribulation, the good God, who succours His servants in their need, wishing to give remedy and end to the affliction of the good and loyal French, and to repress and annihilate the pride of the said English, raised up the spirit of a young maiden aged eighteen to twenty years, a native of the town of Domrémy, duchy of Bar, three little leagues from Vaucouleurs, who all her life had done no other work than keeping the beasts in the fields. She came to King Charles, King of France, and told him that she was sent to him by God to help him conquer his kingdom possessed by the said English, and that if he would give her charge of men-at-arms, she would lead him to be anointed at Reims: at which the said King and the learned and understanding persons about his person were at first astonished; and nevertheless, after she had been questioned at various times by several notable and wise persons, faith was placed in her words, and it was found that she was divinely sent. Thus she was joined with the King’s army, of which the said Duke of Alençon had the charge as lieutenant-general; which duke was by her designated and called the fair duke, and she told and declared to him several things which have befallen him since.

The Herald Berry #

The chronicle of Berry long passed as being by Alain Chartier; Denys Godefroy restored it to its true author on the peremptory authority of a manuscript in which the prologue, conceived in the form of letters patent, begins with a greeting from Jacques Le Bouvier, herald of the King of France and King of Arms of the country of Berry, to his readers present and to come. From what this chronicler tells us of himself, he was sixteen years old in 1402. He conceived, at that age, the design of following the great assemblies that would take place in the kingdom, in order to be a witness of the high deeds of his contemporaries and to set them down, or have them set down, in writing later. His work appeared only in his old age, and in several parts. First he published only the account of the conquest of Normandy by Charles VII. Then he fused this episode into his annals, beginning in the year 1402, and continued the whole to 1455, which formed the object of a second publication. Finally, in certain manuscripts the account of events is carried to 1458; in others, to the death of Charles VII: either because the author made these two successive additions to his work, or because others continued it thus after him.

The chronicler Berry is full of interest, though succinct. He allowed himself a rather large number of errors, especially in what concerns chronology; but these errors are those of a man who has seen. As a witness on the Maid, he is considerable for the events accomplished between the anointing and the unfortunate sally at Compiègne. He gives on this period information found nowhere else, except in the subsequent chroniclers, who borrowed it from him.

The text of Berry having been altered by Godefroy, I have used, to restore it, the manuscripts 137 of Notre-Dame and 435 of the Sorbonne, in the Bibliothèque Royale.

In that year, in that same season of Lent, there arrived a young girl of the age of eighteen or twenty years before the King, at the castle of Chinon, named Joan the Maid; who was born and raised near Vaucouleurs, in a village above the river Meuse, and had been all her youth until that hour keeping the sheep. And she came before the King and, greeting him, said these words to him: that Our Lord was sending her to him to lead him to be crowned at Reims, and to raise the siege which the English were holding before the good city of Orléans; and that God, at the prayer of the Saints, did not wish the said city to be taken or to perish. And at these words the King had her examined by several wise doctors of his kingdom, to whom she answered wisely and in good manner, and in such a way that all the doctors were of the opinion that her deeds, her sayings and her words were done and spoken by the miracle of God. And for this, it was said and ordained in great deliberation of the council that, to do and accomplish the things she had said, with the intention of beginning and completing them at God’s pleasure, she should be given horses, harness and men to accompany her to see her deed and what it would be. And all was done, counselled and ordained at the said castle of Chinon during the said season of Lent, when everyone was in devotion. And she was conducted by the Marshal de Rieux (1) and the lord of Culant, the one Marshal and the other Admiral.

(1) Read de Rais. The same correction is to be made in all the rest of the piece.

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine the siege of Orléans was raised on the twelfth day of May. And at that time the said Maid departed from the castle of Chinon and took leave of the King, and rode so far by her days’ journeys that she arrived inside the good city of Orléans in spite of the English; and she sent them letters by a herald, publicly before all the world, that they should go away, for God willed it, or else it would go ill with them, and God would be angered with them if they did the contrary. The said English took the said herald and judged that he should be burned, and had the stake made to burn him. And nonetheless, before they could have the opinion and counsel of the University of Paris and of those bound to decide this, they were raised, slain and routed, and departed so hastily that they left the said herald in their quarters, all in irons, and fled.

The said Maid visited the bastilles which they had occupied; and with her were the lord of Rieux, Marshal of France, the Bastard of Orléans and Messire Louis de Culant, Admiral, and several other knights and squires named above. And on the morrow the said Maid departed from Orléans and came to Blois (1) to obtain men and provisions. And this done, she came to the said place of Orléans with a great power of men-at-arms. And as soon as she had entered the said town, the people of Orléans set out, from the great desire they had to be out of the servitude of the said English. And they assailed the bastille of Saint Loup, which the French (2) had taken.

(1) Error. She went out to meet the convoy on its arrival, but did not go to fetch it at Blois.

(2) The manuscripts and the edition agree on this passage, which is unintelligible. Godefroy supposes that Anglois should be substituted for François, but this produces a nonsense. Plainly a sentence has dropped out of the text. The author must have meant that the English of the other bastilles had sallied out to come to the aid of their compatriots besieged in Saint-Loup.

But when they were midway, they perceived that the fire was within it, and that it was lost to them. And my lord the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Rieux and several others had gone there when they learned that the people had risen to go there. And this was the beginning of the raising of the siege; and there sixty English were slain and burned, and eighteen prisoners, who belonged to my lord the Bastard of Orléans. And that said bastille was held by an English captain named Thomas Gerrard, who was at Montereau, of which he was captain for the said English. And that evening the French crossed the river Loire in boats and went to assail the bastilles on the side of Beauce (1) and that of the Augustins before the bridge gate, and took them. And that evening the said French withdrew into the said town, and the said Maid with them (2); and a part of the men-at-arms remained in the field all night.

(1) Read Sologne.

(2) Error. She remained in the field.

And on the morrow in the morning, which was a Saturday, the said French crossed the said river again to assail the bastille of the bridge. And there were the lord of Rieux, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Gaucourt, the lord of Graville, the lord of Guitry (3), the lord of Coarraze (4), the lord of Villars (5), Messire Denis

(3) Guillaume de Chaumont, lord of Guitry.

(4) Ramon Arnaut, lord of Coarraze in Béarn.

(5) Archambaud de Villars, very old, knight, formerly a favourite of Duke Louis of Orléans and captain of Montargis. He had made himself famous in the combat of seven English against seven French which took place at Montendre in 1402.

de Chailly, the Admiral Messire Louis de Culant, La Hire, Poton, the Commander of Giresme, Messire Florent d’Illiers, Le Bourg de Masqueran, Thibault de Termes and several others; who gave the assault on all sides to the said bastille of the bridge, from noon until sunset, so much so that by force of arms the said bastille was taken. And there died the lords of Poynings and of Molyns (1) and a captain named Glasdale, an Englishman, who was captain of that bastille; and as he thought to withdraw into the tower of the boulevard, the bridge collapsed, and he and all those who were on the said bridge sank into the river Loire; and there within were, some slain, some taken, some drowned, from four to five hundred English.

(1) The Lords Poynings and Molyns (Calendarium Inquisitionum post mortem, Henry VI, seventh year).

And on the morrow in the morning, which was Sunday, the English rose from before Orléans and went to Meung-sur-Loire, most of them on foot, and left their bastilles, provisions and artillery. At which those of the said town of Orléans were much refreshed and had very great comfort from the provisions they found in the said bastilles.

Then the Earl of Suffolk took charge of five hundred English to lead to Jargeau by the ordinance of the lord of Talbot, lieutenant for the King of England. And the lord of Talbot remained at Meung and at Beaugency until they should have news of the Duke of Bedford and great succour. Which duke sent them Messire John Fastolf with all the men he could gather. And then the chiefs of war who had been inside the town of Orléans during the siege, and my lord the Constable of France, Count of Richemont, my lord of Alençon and my lord of Albret, came and laid the siege at Jargeau and took it by assault. And there were, some taken and some slain, from four to five hundred English; and there was taken on the bridge of the town, beneath which the river Loire passes, the Earl of Suffolk, who had withdrawn onto the said bridge after the taking of the said town; and he surrendered to a squire of Auvergne named Guillaume Regnault; which earl made the said Guillaume Regnault a knight, so that it might be said he had been taken by a knight. And at the taking which was made on the said bridge, of French and English, Alexandre de la Pole, brother of the said earl, was drowned.

And from there the French and the Maid came to lay the siege at Beaugency; and seeing the fear the English had of the fortune they saw upon them, they surrendered and delivered Beaugency by composition. And within there were from six to seven hundred English, and its captain was Messire Guischart Guetin. And when the lord of Talbot and Messire John Fastolf learned that the said Beaugency was surrendered and that the English had gone away into Normandy, a staff in their fist, the said lord of Talbot and Messire John Fastolf departed to draw towards Janville. And then the said lords of France learned of it and pursued them a good six leagues, and overtook them at a strong church named Patay. And there the said English were fought and routed; and there the lord of Talbot was taken, and others, up to the number of three hundred English prisoners, and twenty-two hundred slain; and Messire John Fastolf and several others fled. And by that day’s work Meung, Janville, La Ferté-Hubert and several other fortresses in the country of Beauce were abandoned.

And then the King learned the news, and went to Gien and from there to Auxerre with all his host, and came before the city of Troyes. And he sent back the Constable, and likewise countermanded the Count of Pardiac (1), because the lord of La Trémoille feared they might undertake to seize the King’s government or do displeasure to his person and cast him out. The said city of Troyes made obedience to the King, who departed from there and came to Châlons, which likewise made obedience to him, and from there to Reims, where he was grandly accompanied by the lords of his blood and the barons of his kingdom, such as the Duke of Alençon, the Count of Vendôme, the lord of Albret, the Bastard of Orléans, the Count of Clermont, the Marshals, the Admiral, the Master of the Crossbowmen, the lord of Laval and many other barons. And the King was anointed and crowned at Reims in very great solemnity.

(1) Bernard d’Armagnac, younger son of the one who was assassinated in Paris in 1418.

And after that the King departed from Reims and came to Soissons, and from there to Château-Thierry and to Provins, which he put into his obedience. And from there he came to Crépy-en-Valois. And the Duke of Bedford made known to the King that if he wished battle, he would receive him. And then, as soon as the letters were received from the heralds, the King departed and came to Lagny-le-Sec, and left his vanguard at Dammartin. And the Duke of Bedford was with all his host at Mitry in France. And the French and English runners skirmished all day upon a little stream at a village called Thieux (2). And on

(2) The little river on which Thieux stands is called the Biberonne.

the evening of that day the Duke of Bedford departed with all his host and went to Louvres. And the King of France and his host were at Crépy, and the vanguard at Baron.

And on the morrow at daybreak, the host of the said Bedford came near Senlis, to a place named La Victoire. And in the villages near there the said French were lodged. And when they learned of the coming of the English, they gathered together into battle order. And the King of France came from Crépy to Montépilloy, and there lay that night. And on the morrow all day they were face to face without hedge and without bush, near one another within a culverin’s shot, and did not fight. And in the evening the King departed and went with his host to the said Crépy, and the Duke of Bedford went to the said Senlis.

And on the morrow the King went to Compiègne, which made obedience to him, and was there eight days; and there came Messire Jean de Luxembourg, who made many promises to make peace between the King and the Duke of Burgundy: of which he did nothing but deceive him. And the King departed from there and came to Senlis; which town had sent to fetch him. And his vanguard passed beyond and came to Saint-Denis. And there my lord of Alençon and the Maid and the Marshals led the King’s army. And the Duke of Bar named René came to the King’s aid, and the young lord of La Marche (1) and he of Rougemont.

(1) Read Comarchis or Commercy instead of La Marche. This lord’s own name was Robert de Sarrebruck.

And from there the King came to Saint-Denis, and the King’s host was before Paris to assail it; but the lord of La

Trémoille had the men-at-arms turned back to Saint-Denis. And for this cause the Duke of Bedford and his host were at La Chapelle-Saint-Denis before Paris; and from there he went to Rouen for fear that the country of Normandy might rebel, because of Beauvais and Aumale which had returned to the King.

And after, the King departed from Saint-Denis to come into Berry. And he came to Lagny, which had returned to him; and from there went to Provins and to Bray, which returned to him. And he and his host crossed the river Yonne by a ford near Sens, and came to Courtenay and to Château-Renard, and from there to Gien, thinking to have agreement with the Duke of Burgundy; which duke had sent him word that he would procure him Paris, by the lord of Charny who had brought the news of it, and that he would come to Paris to speak to those who held his party. And for this cause the King sent him his safe-conduct to come to Paris; but when he was at Paris, the Duke of Bedford and he made their alliances stronger than before against the King. And the said duke returned with his safe-conduct through the countries of the King’s obedience into his countries of Picardy and Flanders (1).

(1) There follows the account of the battle of Anthon, of the submission of Sens and of that of Melun.

The King was at Gien on his return from his anointing, and the Duke of Alençon with him; who desired to take with him the Maid and the King’s men-at-arms into Normandy. But the lord of La Trémoille did not wish it, but sent him with his brother, the lord of Albret, in the hardest part of winter, and the Marshal de Boussac with very few men, before the town of La Charité; and there they were about a month and raised the siege shamefully, without succour coming to those within; and they lost bombards and artillery there; and there died at an assault a baron of the country of Dauphiné named Ramon de Montremur (1), which was a loss.

(1) Godefroy, in his edition, corrected Mommor.

In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty, the siege was laid at Soisi (2) near Compiègne by the Duke of Burgundy, the Earls of Suffolk and of Arundel and Messire Jean de Luxembourg; and in the end they took it by composition. And while they were at the said siege, a Gascon squire named Poton de Xaintrailles and the men-at-arms of his company crossed the river Aisne between Soissons and the bridge (3), and struck upon the said siege, and took and slew several men; and among the others was taken one named Jean de Brimeu, of the country of Picardy.

(2) Read Pont-à-Soissy, as it is written further on; the place in question is Choisy-au-Bac, situated almost at the confluence of the Aisne and the Oise.

(3) Or, the said bridge.

At this time the Maid departed from Compiègne, accompanied by the Archbishop of Reims, the Count of Vendôme and several other captains and men of war. And they rode until they came before the town of Soissons, thinking to pass through the said town to go and fight the Duke of Burgundy, who was before the said Pont-à-Soissy between the two rivers Oise and Aisne. And when the aforesaid had arrived before the town of Soissons, a squire of Picardy named Guiscard Bournel, whom the Count of

Clermont, son of the Duke of Bourbon, had made captain of the said place, refused entry into the said town to the said lords and men-at-arms, and suborned the people of the said town by giving them to understand that the said lords and men-at-arms were coming to be in garrison there, so that the people of the said town should be of the opinion of not letting them inside that town. The men-at-arms lay that night in the fields, and in the end the said captain thrust the said Archbishop, Maid and Count of Vendôme into a small company. And on the morrow the said men-at-arms went beyond the river Marne and Seine, because they found nothing to live on in the country, and also because they were great lords in great number with several men of war accompanying them; and they could not live inside the said town of Compiègne, for those of the said place expected the siege upon them from day to day. And the said lords went to Senlis, and the said Maid to Compiègne; and as soon as they had departed from Soissons, the said Guiscard sold the said city to the Duke of Burgundy and put it into the hand of Messire Jean de Luxembourg: in which he did basely, against his honour; and this done, he went away with the said duke, who by this means obtained the obedience of the said Pont-à-Soissy, and came to lay the siege before Compiègne. And there came to his aid the Earls of Stafford and of Arundel, Englishmen, with one thousand five hundred fighting men at the siege before the said town of Compiègne; and there the said Maid was taken by a Picard; and afterwards Messire Jean de Luxembourg sold her to the English.

Jean Chartier #

Jean Chartier, cantor of Saint-Denis, passes for having been the brother of Alain Chartier the poet, as well as of Guillaume Chartier, Bishop of Paris, who was a judge in the revision of the trial of Joan of Arc. Jean Chartier, by this account, would be a Norman, a native of Bayeux. Charles VII restored in his favour the privilege which the abbey of Saint-Denis had anciently enjoyed of providing the titular chronicler of the kings of France. He exercised this office in 1449, during the conquest of Normandy, since on the occasion of the siege of Harfleur he says that he was present at it, enduring great cold and vexations; although, he adds, I was salaried and defrayed for the expenses both of myself and of my horses, by the ordinance and will of the King, as has always been and is still the custom. Louis XI, on his accession, having taken the writing of the chronicles from him to give it to a monk of Cluny, it was presumably after his dismissal that he published the history of the reign of Charles VII, which appears to have been written in part during that prince’s lifetime.

Jean Chartier is a poor writer, an injudicious appraiser of events, an inexact and incomplete annalist. Nonetheless, he has instructive parts, and what he wrote on the appearance of Joan of Arc is of this kind. His account of it is among the most circumstantial that we have. As no reminiscence of the rehabilitation trial is to be found in it, there is reason to believe that the chronicler gathered its elements at the time when he entered office, that is to say between 1440 and 1450. It will be seen later that it is this account which engendered almost all the others, at least those conceived in the French spirit.

The work of Jean Chartier, having been merged very early into the body of the Chronicles of Saint-Denis, was thereby deprived of the advantage of having many separate editions. Only one is known, that given by Godefroy in his Recueil des historiens de Charles VII. It is far from good. Godefroy has modernised the chronicler’s language, palliated by continual corrections the rusticity of his style, and made the chapter divisions he had adopted disappear. The extracts which follow have been restored to the primitive physiognomy of the work. They have been copied from the fine manuscript 8350 of the Bibliothèque Royale, which was executed about the year 1470 for the lord of Gruuthuse.

The coming of the Maid #

At that time, news came that there was a maiden from near Vaucouleurs in the marches of Barrois, who was about twenty years of age. And she said several times to one named Messire Robert de Baudricourt, captain of the said Vaucouleurs, and to several others, that it was necessary they should bring her to the King of France, and that she would do him great service in his wars; and several times she asked it of them. And of this they did nothing but laugh and mock, and reputed the said Joan to be a simple person, and took no account of her words. And finally the said Joan brought it about that she was taken to the King of France by one named Ville-Robert and others in her company.

Then she, having come before the King, made the inclinations and reverences customarily made to kings, as if she had been brought up in his court; and the salutation made, she said, addressing her word to the King: God give you good life, gentle King; although she did not know him, nor had ever seen him. And there were several lords pompously dressed, and more richly than the King. For which he answered the said Joan: It is not I who am King, Joan. And showing her one of his lords, he said: There is the King. To which she answered: In God’s name, gentle prince, it is you and no other. And then she was examined and questioned diligently by several wise clerks and other people of several estates, to know who moved her to come to the King. And she answered that she came to put the King into his lordship, and that God so willed it, and that she would raise the siege which the English held before the town of Orléans, and, after that, that she would lead the King to be crowned at Reims, and that she wished to fight the English wherever she could find them, and that the King must give her such power as he could gather, for of raising that siege, of leading the King to be crowned at Reims, of routing and repelling the English, she had no doubt at all. And she said several other marvellous things and answered marvellously the questions put to her. And as regards the war, it seemed that she was very strongly experienced in it, and several doctors and war captains and others marvelled at her deeds and at the answers she gave, as much concerning divine matters as concerning the war.

And to provide for the said necessity of the said town of Orléans, it was advised by the King and his council that the said Joan the Maid should go and victual and work what she could upon the said siege, as she asked it every day. And the King issued a certain summons of men-at-arms to accompany the said Joan the Maid; among whom were summoned on the King’s behalf the lord of Rais, Messire Ambroise, lord of Loré, and several others, who conducted and led the said Joan the Maid into the town of Blois. In which place they found Messire Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims and Chancellor of France, the Bastard of Orléans, La Hire and others. And there were loaded in the town of Blois several carts and wains of wheat, and likewise a great force of oxen, sheep, cows, pigs and other provisions; and the said Joan the Maid and the captains named above took their road to draw straight to Orléans, by way of Sologne. And they lay one night outside, and on the morrow the said Joan the Maid and the aforesaid captains arrived with those provisions before the said town of Orléans. And from that hour the English abandoned a bastille which they held, named Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; and the English who were in it withdrew to the Augustins with the others who were there near the end of the bridge. And the said Joan the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans, La Hire and several other captains entered the said town with all those provisions; and the said lords of Rais and of Loré returned to Blois with the greater part of the company, for it was held difficult to put so many men into the said town of Orléans, because there were too few provisions there.

This said Maid, after she had been examined, asked the King that it might please him to give her one of his armourers to go to Sainte-Catherine-de-Fierbois to fetch a sword which was in a certain place in the church, sent by the grace of God, and which bore for its mark on each side five little swords. Which thing was granted her, while asking her on the King’s behalf whether she had ever been in the said place, how she knew the said sword to be such, and how it had been brought there. To which she answered that she had never been there nor entered the church of the said Sainte Catherine (1); but she well knew that the said sword was there among several old iron things, as she knew it by divine revelation; and that by means of that sword she must expel from the kingdom of France (2) and lead the King to be anointed and crowned in the city of Reims. These words thus set forth by the said Joan, by the King’s leave and mission, one of the said armourers went with her (3) to the said place, where he found the said sword, and brought it to the said Joan: which was a thing most marvellous; with which she warred and waged war upon the said enemies of the King most valiantly, and by her enterprise and new beginning, victualled the said town with those named above, as has been said.

(1) The contrary is established by the condemnation trial, vol. I, p. 75, where the Maid positively says that she stopped at Sainte-Catherine on her way to Charles VII, and that she heard three Masses there on the same day.

(2) Godefroy, in his edition, corrected: chasser du royaume de France les Anglois — drive the English from the kingdom of France.

(3) Another inexactitude. The Maid did not go to fetch the sword: it was brought to her.

And when the said lords of Rais and of Loré had arrived at Blois, they found the said Chancellor of France there; and then they held council anew to know what was to be done. And nearly all of them were of the will to return to the said place of Orléans to do and work, each what he could, for the good of the King and of that town. Speaking of this matter, the Bastard of Orléans arrived, who spoke to the said Chancellor and captains, asking and praying them that aid and succour be made to the said town in the best way they could, and that if that company departed, that town was on the way to perdition. And forthwith it was concluded by all to return and to lead again provisions in strength; and that they would go by way of Beauce, where the power of the English was, in the great bastille of which mention has been made above (1). And they had hesitated to go there on the other occasion when they went by Sologne with Joan the Maid, although that time when they went by Sologne with the said Joan the Maid they were three times as many men as they were to go by Beauce.

(1) The bastille called Londres, which intercepted the entry to Orléans on the western side. The historian speaks of it in a previous chapter.

How Orléans was victualled by the French #

On the eve of the Ascension, there departed again from the town of Blois the said Bastard of Orléans, the said lords of Rais and of Loré and several others, with a great quantity of wheat and cattle and other provisions, and came to lie almost halfway from Blois; and on the morrow took their road straight to Orléans. And when they were about a league from the said town of Orléans, there came to meet them the said Joan the Maid, her standard in her hand, La Hire, Messire Florent d’Illiers and several others. And they all came together to pass before the great bastille of the English named Londres with all their provisions, and entered the said town of Orléans.

About two or three hours after they had thus entered the said town of Orléans, the said Joan the Maid departed from that town, armed in all harness, and several other men of war in her company; and they drew towards the bastille of Saint Loup, in which there was a great number of English, and it was assaulted hard. Then those within, seeing themselves so rudely assailed, knew well enough that it was time to take or yield. Wherefore all with one will put themselves to the defence of the said place and bore themselves most valiantly there; but whatever resistance they made, it was taken by assault in the sight of the other English of the great bastille; and all those English were slain or taken. And those of the great bastille set out on the road thinking to give succour, but they did not go far before returning to their bastille.

This done, the said Joan and the others who were in her company returned into the said town of Orléans. And on the morrow a council was held to know what was to be done to damage and press the said English holding the siege on either side of the said town of Orléans. And the said council was held at the house of the Chancellor of Orléans (1); in which place were the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Rais, the lord of Graville, La Hire, Messire Ambroise de Loré, the lord of Gaucourt and several others. At which council it was concluded and deliberated that certain devices should be made, such as mantlets and wooden hoardings, to go and assail the great bastille and others on the Beauce side, in order to bring the English who were on the other side towards Sologne to come to help and succour those of the said great bastille and others on the Beauce side. And notwithstanding,

(1) At the house of Jacques Boucher.

it was all a thing feigned (1), for they had no intention of assailing that bastille; but the conclusion of that council was that, as soon as the English of the Sologne side had crossed the river, which they would surely cross some time or other, they would at once cross that river on the Sologne side to go and assail those who remained on the said Sologne side. And everyone was of this opinion. And the said Joan was not at this council, but she was in the house of the said Chancellor with his wife. And it was said, after the conclusion was taken, by some, that it would be good to send for Joan the Maid to tell her the conclusion that had been taken for working upon the enemies the following day. And there were some who said it was not needful to tell her of the passage they intended to make on the other side of the river towards Sologne, because it had to be kept secret — fearing that it might be revealed by the said Joan; they told her only that it had been concluded at this council to attempt to assail and take the great bastille. And she was sent for on this counsel by Messire Ambroise lord of Loré; and when she had come, they told her and recited the council which had been held as to attempting to take the said great bastille, in which were the Earl of Suffolk, the lord of Talbot, the lord of Scales, Messire John Fastolf and several others in great number. And they did not tell her that they intended to cross to the other side towards Sologne, as is said above; which words were spoken by the Chancellor of Orléans.

(1) That is to say, a feint.

Then, after she had heard and understood the said Chancellor, she answered these words or like ones, as a person angered: Tell me what you have concluded and decided. I could keep secret a much greater thing than this. And she went back and forth across the place, without seating herself. And forthwith the Bastard of Orléans said to her these words or like ones in substance: Joan, do not be angered. We cannot tell you everything at once. What the Chancellor has told you has been concluded and decided; but if those of the other side of the river of Sologne depart to come and aid the great bastille and those on this side, we have decided to cross the river to the other side to work what we can upon those over there. And it seems to us this conclusion is good and profitable. Then Joan the Maid answered that she was content, and that it seemed to her this conclusion was good, provided it were executed thus. And nevertheless, of this conclusion nothing was done or executed.

And very often the said Bastard and other captains were together to counsel what was to be done; and whatever conclusion they took, when the said Joan the Maid came, she concluded some other thing to the contrary; and against the opinion of all the captains, chiefs of war and others, she often made fine enterprises upon her enemies, which always turned out well for her. And hardly anything worth speaking of was done there except at the undertaking of the said Joan the Maid. And although the captains and other men of war executed what she said, the said Joan always went to the skirmish in her harness, although it was against the will and opinion of most of those men of war; and she mounted on her charger, armed as soon as any knight who was in the army or in the King’s court. At which the men of war were angered (1) and much astonished.

(1) This important word is missing in Godefroy’s edition.

The taking of the boulevards and bastille of the bridge end #

It befell one day, after several great skirmishes and takings of several bastilles of the said siege, that the said Joan the Maid wished to cross the river Loire in force towards Sologne, to work upon the English who held the siege at the end of the bridge of Orléans, who were lodged at the Augustins and at the boulevard and bastille of the bridge. And in boats she had a great number of men cross, and nearly all the captains named above. And they, having disembarked on the land, came to the end of that bridge where about seven to eight hundred English were lodged, who did not sally out at all to make a skirmish, until the said Joan the Maid, the captains and other men wished to withdraw, because it was near sunset. And because the said English saw that the boats were being brought back up to recross the river, they sallied from the house of the Augustins and from the [boulevard of the] bridge end, and came to charge very hard upon the French, so that the said Joan the Maid and the captains who were there were constrained to defend themselves, and came to charge upon the said English; who were separated from their fortresses by a good two shots’ flight of crossbow bolts, and in such wise that several of them were slain and taken, and they were thrust back by the French into the house of the Augustins, which they had fortified. And from that hour it was taken by assault upon the said English; and all those who could escape withdrew into the boulevard and into the bastille of the bridge end. Before which boulevard and bastille the said Joan the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Rais, the lord of Loré and several other captains remained all night.

And on the morrow in the morning the assault began upon the boulevard of the said bridge; in which boulevard and in the bastille were two barons of England, one named the lord of Molyns and the other the lord of Bumus (1), and a squire well renowned for valour named William Glasdale, who was said to be the conductor and governor of all that siege. And in the said boulevard and bastille were about five to six hundred English, who were assaulted all that day, the standards ever on the edge of the ditch. And several times some standards and men of war went down into the ditch and climbed up against the said English to fight hand to hand, and then were thrust back by the said English into the said ditch. And the said Joan the Maid kept saying that everyone should have good heart and good hope in God, and that the hour was approaching when the said English would be taken.

(1) Ponnis in Godefroy’s edition; Pommiers, Ponnains in other chroniclers. It is Poynings; see above, p. 44.

About one hour after noon the said Joan the Maid was wounded by a bolt in that assault through the shoulder; and notwithstanding this, she would never withdraw or be thrust out of that ditch. And about sunset, all in one moment, the French entered on every side and climbed up onto the boulevard and took it by assault; and there were slain the said lords of Molyns and Bumus, the said William Glasdale, and several others, up to the number of four hundred or thereabouts; and the others taken prisoner. And that night the said Joan the Maid and the captains named above lodged with their people on the Sologne side; for they could not return into the said town of Orléans except by boats, because the bridges were broken.

How the siege of Orléans was raised by the French #

This taking thus made of the said boulevards and bastille, all the bells of the said town began to ring, and the inhabitants to praise and thank God. Which taking the English on the other side of the river towards Beauce, in a bastille named Saint Laurens, could well see: wherefore the lord of Talbot, the Earl of Suffolk, the lord of Scales, Messire John Fastolf and several others, who were in the great bastille named Londres, of which mention has been made above, were counselled to abandon it with all their company and to raise the said siege.

To this counsel they all agreed, and departed on the Sunday morning after the said boulevards and bastille had been taken on the Saturday evening; and they decamped from that bastille in very great disarray, so much so that the few men who sallied from the town made them leave the greater part of their wagons, artillery and other provisions; and all the same it was not possible for the other company, which was on the other side, to cross soon enough to do anything upon the said English, who were four thousand fighting men or thereabouts. And they joined together and went in fine order to Meung-sur-Loire, which Meung was held for the said English. And they were ridden after and skirmished with for two or three leagues by Étienne de Vignolles, called La Hire, and Messire Ambroise lord of Loré, with one hundred or six score lances, who had crossed back into the said town after the taking of the said boulevards and bastille, from that evening.

Now there was a prisoner of the English in the great bastille, a French captain named Le Bourg du Bar (1), who was fettered by the feet with a pair of irons so heavy that he could not walk. And while he was in prison, he was often visited by an English Augustinian who was confessor to the said lord of Talbot, master of this prisoner. And this Augustinian had the custom of delivering provisions to him and administering to his subsistence, and the said lord of Talbot trusted the said Augustinian wholly to keep this prisoner well. When the said lord of Talbot and the others departed hastily from the bastille, as has been said, this Augustinian remained with his prisoner to lead him after the lord of Talbot his master, and conducted him a good half bowshot, under the arms, after the lord of Talbot and the other English, who ever advanced on their way. Then

(1) He had been taken in a sortie in the month of February, as will be seen in the Journal of the Siege. His first name of Bourg announces that he was a bastard. His father Gui de Bar, otherwise called Le Veau de Bar, served with the Burgundians, and passed for having commanded the massacres of Paris in 1418.

Le Bourg du Bar, as a courageous and well-advised man, although he was a prisoner and in irons, seeing that the English were in great trouble, took this Augustinian and told him he would go no further; but constrained him, fettered as he was, to carry him on his shoulders as far as the town of Orléans, although all around that place were French and English skirmishing with one another.

An army raised by the King of France #

At this same following time, the King Charles of France, of whom mention has been made above, raised a great army through the means and admonishment of Joan the Maid, of whom it is spoken above. And the Duke of Alençon summoned men from all parts to come to the King’s service, more to accompany the said Joan the Maid than otherwise, in the hope that she came from God, more than for wages or other profits she had from the King. There assembled a great company of men-at-arms and archers with the said Duke of Alençon and the said Joan the Maid, in whom all these men-at-arms had great hope: the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Boussac, Marshal of France, the lord of Graville, Master of the Crossbowmen, the lord of Culant, Admiral of France, Messire Ambroise lord of Loré, Étienne de Vignolles called La Hire, Gaultier de Brussac and several other captains. Which Duke of Alençon and the others named above went before the town of Jargeau to lay siege. And after several assaults and skirmishes, they had their bombards set in place and made several approaches to win and conquer the said town of Jargeau, which held the party of the English, and of which the captain and guard for the King of England was the Earl of Suffolk, an Englishman; and in his company from six to seven hundred English. And about eight days after the said siege was laid, it was assailed on every side and in the end was taken by assault. In which the Earl of Suffolk was made prisoner by one named Guillaume Regnault (which earl made the said Regnault a knight), and the lord of La Pole his brother. And there was slain Messire Alexandre de la Pole, his other brother, and a good three to four hundred English, and the others prisoners. Which prisoners were for the most part slain for certain outrages they committed upon certain French between Jargeau and Orléans. And the said army withdrew to the said place of Orléans.

This having come to the knowledge of the King of France, that the said town of Jargeau had been taken by assault, as has been said, he summoned men-at-arms from all parts to come and join with the said Duke of Alençon, Joan the Maid and other lords and captains, at the said place of Orléans (1). And they came and lodged in the fields before the town of Meung on the river Loire, and won the bridge near the said place upon the English; and this done, they established a good garrison there to obviate ever the enterprises of the said English and to fall upon them, in conquering upon them what (2) they had unjustly occupied of the kingdom of France for a long time and without reason.

(1) So in all the manuscripts. Read: at the said place of Orléans.

(2) This defective passage has been corrected by Godefroy: en conquestant sur eulx ce qu’avoient occupé sur le royaume, etc.

How the English of Beaugency surrendered to the French #

On the morrow in the morning, the said host struck camp and went to lodge before the town of Beaugency-sur-Loire, in which were the English. And forthwith the said English withdrew into the castle and onto the bridge of the said Beaugency and abandoned the town.

This done, Jean d’Alençon, Joan the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans and others entered into the town and lodged there, and promptly had the bombards emplaced before the said castle, in which there were a good seven to eight hundred English. And during the time that the said bombards were being emplaced in the company, making great diligence of firing — while approaches were also being made — the said English made but little resistance, seeing the business going to decline and ill for them. And soon after they asked to have composition and to surrender. To which siege arrived Arthur de Richemont, Constable of France, and the lord of Beaumanoir in his company. And it was said that he had a good thousand to twelve hundred fighting men, which was a great succour and aid; and the said Constable is well to be commended for it, for here and in several other places he has done great services to the King.

With all this there came every day into the host men from all parts, and the French had taken in themselves very great courage and boldness at the coming of the said Joan the Maid; whom several held to have come from God, for her works and government showed it well enough. And the English, who heard tell of it every day, were all terrified at it; and the said English asked to parley to surrender the said castle and bridge. And in the end composition was given them, and a safe-conduct to go away and carry all their goods. And on the morrow in the morning they departed and surrendered the said castle and bridge of Beaugency. And Messire Ambroise, lord of Loré, convoyed them and put them out of the host, by the ordinance of the lords aforesaid.

The battle of Patay, won by the French #

And about one hour after the said English had departed under safe-conduct to go their way, certain news came into the host of the French that the lord of Talbot, an Englishman, the lord of Scales, Messire John Fastolf and several other lords and captains of England, up to the number of four to five thousand, had passed through Janville in Beauce to come straight to Meung-sur-Loire. And forthwith riders were set on the way for this, to know the truth of it more fully; and all the while the said Duke of Alençon, the Count of Richemont, Constable of France, the Count of Vendôme and the said Joan the Maid had the said host drawn out into the fields, out of the said town of Beaugency, and put in battle order. And soon after the said riders returned, who reported that they had seen the said English near Meung-sur-Loire, and that those of Meung had departed and had left and abandoned the said town of Meung and were going away with the others; which English were drawing straight to Janville in Beauce.

This having come to the knowledge of the Duke of Alençon, the Count of Richemont, Constable of France, the Count of Vendôme, the Bastard of Orléans, Joan the Maid and other chiefs of war and captains: it was concluded to draw hastily towards that part where the said English were said to be, and to fight them wherever they could find them. And forthwith they struck camp, the battles, and rode diligently, drawing towards a strong church named Patay in Beauce, and there the said English were found and overtaken (1), who were going away on foot and on horse. And ever marching on their way, they were found by the runners and the vanguard, so that the battle in which were the said Duke of Alençon, the Constable of France, the said Count of Vendôme, the Bastard of Orléans, Joan the Maid and several others, was approaching very near. And the English could well see it; which English deployed to take position at the edge of a wood, near a village. And at that hour the said runners and vanguard of the French, in which were the lord of Beaumanoir, Messire Ambroise de Loré, La Hire, Poton de Xaintrailles and other captains, struck upon the said English in such wise that those who were on horse, or the greater part of them, took to flight, and those on foot (who were in great number) thrust themselves into the said wood and village. And at that hour the battle of the French arrived, and in the end the said English were routed; and of them there were from two to three thousand slain, and several prisoners. And there were taken the lord of Talbot, the lord of Scales, Messire Walter de Hungerford and several other great lords of England. And the chase lasted as far as Janville in Beauce, which

(1) It should read aconsuis, that is to say, rejoined.

was held by the English. And from that hour it was surrendered and put into the obedience of the King of France, with several other fortresses of the said country of Beauce; and Messire John Fastolf and several English who could escape from the business withdrew to Corbeil; and the aforesaid French lay the following night at the said place of Patay.

An army of men of war by the King of France #

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, at the beginning of the month of June, the King Charles of France raised a great army by the admonishment of the said Maid, who said that it was the will of God that King Charles should go to Reims to be there anointed and crowned. And whatever difficulties or doubts the said King or his council made, it was concluded, by the admonishment of the said Joan the Maid, that the said King would summon all the men he could gather to go and make the journey of his coronation at Reims, although the said town of Reims was held in the obedience of the English, as were all the towns and fortresses of Picardy, of Champagne, of Île-de-France, Brie, Gâtinais, Auxerrois, Burgundy, and generally the whole country of the Loire. And in the company of the King of France were the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, Joan the Maid, the lord of Laval, the lord of La Trémoille, the lord of Rais, the lord of Albret, the lord of Loheac, brother of the lord of Laval, and several other great lords and captains; and men-at-arms came from all parts to the King’s service. And everyone had great expectation that by the means of the said Joan the Maid much good would be had in the kingdom of France: whom they coveted and desired to know in her deeds, as a thing come from God. And she rode always armed in the gear of war, like the other men of war of the company; and she spoke as prudently of the war as a captain knows how to do. And when it befell that there was in the host some cry or alarm of men-at-arms, she came, on foot or on horse, as valiantly as a captain of the company could have done, giving heart and boldness to all the others, admonishing them to keep good watch and guard in the host, as by reason should be done. And in all other things she was a very simple person, and was of fair and honest life; and she confessed very often and received the body of Our Lord almost every week once. And she was always, armed or otherwise, in the dress of a man; and it was said that it was too strange a thing to see a woman ride in such company; and so many other remarks were made that there was no doctor, clerk or other person who was not amazed at her deeds.

And at this time the lord of La Trémoille was with the King of France, and it was said that he had strongly undertaken the government of the King and of the kingdom of France; and for this cause great question and debate arose between the said lord of La Trémoille and the Count of Richemont, Constable of France; wherefore the said Constable of France, who had well twelve hundred fighting men in his company, had to go back. And likewise did several other lords and captains, of whom the said lord of La Trémoille was in doubt.

At which it was very great damage for the King and his kingdom. And by the means of the said Joan the Maid, so many men came from all parts to the King to serve him at their own expense that it was said the said La Trémoille and others of the King’s council were much angered that so many came, for doubt of their persons. And several said that if the said lord of La Trémoille and the others of the King’s council had been willing to receive all those who came to the service of the King, they could easily have recovered all that the English held in the kingdom of France. And no one dared speak at that time against the said lord of La Trémoille, although everyone saw clearly that the fault came from him.

Payment of the men-at-arms by the King of France #

This aforesaid assembly took place at Gien-sur-Loire; at which place a payment was made to the men-at-arms such as did not amount to more than two or three francs per man-at-arms. From which place the said Joan the Maid departed, and several other captains and several men in her company, and went to lodge about four leagues from the said Gien, taking the road to Reims towards Auxerre. And the King of France departed on the morrow following, drawing that way; and that day he assembled all the host together.

And there were in the said host several defamed women who hindered some men-at-arms from making diligence to follow the King; and the said Joan, seeing this, after the cry was made that everyone should advance, drew her sword and beat two or three of them, so that she broke her said sword. At which the King was much displeased and told her she should have taken a good stick and struck them with it, without thus abandoning the said sword, which had come to her divinely, as she said.

And the said King rode on until he came before the city of Auxerre, which city did not make him full obedience; but certain burgesses of that city came to him; and it was said that they had given money to the said lord of Trémoille so that they might remain in truce for that time. At which thing certain lords and captains of the said host were much displeased, and spoke of it loudly, murmuring against the said lord of La Trémoille and others who were of the King’s council. And the said Joan still wished the said city to be assaulted; and in the end it remained in truce, although those of the town gave several provisions to those of the host for their money, of which they had great need in the said host.

Siege laid before Troyes in Champagne #

After the King of France had been three days before the said city of Auxerre, he departed with his host, drawing towards Saint-Florentin; which town of Saint-Florentin made him obedience; and from there he took his road straight to Troyes in Champagne, and rode so far that he came to lodge before the city of Troyes, in which there were a good five to six hundred Burgundians. And on arrival the said English and Burgundians sallied upon the King’s host. And it lodged on one side and the other of the said city for the space of six to seven days, parleying and ever thinking that city would make him obedience; but no agreement could be found; and there was in the host so very great a dearth of bread and of other provisions, for in that host there were from six to seven thousand men who had eaten no bread for eight days, and most of those people lived on beans and wheat roasted in the ear.

And the said King summoned to him the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme and several other lords and captains, with others of his council in great number, to have advice of what he should do. And there it was put forward and deliberated in the said council by the Archbishop of Reims, Chancellor of France, that the said host could no longer properly remain before the said city of Troyes, for several reasons: first, because of the great famine which was in the said host, and because provisions came into it from nowhere; and also because there was no longer a man who had money; and moreover that it was a marvellous thing to take the city of Troyes, which was strong, well furnished with provisions, men-at-arms and people; and according to what could be seen, those within had no will to surrender and put the said city into the obedience of the King of France; and also that there were no bombards, nor artillery, nor a sufficient number of men to win and fight the said city; and on the other hand there was no French town or fortress whence aid or succour could be had nearer than Gien-sur-Loire, from which they were more than thirty leagues to the host. And he alleged and said several other reasons and inconveniences which might well be seen to be able to befall the said host. And the King commanded the said Chancellor to ask the opinion of those who were present at this council, as to what was to be done for the best. And then the said Chancellor began to ask several of them, charging them that each should acquit himself loyally towards the King in counselling him what he should do upon what has been said. And nearly all those of this council were of the opinion that, seeing and considering the things declared above, and that the King had been refused at the said city of Auxerre, in which there were hardly any men-at-arms, and which was not so strong as that of Troyes, and several other things which each alleged according to his understanding: they were of the opinion that the said King and his host should turn back.

And the said Chancellor came to ask an aged counsellor named Messire Robert Le Maçon, lord of Trêves, who answered by his opinion that they should send for the said Joan the Maid, of whom mention is made above, who was in the host and not at the council, and that it might well be that she would say some thing which could be profitable for the King in his situation. And he said further that when the King departed and undertook this journey, he had not done it for the great power of men-at-arms that he had, nor for the great sum of money with which he was furnished to pay his host, nor either because the said journey seemed to him truly possible; but he had undertaken the said journey solely by the admonishment of Joan the Maid, who said that he should ever draw on to go to his coronation at Reims, and that he would find but little resistance, and that it was the will of God; and that if the said Joan counselled nothing which had not been said in that council, he was of the great and common opinion: that is to say, that the said King and his host should turn back whence they had come; but that the said Joan might say something upon which the King could take another conclusion.

And by the opinion of the said Messire Robert Le Maçon, the said Joan the Maid was sent for; and she, having come into the said council, made her reverence to the King, as she was accustomed. And it was told her by the said Chancellor that the King had summoned her to have her say and declare, for a conclusion upon the great necessities of the host, how the said city of Troyes was strong and furnished with provisions and men-at-arms; and he set before her and told her all the great inconveniences and doubts which had been debated in the said council, and that upon this she should give the King her opinion and what thing it seemed to her should be done for the rest. She turned her speech to the King and asked him whether he would believe what she told him. To which he answered that if she said something profitable and reasonable, they would willingly believe it. Then she took up her word again and asked him whether she would be believed; and the King answered yes, according to what she would say. And then she said to him: Gentle King of France, if you will remain here before your city of Troyes, it will be in your obedience within two days, whether by force or by love; and have no doubt of it at all. Then the Chancellor answered her: Joan, whoever could be certain of having it within six days would wait for it well enough; but do you tell true? And again she said that she had no doubt of it at all. At the opinion of which Joan the Maid the King and his council stopped, and it was concluded to remain there.

The said Joan the Maid, on a charger, a staff in her hand, came along the ranks and set to work knights and squires and other men of every estate, to carry faggots, doors, tables, shutters and other things necessary to make hoardings and approaches against the said city, to emplace certain bombards and cannon that were in the host; and she made marvellous diligences, as a captain could have done who had been bred all his days in the war. And a short time after, those of the said city parleyed; and the Bishop of the said city and several others came to the King, both men of war and burgesses; and in the end they made composition and treaty: that is to say, that the men of war would go away, they and their goods, and those of the said city would remain in the King’s obedience. And they surrendered the said city to him, which he received, and he entered it on the morrow, he and his people, about nine o’clock: from which the English as well as the Burgundians went away where it seemed good to them. And they were to take their prisoners with them; but the said Joan took them from them at the gate; and the King had to content the said men-at-arms out of his own finances. And the King left in the said city of Troyes a bailiff, captains and other officers on his behalf; and on the said day when the King of France entered the said city of Troyes, Messire Ambroise de Loré remained as guard of his said host, who remained in the fields; which host passed through the said city on the morrow.

How the King was anointed and crowned in the city of Reims #

On the morrow following, the said King of France decamped from the said city of Troyes and took his road with his host straight to Châlons. And he rode so far that he arrived before the said city of Châlons, and there came to him to meet him the Bishop with a great number of burgesses of the said city, and they made him obedience; and he lodged with his host that night in the said city, in which he established a captain and officers on his behalf.

From which city of Châlons the said King and his host departed and took their road straight to Reims; and they rode so far that he and his said host arrived before the said city of Reims, which was held on behalf of the King of England, like the other towns of which mention has been made above. Which city of Reims made him full obedience. And he entered into it with his host; in which he was received with great joy, and they came before the King bearing the keys, as the other towns had done; and there came before the said King to be at his service the Duke of Bar and of Lorraine, and the lord of Commercy, with a great company of men-at-arms, to employ themselves in the King’s service. And on the morrow, which was Sunday, the King was anointed and crowned in the church of Our Lady of Reims by Messire Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of the said place and Chancellor of France. And the said King was made a knight by the Duke of Alençon; and after this the said King made the lord of Laval a count; and there the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon and other princes who were there made several knights on the King’s behalf. And the said Joan the Maid was there, holding her standard in her hand, she who was the cause of the said coronation of the King and of all that assembly, as is said above. And there was brought from the abbey of Saint-Remi the said (1) ampulla into the church of Our Lady by the lord of Rais, Marshal of France.

(1) It has not been spoken of before. Godefroy, in his edition, replaced the word dite (said) by sainte (holy).

And after this the King stayed in the said city of Reims three days, and then departed with his said host to go to an abbey named Saint-Marcoul, to which place the kings of France are accustomed to go after their coronation; and there a certain service and mystery is done for them, whereby it is said that the King of France cures the scrofula.

How Laon and Soissons turned French, with several other towns #

From the said abbey of Saint-Marcoul the said King went with his host to a town named Vailly, belonging to the Archbishop of Reims; which made him obedience. And he lodged there for the day, and sent his messengers to Laon, which town put itself into the King’s obedience. From there he went to Soissons, which put itself into the King’s obedience, and he stayed there two or three days with his host. And there was surrendered to him Château-Thierry, Provins, Coulommiers, Crécy in Brie and several other fortresses.

How the English thought to fight the King of France #

After the said King of France had stayed at Soissons, as is said above, he decamped and took to the road with his host straight to Château-Thierry; and from there he went straight to Provins, where he stayed two or three days. And this having come to the knowledge of the Duke of Bedford, an Englishman, who called himself at that time Regent of the kingdom of France and kept himself at Paris: he came in great power to Corbeil and to Melun, saying that he wished to take the field and fight the said King of France; which King, when he learned that the said Bedford wished to fight him, decamped from Provins and came to lodge in the fields with his host, near a castle named La Motte de Nangis (1) in Brie. And the battles of the said King of France were ordained, and they kept the field almost a whole day, because news kept continually coming that the Duke was coming to fight them; and nevertheless he did not come, and returned to Paris with his host, which was said to be a good ten to twelve thousand fighting men. And the King of France had well as many, or more.

(1) Or, La Motte Maugis; la Motte de Nangis. This last reading is preferable.

How the King wished to leave the Île-de-France #

The said King of France, by the counsel of certain persons and of his own will, deliberated to cross the river Seine to go to a town named Bray-sur-Seine, quite near Provins, to go with his army into his obedient country beyond the river Loire. And passage and obedience were promised him in the said town by the inhabitants; but in the night before he was to cross on the morrow morning, a certain quantity of English arrived there, and those who advanced first to cross were, some slain and others routed. Whereby the passage was hindered; at which the Duke of Bar, the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, the Count of Laval, Joan the Maid and several other lords and captains were very joyful and well content, because that conclusion of crossing was against their liking and will.

An enterprise of the English upon the French #

In that year, on the vigil of Our Lady of August, by the counsel of the French lords named above, the said King of France with all his host returned straight to Château-Thierry, and passed straight on to Crépy-en-Valois, and came to lodge in the fields quite near Dammartin.

This having come to the knowledge of the Duke of Bedford, who was at Paris, he drew out into the fields with a great host of English and came and put himself in battle and order in a place of advantage, as it was said, at Mitry in France, below the said place of Dammartin. And La Hire and several other captains were sent by way of raids upon the host of the Duke of Bedford; and the skirmishes lasted nearly all day. And it was reported to the said King of France that the said Duke of Bedford was in a place of advantage; and the said King of France was not counselled to pass further to assail the said English. And on the morrow the said Duke of Bedford returned to Paris; and the said King of France drew towards Crépy-en-Valois. And the said King had sent certain messages to the cities of Beauvais and Compiègne, which towns let it be known that they wished to put themselves into his obedience.

How the English came near Senlis to fight the King of France #

Soon after, the said King departed to go to the said place of Compiègne, and came to lodge in a village named Baron, about two leagues from Senlis, which Senlis was in the obedience of the English. And one morning, news came from Paris to the King of France that the Duke of Bedford and his host had struck camp at Paris to take the road straight to Senlis, and that a great company of English had come to him as reinforcement, as many as from three to four thousand fighting men, whom the Cardinal of England, uncle of the late King of England, had brought; and it was said that the said English were paid with the Pope’s money, and that the said Cardinal was to lead them against a manner of people who believed against the faith, called Bohemians, in the parts of Germany; and nevertheless the said English were employed, by the ordinance of the said Cardinal, against the King of France.

Now then, this having come to the King’s knowledge that the Duke of Bedford was drawing that way, he charged Messire Ambroise lord of Loré and the lord of Xaintrailles (1) to mount to horse at once and draw towards Paris to observe and know truly the doings of the said Duke of Bedford and of his host. Who, most diligently, mounted to horse and took of their people about fifteen or sixteen only, and rode and approached the said host until they saw and perceived, upon the highway of the said Senlis, great clouds of dust from the host of the said Duke of Bedford. Who diligently sent a rider to the King to let him know; and they approached the said host still nearer, which was drawing straight to Senlis, and forthwith sent again another rider to the King to signify it to him. And most diligently the King with his host drew into the fields, and the battles were ordained,

(1) Jean de Xaintrailles, elder brother of the famous Poton.

and they began to ride between the river which passes at Baron and a place named Mont-Épilloy (1), drawing straight to Senlis. And the said Duke of Bedford and his host, about the hour of vespers, arrived near the said town of Senlis, and set about crossing a little river which comes from the said Senlis to the said Baron (2). And the passage was so narrow that they could cross only one horse or two at a time.

(1) Montépilloy.

(2) This is the Nonette, which, on the contrary, runs from Baron to Senlis.

And as soon as the said lords of Loré and of Xaintrailles saw that the said English were beginning to cross, they returned hastily to the King and certified to him that the said Duke of Bedford and his said host were at the passage and crossing. And at that hour the King had the battles ride and draw forward straight to the said passage, thinking to fight them at that pass; but the said English had for the most part already crossed, and the host of the English and the host of the French sighted one another at about a little league apart; and there were great skirmishes between the said two companies. And at that hour it was near sunset, wherefore the said English lodged on the bank of that river, and the French lodged face to face with them near a place named Mont-Épilloy.

How the French disposed themselves to fight the English #

On the morrow following in the morning, the King of France and his host took the field and had his battles ordained; of the greatest of which the Duke of Alençon and the Count of Vendôme had the government.

Of another battle the Duke of Bar had the charge. Of the third, which was in the manner of a wing, the lords of Rais and of Boussac, Marshals of France, had the charge. Of another battle, which often moved about to skirmish and war upon the said English, the lord of Albret, Joan the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans, La Hire and several other captains had the government; and the conduct and government of the archers belonged to the lord of Graville, Master of the Crossbowmen, and a Limousin knight named Messire Jean Foucault. And the King kept himself quite near his battles, and had for the guard of his person the Duke of Bourbon and the lord of La Trémoille and several others. And several times the King rode before his battles in the sight of the English; likewise did the Duke of Bourbon and the lord of La Trémoille.

And the Duke of Bedford, the Earl of Suffolk, the lord of Talbot, the Bastard of Saint-Pol, a Burgundian, and several others who were in the battle near a village (1), and had at their backs a pond and the said river, fortified themselves all night and day most diligently with ditches, stakes and other hoardings. And although a conclusion was taken by the King of France and his council to fight the said Duke of Bedford and his host, when several captains and others had seen the place the said English held and the fortification, the said King was counselled not to fight them at all in the said place thus fortified. But the battles of the French approached within two crossbow shots or thereabouts of the said

(1) Notre-Dame de la Victoire.

English, saying to them every hour that they should sally out of their park, and that they would fight them; which English would not sally from their said park. And all that day there were marvellous and great skirmishes, so that the French came to fight hand to hand, on foot and on horse, at the fortification of the English, and nevertheless the said English sallied on foot and on horse into the fields, thrusting back the said French; and there were often slain and taken on one side and the other. And all that day passed, until about sunset, in skirmishing; and, as at the hour of sunset, a great number of French approached until they came to fight and skirmish with the said English hand to hand. And then a great number of the said English sallied on foot and on horse, and the French strove anew, and there was that hour a greater skirmish than there had been all day. And there was such great dust that neither French nor English could be told apart, and so it was until dark night; and the said English withdrew into their park, and the French likewise to the battles. And the said English remained lodged where they were, and the French lodged where they had lodged the night before, about two leagues from the said English, near Mont-Épilloy.

How the French and English parted #

On the morrow in the morning, about ten o’clock, the host of the said French struck camp and went towards Crépy-en-Valois; and the said English returned at once to Paris.

How Compiègne, Beauvais and Senlis turned French #

On the morrow following, the King of France with his host took his road straight to Compiègne, which made him obedience; and there he established as captain on his behalf one named Guillaume de Flavy, a native of the country; and there came to him those of Beauvais, who put the said town of Beauvais into his obedience. And the Bishop and burgesses of Senlis assembled and came to the King, and likewise put the town of Senlis into his obedience; and from there the King of France departed and went into the said town of Senlis.

English garrisons placed in the places obedient to them #

In that year, at the end of the month of August, the aforesaid Duke of Bedford and his host struck camp from Paris across Normandy; and he divided his said host and sent it into several places, both in the country of Normandy and elsewhere, to guard the places of which he had the government and which were in his obedience; and he left at Paris Messire Louis de Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, calling himself Chancellor of France, an English knight named Messire Radley (1), and another knight, a native of France, named Simon Morhier, who was then provost of Paris. And they had in their company two thousand English for the guard and defence of the said city of Paris, as was said.

(1) Correct: Radley.

Skirmish of English and French between Paris and Saint-Denis #

At the end of the said month of August, the said King of France with his host struck camp from Senlis and came straight to Saint-Denis in France. And those of the town made him obedience: into which he entered, he and his host, into the said town. And then great frays and skirmishes began between the people of the said King, lodged at Saint-Denis, who often sallied out and went to meet those of Paris.

How the Maid gave an assault on Paris #

About three or four days after, the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, the Count of Laval, the lord of Albret, Joan the Maid, the lords of Rais and of Boussac, Marshals of France, and others in their company came to lodge midway between Saint-Denis and Paris, in a village on the highway named La Chapelle-Saint-Denis; and on the morrow great skirmishes began between the French and the English and others of Paris.

On the morrow the dukes and other French lords came in great company to the fields near the Porte Saint-Honoré upon a great mound called the Marché aux Pourceaux (1): and had brought there several cannon and culverins to fire into the said city of Paris. And the English were jousting with their lords; among whom they bore a white banner with a great red cross along the wall of Paris, inside

(1) This is what is today called the Butte des Moulins.

the said town. And at full speed the boulevard of the said Porte Saint-Honoré was taken by assault. And at that assault was a French knight called the lord of Saint-Valier and his people, who did their duty very well there. And the French thought that the English and other people of Paris would sally through the Porte Saint-Denis, or another, to strike upon them: wherefore the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the lord of Montmorency and others, with great power, still held in battle behind the said great mound (and there the lord of Montmorency was made a knight), for they could not keep closer for the cannon and culverins which those fired without ceasing.

And the said Joan the Maid said that she wished to assail the city of Paris, which Joan was not well informed of the great water there was in the ditches; and nevertheless she came with very great power of men-at-arms, among whom was the lord of Rais, Marshal of France; and they went down into the first ditch, where she kept herself with the said Marshal of France and a great company of men-at-arms all that day; and there the said Joan the Maid was wounded by a bolt through the leg: nevertheless she would not leave the said ditch; and she did what she could to have faggots and other wood cast into the other ditch, thinking to cross: which thing, seeing the great water that was there, it was not possible to enter. And after it was night, she was sent for several times by the said Dukes of Alençon and of Bourbon; but for nothing would she depart or withdraw, so that the Duke of Alençon had to go and fetch her, and he brought her back. And all the company withdrew to the said place of La Chapelle where they had lodged the night before, and on the morrow the said Dukes of Alençon and of Bourbon, the said Joan the Maid and the others returned to Saint-Denis, where the said King of France and his host were. And there, before the precious body of my lord Saint Denis and his companions, the armours of the said Joan were hung and left, which she offered in great devotion (1).

(1) See in the condemnation trial what Joan herself said of this offering (vol. I, p. 179).

How those of Lagny put themselves into the King’s obedience #

On the twenty-ninth day of the said month of August, in the year aforesaid, the Prior of Lagny and Arthur de Saint-Mard, with certain of the said town, came to Saint-Denis to the King of France to put the said town of Lagny into his obedience. And the King charged the Duke of Alençon to send there; who sent Messire Ambroise lord of Loré, to whom the said town was delivered by the burgesses and inhabitants thereof. Which lord of Loré had them swear to the King as in such case belongs.

How the King departed from the Île-de-France #

On the twelfth day of the month of September, in the year aforesaid, the King of France ordained that the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, Messire Louis de Culant and several other captains should remain in the countries which on this journey had returned to his obedience, and he left the Duke of Bourbon as his lieutenant. And at the said place of Saint-Denis he left the Count of Vendôme and the lord of Culant, Admiral of France, with a great company of men-at-arms; and he departed with his host: at which departure Joan the Maid left all her complete armours, in which she had been wounded before Paris; and the said King went to lie at Lagny-sur-Marne, at which place he ordained Messire Ambroise, lord of Loré, to remain, who took and accepted the said charge; and there remained with him a knight named Messire Jean Foucault. And on the morrow following, the King departed from the said town of Lagny and went to cross the river Seine (1), and the river Yonne at the ford near Sens. And from there he went to Montargis and on beyond the river Loire.

(1) At Bray, which this time was indeed willing to give him passage.

How the English pillaged Saint-Denis #

Soon after, a great number of English and Burgundians assembled at Paris: wherefore, this having come to the knowledge of the French whom the King had left inside Saint-Denis in France at his departure, as is said above, they left and abandoned the said town of Saint-Denis and went to Senlis.

This having come to the knowledge of the English who were inside Paris, they assembled and came into the town of Saint-Denis, which they pillaged and robbed. And they found the said armours of Joan the Maid, which were taken and carried off by the ordinance of the Bishop of Thérouanne, Chancellor, into the parts obedient to the King of England (2), without for this

(2) Only the sword remained, with its belt of buff leather, of which the little rings, fittings and buckles of the hangers were of gold, which I have seen many times. (Doublet, Histoire des Antiquités de l’abbaye de Sainct-Denys, p. 1313.) But the authenticity of this weapon is far from established.

making any recompense to the said church: which is pure and manifest sacrilege.

A great pillage in France #

At this time very great pillages and robberies began on every side in the country which the King had newly conquered from the English, of which mention has been made above, without its having cost him much; for without striking a blow they came from every side to make him obedience. And the said countries were rich, well peopled and well tilled; nevertheless soon after the labourers were destroyed, and several towns well oppressed and impoverished, so much so that several districts remained uninhabited and untilled. And everyone wished to do what he did more from undue will than from reason. And when the Duke of Bourbon learned of the aforesaid desolation and pillage, he went into his own country. In which countries the Count of Vendôme remained, who had principally the charge of the city of Senlis; and he had from the King of France the government of all that country. And the lord of Boussac, Marshal of France, was sent on the said King’s behalf with eight hundred or a thousand fighting men, to aid and succour the said country; and of this there was great need, for the English who held Normandy and several other countries in France warred on one side, and the Duke of Burgundy on the other.

How Saint-Pierre-le-Moûtier was taken by assault #

About this time an army was made by the ordinance of the King of France, in which was Joan the Maid with several other captains and chiefs of war; and they went before a town named Saint-Pierre-le-Moûtier, which they took by assault; and after that they came before La Charité-sur-Loire, of which the captain was one named Perrenet Grasset, and laid siege before the said town of La Charité, having certain bombards, cannon and other artillery set in place there. Before which they remained for a certain time, and in the end rose up and went away from before the said town, and lost, as is said, the greater part of their artillery.

An encounter upon the English #

In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty, Joan the Maid departed from the country of Berry, accompanied by several men of war, and came to Lagny-sur-Marne. And quite soon after, news came that from three to four hundred English were crossing into the Île-de-France, and forthwith the said Joan the Maid drew into the fields with Messire Jean Foucault, Geoffroi de Saint-Aubin, a captain named Barée (1), Kennedy, a Scot (2), and certain of the garrison of Lagny; and they came and found the said English, who all set themselves on foot against a hedge. And then the said Joan the Maid, Messire Jean Foucault and the others resolved to fight them, and in very good order came on foot and on horse to strike upon the said English. And there was a very hard and bitter business, for the French were hardly more numerous than the English. And in the end all the said English were slain or taken, and there were several

(1) Barrée in Godefroy’s edition. The preceding name should be corrected: Geoffroi de Saint-Belin.

(2) Sir Hugh Kennedy, captain of the Scots.

French slain and wounded. And the said Joan the Maid, Messire Jean Foucault and the others returned to the said Lagny with their prisoners.

Siege laid at Compiègne by the English and Burgundians #

And in that same year, Messire Jean de Luxembourg, the Earl of Huntingdon, the Earl of Arundel and several other English and Burgundians came in great host to lay the siege before the town of Compiègne, on one side and the other of the river Oise, and made several bastilles in which they kept themselves. Now then, this deed having come to the knowledge of Joan the Maid, of whom mention is made, she departed from the said place of Lagny to aid and succour the besieged of the said town. Into which the said Joan the Maid entered, and afterwards great skirmishes began every day between the English and Burgundians holding the said siege, on one side, and the captains and people of the said town on the other. And it befell that the said Joan the Maid had sallied upon the said siege most valiantly and boldly; but the English and Burgundians charged hard upon her and her company, so that it was of necessity for the said Joan and the others to withdraw. Some said that the barrier was closed against them on their return, and others said that there was too great a press at the entrance; and in the end the said Joan the Maid was taken and carried off by the said English and Burgundians: at which taking several of the party of the King of France were much grieved.

And she was long held in prison by the companions of the said Luxembourg, which Luxembourg sold her to the English, who led her to Rouen, where she was harshly treated; so much so that after a great lapse of time, without process, but of their undue will, they had her publicly burned in the said city of Rouen: which was very inhumanly done, seeing the life and government by which she lived, for she confessed and received the body of Our Lord every week, like a good Catholic.

And there is no doubt that the sword which she sent to fetch in the chapel of Saint Catherine of Fierbois, of which mention has been made above, was found by miracle, as everyone held; especially seeing that by means of that sword, and before it was broken, she made the fair conquests declared here above. And it is to be known that after the day of Patay the said Joan the Maid had a cry made that no man of her company should keep any defamed woman or concubine. Nevertheless she found certain men transgressing her commandment: wherefore she struck them with the said sword so that it was broken. And forthwith this having come to the King’s knowledge, it was given to workmen to reforge: which they could not do, nor could they ever put it together again: which is a great proof that it had come divinely. And it was a notorious thing that from the time the said sword was broken, the said Joan no longer prospered in arms to the King’s profit or otherwise, as she had done before.

JOURNAL OF THE SIEGE OF ORLÉANS AND OF THE JOURNEY TO REIMS #

This account, which forms a book apart, was printed for the first time at Orléans in 1576, under the title of Histoire et discours au vrai du siège qui fut devant la ville d’Orléans par les Anglais, etc., taken word for word without any change of language from an old copy written by hand on parchment and found in the house of the city of Orléans, etc. The printing was ordered by the aldermen of Orléans, who paid for that purpose thirty livres tournois to the printer Saturnin Hotot, on condition that he supply the lords of the city with thirty copies, of which two on parchment, to put in their treasury. In 1621 Robert Hotot, likewise subsidised by the city, gave another edition of the same work, which was shortly afterwards reproduced at Troyes and at Lyon. I do not speak of a translation into Latin, made by a professor of Orléans named Micqueau, printed in 1560, which thus preceded the publication of the original, but without revealing its existence to the public.

Going back to the origin of this book, we find that in 1467 the city of Orléans paid eleven sous parisis to a clerk named Master Pierre Soubsdan or Soudan, for having written on parchment the manner of the siege of Orléans, held by the English before the said city. A learned Orléanais, M. Jousse, whose papers have been deposited in the library of his native city (manuscript 451), gives this information as an extract from a register which can no longer be found today. Most probably the manuscript executed by Pierre Soudan was the one which served for Saturnin Hotot’s edition; but was that manuscript itself the transcription of an older copy, or only the fair copy of a work finished in 1467? Against the opinion hitherto accredited, I must say that the last of these two hypotheses is the only admissible one. The Journal of the Siege cannot, indeed, have been written, or at least put into the state in which we have it, in 1429, since the Bastard of Orléans is there styled Count of Dunois, a title he was not granted until 1439. What is more, the whole part of the book which concerns the journey of Charles VII to Reims is made from the two accounts of Berry and of Jean Chartier, combined together. Now, the chronicle of Jean Chartier was not published until after the death of Charles VII, that is to say, in the last months of 1461 at the earliest. Finally, under the date of 3 April 1429 there is interpolated an anecdote relating to Aymar de Poisieu, a Dauphiné gentleman who is most highly praised, who was then a page but who afterwards, it is said, distinguished himself and became a great personage. Now this Aymar de Poisieu only began to figure under the reign of Louis XI; we even know that by the favour of that king he was called in 1466 to the general command of the franc-archers of a division comprising the Orléanais. Was it not to this dignity that he owed the praises given him in a book written for the city of Orléans? Thus, by all appearances, the redaction of the Journal of the Siege preceded by very little the work of copying executed by the clerk Soudan.

As for the sources from which the matter of the account was taken, Chartier and Berry have already been pointed out. To them must be added the rehabilitation trial, and notably the deposition of Dunois. The author seems to have helped himself also, either with verbal information or with his own recollections. Finally, that which constitutes the Journal of the Siege, properly so called, is evidently copied from a register kept in the presence of the events. But this register had gaps: we catch a glimpse of them through certain errors which the chronicler of 1467 committed in trying to supplement them; we gain certainty of it by going through what remains in the library of Orléans of documents on the state of the city in 1429. Mention will be found in my notes of certain facts recovered from that source, facts which certainly would not be missing from the Journal if it had received its definitive redaction at a time nearer to the siege.

This work, having been reprinted neither separately since the reign of Louis XIII nor in the collections of Chronicles and Memoirs, has become extremely rare. This consideration determined me to reproduce it here in full, after having checked the text on the Durfé and Saint-Victor manuscripts, no. 285, of the Royal Library. The title has been restored after these two copies.

A little treatise in the manner of chronicles, containing in brief the siege laid by the English before the city of Orléans, and the sallies, assaults and skirmishes which during the siege were made there day by day; the coming and the valiant deeds of Joan the Maid, and how she made the English depart and raised the siege by divine grace and force of arms. 1428. #

The Earl of Salisbury (1), who was a very great lord and the most renowned in deeds of arms of all the English, and who for Henry King of England, to whom he was kin, and as his lieutenant and head of his army in this kingdom, had been present in several battles and various encounters and conquests against the French, where he had always borne himself valiantly, thinking to take by force the city of Orléans, which held the party of the King his sovereign lord Charles, seventh of that name, came to besiege it on Tuesday the twelfth day of October one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight, with a very great host and army, which he had lodge on the side of Sologne, near one of the suburbs called Le Portereau (2). In which host and army there were with him Messire William de la Pole,

(1) Salisbury.

(2) Today Le Portereau du Coq.

Earl of Suffolk, and Messire John de la Pole his brother; the lord of Scales, the lord of Falconbridge (1), the Bailiff of Évreux, the lord of Gray (2), the lord of Molyns, the lord of Poynings (3), Glasdale, much renowned, Messire Lancelot de Lisle (4), Marshal of the host, and several other lords and men of war, both English and other false French holding their party. But the men of war who were there in garrison had, that same day before the coming of the English, by the counsel and aid of the citizens of Orléans, had the church and convent of the Augustins of Orléans beaten down, and all the houses which were then at the said Portereau, so that their enemies could neither be lodged there nor make fortifications there against the city. On the Sunday following, the English cast into the city one hundred and twenty-four stones from bombards and great cannon: of which stones there were some that weighed one hundred and sixteen pounds. And among the others they had set, near the vineyard of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, between the wine-press of La Favière and the Portereau, a great cannon which they called Passe-Volant. Which cast stones weighing eighty pounds, and did much damage to the houses and buildings of Orléans, although it neither slew nor wounded anyone except a woman named Belles, dwelling near the postern of Chesneau (5).

(1) A transformation of the name of Lord Falconbridge, doubtless brought about by the analogy of the seigniory of Fauquembergue in Artois.

(2) Sir Richard Guethin, Bailiff of Évreux, and Lord Gray, slain at the siege on 3 March 1429.

(3) See above, p. 44, note.

(4) Slain at the siege on the following 30 January, in the same manner as the Earl of Salisbury, whose lieutenant he had been in all his campaigns.

(5) A small gate which opened onto the bank of the Loire.

That same week the cannon of the English also broke and beat down twelve mills which were on the river Loire, between the city and the Tour Neuve (1). Wherefore those of Orléans had eleven horse-mills made inside the town, which comforted them much. And notwithstanding the cannon and engines of the English, the French who were inside Orléans made upon them several sallies and skirmishes between the Tourelles of the bridge (2) and Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, from that Sunday until Thursday the twenty-first day of the same month.

(1) Situated at the eastern point of the city on the bank of the Loire.

(2) A fortification established of old at the head of the bridge on the Sologne side. They are called Tourelles in the accounts of the town hall of Orléans.

On which Thursday the English assaulted a boulevard which was made of faggots and earth, set before the Tourelles; the assault lasted four hours without ceasing, for they began at ten o’clock in the morning and did not leave off until two hours after noon, and there many fair feats of arms were done on one side and the other. Among the principal French who guarded the boulevard were the lord of Villars, captain of Montargis, Messire Mathias, an Aragonese, the lord of Guitry, the lord of Courras, a Gascon (3), the lord of Xaintrailles and his brother Poton de Xaintrailles, also Gascons, Pierre de la Chapelle (4), a gentleman of the country of Beauce, and several other knights and squires, not counting the citizens of Orléans, all of whom bore themselves most valiantly.

(3) Or rather, Béarnais.

(4) He was slain the same week at the Tourelles. Lottin, Recherches historiques sur Orléans, part I, vol. I, p. 210.

Likewise the women of Orléans gave great aid there; for they never ceased carrying most diligently to those who defended the boulevard several necessary things, such as waters, oils and boiling greases, lime, ashes and caltrops. At the end of the assault several were wounded on one side and the other, but many more of the English, of whom more than two hundred and forty died. Then it befell that during the assault the lord of Gaucourt was riding through Orléans, for he was governor of it; but in passing before Saint-Pierre-Empont he fell from his horse by chance, so that he put his arm out of joint; whereupon he was straightway taken to the hot baths to be dressed.

On the Friday following, the twenty-second day of the said month of October, the bell of the belfry rang, because the French thought that the English would assail the boulevard of the Tourelles at the end of the bridge through the mine with which they had mined it; but they refrained for that time. And that same day those of Orléans broke one arch of the bridge, and made a boulevard opposite the Belle Croix, which is on the bridge (1).

(1) A bronze monument erected in 1427 on the great arch of the old bridge.

On the Saturday following, the twenty-third day of the said month, those of Orléans burned and beat down the boulevard of the Tourelles and abandoned it, because it was all undermined and was not tenable, according to the men of war.

On the Sunday following, the twenty-fourth day of this same month of October, the English assailed and took the Tourelles of the bridge end, because they were all demolished and broken by the cannon and great artillery which they had cast against them. And also there was no defence, because no one dared keep beneath them.

That Sunday in the evening the Earl of Salisbury, having with him the captain Glasdale and several others, wished to go inside the Tourelles, after they had been taken, to look better at the situation of Orléans; but as soon as he was there, looking at the town through the windows of the Tourelles, he was struck by a cannon which was said to have been fired from a tower called the Tower of Our Lady (1), although it was never known properly from which side it had been cast; wherefore it was said from then on, and afterwards also by several, that it was a work divine. The shot of that cannon struck him in the head so that it beat away half his cheek and put out one of his eyes: which was a very great boon for this kingdom, for he was head of the army, the most feared and renowned in arms of all the English.

(1) The last but one on the water’s edge, to the west of the city.

That same Sunday when the Tourelles had been lost, the French who were inside the city broke another very strong boulevard. And on the other side the English broke two arches of the bridge (2) before the Tourelles, after they had taken them, and made there a very great boulevard of earth and great faggots.

(2) The old bridge had nineteen.

On the Monday following, the twenty-fifth day of the said month of October, there arrived inside Orléans, to comfort, succour and aid it, several noble lords, knights, captains and squires much renowned in war, of whom the principals were Jean Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Sainte-Sévère, Marshal of France, the lord of Bueil, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Seneschal of Bourbonnais, the lord of Chaumont-sur-Loire, Messire Théaulde de Valpergue, a Lombard knight, and a valiant Gascon captain called Étienne de Vignolles, said La Hire, who was of very great renown, and valiant men of war in his company. And at that time the captain of Vendôme was Messire Cernay (1), an Aragonese, and several others, accompanied by eight hundred fighting men, both men-at-arms and archers, crossbowmen, with other infantry of Italy, who bore targes (2).

(1) Further on, Ternay. On the slips recording the city’s expenses, kept in the library of Orléans, he is called Messire Guillaume de Sarnay. At the end of Lent he conducted an embassy of Orléans men to the Count of Clermont, who was then in Auvergne.

(2) Manuscripts read: qui portèrent tergons. By tergons (in Italian targone) are meant great broad shields or bucklers.

On the Wednesday following, the twenty-seventh day of the said month, the Earl of Salisbury died by night in the town of Meung-sur-Loire, whither he had been carried from the siege after he had received the cannon shot of which he died. At whose death the English holding the siege were much dismayed and sorrowful, and made great mourning for him, although they did it as secretly as they could, for fear that those of Orléans should perceive it. So they had the entrails removed and the body sent to England. The death of which Earl did great damage to the English and, contrariwise, great profit to the French. Several said afterwards that the Earl of Salisbury met such an end by divine judgement of God, and they believe it, both because he had failed of his promise to the Duke of Orléans, prisoner in England, to whom he had promised that he would do no harm in any of his lands, and also because he spared neither monasteries nor churches, but pillaged them and had them pillaged as soon as he could enter them: which are things well fitted to make one believe that his days were shortened by the just vengeance of God. And in especial the church of Our Lady of Cléry was pillaged, and the town likewise (1).

(1) See below the testimony of Robert Blondel relating to this pillage.

On Tuesday the eighth day of November the host of the English was divided and parted, who went away, part to Meung-sur-Loire and part to Jargeau, and they left great garrisons in the Tourelles and the boulevard of the bridge, of which the captain Glasdale remained in charge, and with him five hundred fighting men to guard them.

That same Tuesday the English burned and fired several houses, wine-presses and other buildings in the vale of the Loire. And on the other side the men of war and citizens of Orléans made such diligence that before the end of the same month of November they burned and beat down several churches which were in the suburbs round their city, such as the church of Saint-Aignan, patron of Orléans, and also the cloister of that church, which was very fair to see, the church of Saint-Michel, the church of Saint-Avit, the chapel of Martroi, the church of Saint-Victor, set in the suburbs of the Porte de Bourgogne, the church of Saint-Michel above the ditches, the Jacobins, the Cordeliers, the Carmelites, Saint-Maturin, the Aumône Saint-Pouair (1), and Saint-Laurens (2). And moreover they burned and demolished all the suburbs round their city, which was a very fair and rich thing to see before they were beaten down; for there were very great and rich buildings, so much so that they were held to be the fairest suburbs of this kingdom. But notwithstanding, the French of the garrison beat them down and burned them, and that by the will and aid of the citizens of Orléans, so that the English could not lodge there, because they would have been very prejudicial to the city (3).

(1) The Aumône Saint-Pouair or Saint-Paterne was a hospital founded by the writers of Orléans, not far from the western site of today’s church of Saint-Paterne.

(2) All these churches were rebuilt after the deliverance of the city.

(3) Nothing more on the month of November. It is recorded in the municipal registers of Tours that on 9 November 1428 La Hire was present at the assembly of the municipal body of that city, whither he had come with letters from the King to pray the citizens to contribute to the succour of Orléans. The sum of six hundred livres which he asked was granted him.

On the first day of December following, there arrived at the Tourelles of the bridge several English lords, among whom the most renowned were Messire John Talbot, first baron of England, and the lord of Scales, accompanied by three hundred fighting men, who brought thither provisions, cannon, bombards and other equipment of war; with which they cast against the walls and into Orléans more continually and more strongly than they had done before in the lifetime of the Earl of Salisbury; for they cast such stones as weighed one hundred and sixty-four pounds, which did many ills and hurts against the city, in several houses and fair buildings of it, without slaying or wounding a person: which was held a great marvel, for among others, in the street Aux-Petiz-Souliers, one fell into the lodging and upon the table of a man who was dining, the fifth in the company, without slaying or wounding any: which was said to have been a miracle done by Our Lord at the prayer of my lord Saint Aignan, patron of Orléans.

On the Tuesday following, at three o’clock in the morning, the bell of the belfry rang, because the French thought the English wished to assail the boulevard of the Belle Croix on the bridge. And indeed there were two of them who had already scaled it with ladders up to one of the loopholes; but they soon returned to their Tourelles and hoardings, seeing that they perceived the French were keeping watch and had made ready all things, such as cannon, crossbows, staff-slings, culverins, stones and other equipment of war necessary for their defence, if they were assailed.

On Thursday the twenty-third day of this month of December the bombard began to fire, casting stones weighing one hundred and twenty pounds, which those of Orléans had just had made all new by one named Guillaume Duisy, a very subtle workman, and it was set at the spur (1) of the mills of the postern of Chesneau, to fire against the Tourelles (2); near which were set two cannon, one called Montargis and

(1) Croche, croiche, which has become crèche, is a spur, an advanced work in a river to protect the foot of a construction.

(2) It appears from the fortress accounts of the city of Orléans that twenty-two horses were needed to transport this piece with its carriage from the port to the town hall. Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, p. 12.

the other Rifflard, which during the siege fired against the English and did them great damages.

On the Christmas Day following, truces were given and granted on one side and the other, lasting from nine o’clock in the morning until three o’clock after noon. And during that time Glasdale and other lords of the country of England required of the Bastard of Orléans and the lord of Sainte-Sévère, Marshal of France, that they should have a band of high minstrels, trumpets and clarions: which was granted them; and the instruments played for a good while, making great melody. But as soon as the truces were broken, each took heed to himself.

During the feasts and holidays of Christmas they fired on one side and the other very strongly and horribly with bombards and cannon; but above all a culverineer, a native of Lorraine, then of the garrison of Orléans, named Master Jean (1), did much harm, who was said to be the best master then living of that craft. And he showed it well, for he had a great culverin with which he often fired, standing inside the pillar of the bridge near the boulevard of the Belle Croix, so that he slew and wounded many of the English with it. And to mock them, he sometimes let himself fall to the ground, feigning to be dead or wounded, and had himself carried into the town; but he returned forthwith to the skirmish, and so contrived that the English knew him to be alive, to their great damage and displeasure.

On Wednesday the twenty-ninth day of the said month of

(1) He had previously dwelt at Angers and had been called from that city to serve the King with his skill at Orléans. He received twelve livres of pay per month. He followed the Maid to Beaugency and later to Compiègne.

December, several other churches and houses which still remained near Orléans were burned and beaten down, such as Saint-Loup, Saint-Marc, Saint-Gervais, Saint-Euverte, the chapel of Saint-Aignan, Saint-Vincent-des-Vignes, Saint-Lazare, Saint-Pouair, and also the Madeleine, so that the English could not lodge, withdraw and fortify themselves there against the city.

On the second last day of the said month, about two thousand five hundred English fighting men arrived at Saint-Laurens-des-Orgerils near Orléans, to establish a siege there; of whom the captains were the Earl of Suffolk and Talbot, Messire John de la Pole, the lord of Scales, Messire Lancelot de Lisle and several others. But on their coming great skirmishes were made that day, for the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Sainte-Sévère, Messire Jacques de Chabannes and several other knights, squires and citizens of Orléans, who bore themselves most valiantly, went to meet them and received them as their enemies. And there several fair feats of arms were done on one side and the other. In those skirmishes Messire Jacques de Chabannes was wounded in the foot by an English arrow and his horse slain by the like chance.

That same day also several fair feats of arms were done, on one side and the other, around the Croix Boissée near Saint-Laurens (1). And all that day Master Jean did his duty greatly with his culverin.

(1) To the west of the city, on the road to Blois.

On Friday, the last day of the year, at four o’clock after noon, there were two French who defied two English to make two lance-strokes, and the English accepted the gage. One of the French was named Jean le Gasquet and the other Vedille, both Gascons, of the company of La Hire; the said Gasquet came first against his adversary and threw him to the ground with a lance-stroke; but Vedille and the other English could not overcome one another. To watch whom there were quite near them several lords, both of France and of England.

On the Saturday following, the first day of the year, there was a great skirmish, about three o’clock after noon, between the river Flambert, the Porte Regnart (1) and the Grève: where several were slain, wounded and taken prisoners on one side and the other, and more of the French than of the English. The Abbot of Cerquenceaux, who was said to be a religious, and was most valiant for the French, was wounded there (2). There also the carriage of the culverin was lost and taken by the English: whereby the French were constrained to draw back hastily, because the English sallied in great power.

(1) The Porte Regnart was that by which one entered Orléans coming from Blois and Le Mans. What the author calls the river Flambert has not been determined by the historians of Orléans.

(2) He was a partisan from the Gâtinais. The Chronique de la Pucelle speaks of him.

On the Sunday following, at two o’clock after midnight, the bell of the city rang the alarm, because the English thought to scale the boulevard of the Porte Regnart: but they found those of the city keeping good watch, and the English were constrained to return in great haste into their host and bastille of Saint-Laurens-des-Orgerils. So they gained nothing but a wetting, for during that hour it was raining very hard.

On the Monday following, the third day of January, there arrived inside Orléans towards morning nine hundred and fifty-four swine, fat and large, and four hundred sheep. And that cattle passed at the port of Saint-Loup: at which the people of Orléans were very joyful, for they came in the hour of need.

On the Tuesday following, the fourth day of the said month, about three o’clock after midnight, the bell of the belfry rang, because the English came and presented themselves before the boulevard of the Porte Regnart, where with all loud cries they sounded their trumpets and clarions: and those of the Tourelles did likewise, as if they wished to assail the boulevard. But those of Orléans bore themselves so greatly, and defended themselves so wisely with cannon and other equipment of war, that the English withdrew into their bastilles of Saint-Laurens.

On the Wednesday following, Messire Louis de Culant, Admiral of France, came with two hundred fighting men, to run a course at the Portereau before the Tourelles, where the garrisons of the English were, and in their despite crossed the Loire at the port of Saint-Loup; and he and his people entered into the city to learn the news and the government of it and of the French who were there. To whom and to his people great cheer was made, and they were much praised. For they had also borne themselves valiantly against the English in the skirmish of the Portereau.

On the Thursday following, the feast of Epiphany (that is, of the Kings), the lords of Sainte-Sévère and of Culant, Messire Théaulde de Valpergue and several other men of war and citizens sallied from Orléans; and made a great skirmish, in which they bore themselves very greatly against the English, who defended themselves well and boldly. They were also many lords of England, both knights and squires; but their names are not known. At that skirmish Master Jean likewise bore himself most well with his culverin.

During that time the English had laboured so much that they had made two boulevards upon the river Loire, one set on a little island on the side of and opposite Saint-Laurens (1), which was made of faggots, sand and wood; and the other in the field of Saint-Privé, opposite the other and on the bank of the river (2), which they crossed at that spot, carrying provisions from one to the other. And to guard them they had made captain Messire Lancelot de Lisle, Marshal of England.

(1) This island, which was called Charlemagne in the sixteenth century, no longer exists today.

(2) On the left bank.

On Monday, the tenth day of the same month, there arrived inside Orléans a great quantity of cannon powder, and several provisions which were being brought thither from Bourges, to comfort and succour it. On that day there was also a very great and strong skirmish, both of cannon and of other shot and culverins: of which those who fired them did their duty greatly, so much so that many English were slain and several taken prisoners.

On the Tuesday following, about nine o’clock at night, all the covering and roof of the Tourelles was beaten down and thrown down, and six English slain beneath it, by a shot of an iron cannon which was set in the boulevard of the Belle Croix of the bridge, and which was fired at that hour.

On the Wednesday following, the twelfth day of the said month of January, the bell rang the alarm because the English made a marvellous cry and sounded their trumpets and clarions before the boulevard of the Porte Regnart. And that same day there arrived inside Orléans towards six o’clock in the morning six hundred swine.

On the Saturday following, the fifteenth day of the same January, about eight o’clock at night, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Sainte-Sévère and Messire Jacques de Chabannes sallied out of the city, accompanied by several knights, squires, captains and citizens of Orléans, and thought to charge upon one part of the host of Saint-Laurens-des-Orgerils; but the English perceived it and cried to arms inside their host: wherefore they armed themselves, so that there was a great and strong skirmish. At last the French withdrew to the boulevard of the Porte Regnart: for the English sallied in full power, although in their sally they were very well beaten.

On the Sunday following, about two o’clock after noon, there arrived in the host of the English twelve hundred fighting men, of whom the chief was Messire John Fastolf; and they brought with them provisions, bombards, cannon, powder, shot and other equipment of war, of which their people of the host had great want.

On the Monday following, the seventeenth of the said month, a most marvellous thing befell: for the English fired a cannon from their boulevard of the Croix Boissée, of which the stone fell before the boulevard of the Porte Bannier, in the midst of more than a hundred persons, without wounding or slaying any; but it struck only on the foot a French comrade, so that it took off his shoe, without doing him any harm: which is a marvellous thing to believe.

That same day there was to have been made a gage of battle of six French against six English in the field near the Porte Bannier, where the dove-cot of Turpin used to be; but it was not made, although it was not the French who were wanting, for they presented themselves against their adversaries, who neither came nor appeared, and dared not sally.

On Tuesday, the eighteenth of the said month of January, at nine o’clock at night, the English who were in the Tourelles fired a cannon into the boulevard of the Belle Croix, which struck one named Le Gastelier, a native of Orléans, who, in looking at them, was bending a crossbow to fire against them.

On the Tuesday after, there arrived inside Orléans, as it were as the gates were opening (1), forty head of great cattle (2) and two hundred swine.

That day, and soon after the entry of the cattle, the English of the Tourelles captured the charrière, two sentines (3) and five hundred head of cattle, which merchants thought to bring back into Orléans; they had been denounced by certain traitors of a village near by, called Sandillon, so that they might have part of the booty; and the cattle were likewise carried off as booty to Jargeau, then held by the English.

That same day, about three o’clock after

(1) The edition reads ouvrons, which comes to the same thing.

(2) Great cattle.

(3) Charrière, the ferry-boat which put the besieged in communication with the left bank of the river. Sentine, a small boat of the Loire.

noon, there was a great and strong skirmish on an island before the spur of the mills of Saint-Aignan (1), because the English broke the conduit to pass the charrière which they had captured at the port of Saint-Loup. And the French, both men of war and citizens of Orléans, had themselves ferried over the water into that island, thinking to recover their charrière lost since the morning. Against whom there issued great power of English, who were ambushed behind the vineyard, a little beyond Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, and with great cries made at the French, who were going back and drawing off towards their boulevards very hastily: which they could not do so soon but that twenty-two of them remained dead there. Moreover two gentlemen were taken there, one named the little Breton, who belonged to the Bastard of Orléans, and the other, named Remonet, belonging to the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère. At that skirmish there was also lost a culverin which belonged to Master Jean, who was in great peril of being taken: for as he thought to withdraw into his sentine, others thrust themselves in with him, so that it sank in the river: wherefore he thought to withdraw into a great chaland (2); but he could not, because it had already departed. Nevertheless, seeing the perilous strait, he contrived so that he leapt upon the rudder (3), which remained in his hand as he strove to leap out of the water into the chaland, at the last. Notwithstanding all such misfortunes

(1) This island no longer exists. It was at the place of what is today called the Duit. It was destroyed when the bridge was rebuilt.

(2) A great boat of the Loire.

(3) The rudder of the sentine.

, swimming upon the rudder he came to shore and saved himself inside the city, leaving his culverin already captured by the English, who carried it off to the Tourelles.

On the Thursday following, the twenty-seventh of the said month of January, at three o’clock after noon, there was a very great skirmish before the boulevard of the Porte Regnart, because from four to five hundred English fighting men came thither from the bastille, making very great and marvellous cries. Against whom those of Orléans sallied through the said boulevard, and hastened so much that they fell into disarray: wherefore the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère had them turn back inside. And after he had put them in order, he had them sally again, and conducted them so well by his sense and prowess that he constrained the English to return into their host and bastille of Saint-Laurens.

On the morrow, Friday, there arrived inside Orléans, about eleven o’clock at night, certain ambassadors who had been sent to the King on behalf of the city to have succour.

On the Saturday following, the twenty-ninth day of the same January, at eight o’clock in the morning, the English made great cries in their host and bastilles, put themselves in arms in great power and, in good order, ever continuing their cries and making show of great boldness, came as far as a barrier which was on the shore before the tower of Our Lady, and as far as the boulevard of the Porte Regnart; but they were well received, for the men of war and many of the people of Orléans sallied straightway against them, well ordered, so that there was a very strong and great skirmish, both hand to hand and with cannon, culverins and shot; and many people were slain, wounded and taken prisoners on one side and the other. And in especial there died a lord of England whom the English much lamented; and they carried him to be buried at Jargeau. And that same day towards morning there also arrived inside Orléans the lord of Villars, the lord of Xaintrailles and Poton his brother, Messire Ternay (1) and other knights and squires, coming from speaking with the King.

(1) Earlier Cernay (see p. 101, note 1) and later Cervais.

On the Sunday after, the Bastard of Orléans departed from Orléans during the night, accompanied by several knights and squires, to go to Blois to Charles, Count of Clermont, eldest son of the Duke of Bourbon; wherefore the English, hearing talk of it, cried to arms; and kept strong watch, fearing lest they should be assailed in their bastilles.

On the morrow, Monday, the twenty-fourth day of the said month of January, about four o’clock after noon, La Hire arrived inside Orléans, and with him thirty men-at-arms; against whom the English fired a cannon, of which the stone fell in the midst of them when they were at the spot of the Porte Regnart, although it neither slew nor wounded any of them: which was a great marvel. So they entered safe and sound into the town, and went to render thanks to Our Lord, who had preserved them from harm.

On Wednesday the twenty-sixth of the same January there was a strong skirmish before the boulevard of the Porte Bannier, because the English cunningly observed that the sun was shining in the faces of the French, who were outside the boulevard to skirmish. And they sallied from their host in great power, showing great semblance of boldness; and so wrought that they thrust the French back as far as the water of the ditches of the boulevard and of the town, to which they brought one of their standards within a lance’s length of the boulevard: although they stayed there but a little, because cannon, bombards, culverins and other shot were cast at them from Orléans and from the boulevard most thickly. And it was said that in that skirmish twenty English were slain, not counting the wounded. But of the French there died only one of the archers of the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, who was slain by a cannon of Orléans itself: at which his master and the other lords were much grieved.

On the morrow, which was Saturday the twenty-ninth of the same month of January (1), safe-conduct was given on one side and the other for La Hire and Messire Lancelot de Lisle to speak together: which they did about the hour of closing the gates. But after they had spoken together and the hour of the safe-conduct was past, as each of them was returning towards his people, those of Orléans fired a cannon which struck Messire Lancelot, so that it carried off his head: at which those of the host were very sorrowful, for he was their marshal and a very valiant man.

(1) A gap of two days. It is in the manuscripts as well as in the printed editions.

On the day after, which was Sunday, there was a strong skirmish, because the English were pulling down vine-props (that is, stakes) from the vines around

Saint-Ladre and Saint-Jean-de-la-Ruelle (1), near Orléans, and were carrying them into their host to warm themselves. Wherefore the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, La Hire, Poton, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Messire Denis de Chailly, Messire Cervais, an Aragonese, and several others sallied out of Orléans and fell upon them, and assailed them valiantly, so that they slew seven of them and brought fourteen prisoners into their city. In which that day there died a valiant burgess who was a native of it, named Simon de Baugener, who had been wounded in the throat by a shot of the adversaries.

(1) These localities are today comprised within the faubourg Bannier.

And on the morrow, Monday, the thirty-first and last of the said month of January, there arrived inside Orléans eight horses laden with oils and greases.

On the Thursday following, the third day of February, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, La Hire, Couras and several other knights and squires issued from Orléans; and rode as far as the boulevard of Saint-Laurens. Wherefore the English cried to arms, unfurled twelve of their banners, and all put themselves in battle array in their hosts without issuing from their boulevards and barriers. The French in the end, seeing that their enemies did not sally, returned in fair order into their city, without doing anything else.

On Saturday the fifth of the said month there came in the evening, as the gates were closing, into Orléans, twenty-six fighting men, most valiant men of war and well equipped, who came from Sologne and belonged to the

Marshal of Sainte-Sévère; who bore themselves very greatly as long as they were in the garrison.

On the morrow, Sunday, about vespers, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, Chabannes, La Hire, Poton and Chailly sallied from Orléans with two hundred fighting men; and rode as far as about the Madeleine (1), where they found the lord of Scales and thirty fighting men with him, who withdrew most hastily into their host and bastille of Saint-Laurens; although in the end fourteen English were there slain or taken.

(1) A priory on the old road to Blois.

On Monday, the seventh of the said month, there arrived inside Orléans Messire Théaulde de Valpergue, Messire Jean de Lescot (2), a Gascon, and other ambassadors, who came from speaking with the King, to bring the news of the succour which was to come to raise the siege.

(2) Alias Lesgot.

On the morrow, Tuesday, there entered into the town of Orléans several most valiant men of war and well equipped, and among others Messire William Stewart, brother of the Constable of Scotland, the lord of Gaucourt, the lord of Verduzan (3), and several other knights and squires, accompanied by a thousand fighting men, so well equipped for the work of war that it was a most fair thing to see.

(3) Verduran in the manuscripts as in the printed editions.

That same day there arrived by night two hundred fighting men who belonged to Messire Guillaume Le Bret, and a little after six score others belonging to La Hire.

About those days there was a young maid named Jeanne, a native of a village in the Barrois called Domrémy, near another called Greux (1), under the lordship of Vaucouleurs. To whom, as she sometimes kept a few sheep that her father and mother had around their house, and at other times sewed and spun (2), Our Lord appeared several times in vision; and commanded her that she should go to raise the siege of Orléans and have the King consecrated at Reims, for He would be with her, and by His divine aid and force of arms would make her accomplish that enterprise. Wherefore she went to Messire Robert de Baudricourt, then captain of that place of Vaucouleurs, and told him her vision, praying and requiring him that for the very great good and profit of the King and of the kingdom he would have her clad in man’s attire, mount her on a horse, and have her led to the King, as God had bidden her go. But at that time, and for several days after, he would not believe her, and indeed made nothing of her but mockery, and reputed her vision fancies and foolish imaginings, although, thinking to make his people use her in carnal sin, he kept her. To which none of them, nor any after, could ever turn her: for as soon as they looked hard upon her, they were all cooled of lust.

(1) Greux.

(2) Ms. Saint-Victor: courant et saillant (running and leaping).

On Wednesday the ninth day of the same month there departed from Orléans Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Messire Regnault de Fontaines (3) and Le Bourg de Bar,

(3) So the manuscript and edition. Read Fontaines.

accompanied by twenty or twenty-five fighting men, wishing to go to Blois to the Count of Clermont; but they were met on the way by certain English and Burgundians who took Le Bourg de Bar and carried him back prisoner to the tower of Marchesnoir, and the two other lords escaped. On which day there arrived inside the city of Orléans Messire Gilbert de La Fayette, a native of Bourbonnais and Marshal of France, who brought with him three hundred fighting men.

On the morrow, which was Thursday, the Bastard of Orléans departed from Orléans, and two hundred fighting men with him, to go to Blois to the Count of Clermont, and Messire John Stewart, Constable of Scotland (1), the lord of La Tour, baron of Auvergne, the Viscount of Thouars, lord of Amboise, and other knights and squires, accompanied, as was said, by a good four thousand fighting men, both of Auvergne, Bourbonnais, and of Scotland, to learn from them the hour and the day it should please them to appoint to assail the English and false French, who were bringing provisions and artillery from Paris to their people holding the siege.

(1) He was returning from a pilgrimage to the Holy Land. He must not be confused with John Stewart, Earl of Buchan, his kinsman, whom Charles VII had made Constable of France and who perished at Verneuil. His territorial name was Darnley.

On Friday the eleventh day of the said month of February there also departed from Orléans Messire William of Albret, Messire William Stewart, brother of the Constable of Scotland, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Graville, the lord of Xaintrailles, Poton his brother, La Hire, the lord of Verduzan, and several other knights and squires, accompanied by fifteen hundred fighting men, and intending to find and join with the Count of Clermont and the others already named, to go to meet the provisions and assail them. And that same day the said Count of Clermont likewise departed, and so wrought that he came with all his company into Beauce, to a village named Rouvray-Saint-Denis, which is two leagues from Janville. And when they were all assembled, they found themselves from three to four thousand fighting men, and they did not depart thence until the morrow about three o’clock after noon.

That day of the morrow, which was Saturday the twelfth day of February, the vigil of the Brandons, Messire John Fastolf, the Bailiff of Évreux for the English, Messire Simon Morhier, Provost of Paris, and several other knights and squires of the country of England and of France, accompanied by fifteen hundred fighting men, both English, Picards, Normans and other people of divers countries, were bringing about three hundred waggons and carts, laden with provisions and several equipments of war, such as cannon, bows, quivers, shot and other things, leading them to the other English holding the siege of Orléans. But when they learned from their spies the bearing of the French, and knew that their intention was to assail them: they enclosed themselves and made a park of their waggons and of sharpened stakes in the manner of barriers, leaving a single (1) long and narrow issue or entrance, for the rear of their park thus enclosed with waggons was wide,

(1) Ms. Saint-Victor reads esquelle in place of seule.

and the inside long and narrow: at which that issue or entrance was such that by it must enter whoever wished to assail them. And this done, they put themselves in fair order of battle, waiting there to live or die; although of escaping they had hardly any hope, considering their small number against the multitude of the French, who, all assembled by common accord, concluded that none should dismount from their horses except the archers and men of shot, who on their coming should do their duty of shooting.

After which conclusion La Hire, Poton, Saulton (1), Canède and several others coming from Orléans put themselves forward, who were about fifteen hundred fighting men, and who were warned that the English bringing the provisions were coming in file, not in order and without any suspicion of being surprised: wherefore they were all of one same opinion that they would assail them as they came unawares. But the Count of Clermont sent several times by divers messages to La Hire and the others, thus ready to assail their adversaries, that they would find in them so great advantage, and that they should make no assault upon them until his coming, and that he would bring them from three to four thousand fighting men much desiring to join with the English. For whose honour and love they abandoned their enterprise, to their very great displeasure, and above all of La Hire, who showed the appearance of their

(1) Saulton de Mercadieu, a Gascon, of whom the Chronique de la Pucelle reports a most remarkable deed of courage. Struck by a lance in the mouth at the rescue of Montargis in 1427, he freed himself, although the iron came out through the back of his head, and returned to the fight.

damage, in that space was being given to the English to draw and close themselves together, and with that to fortify themselves with stakes and waggons. And in truth La Hire and those of his company who had set out from Orléans were halted in a field, in front of and so near the English that they had very easily seen them, as is said, coming in file and fortifying themselves; marvellously grieved that they dared not assail them, because of the prohibition and continual messages of the said Count of Clermont, who was ever approaching as fast as he could.

On the other side, the Constable of Scotland also bore that waiting most impatiently; who had likewise come near there with about four hundred fighting men, among whom were some very valiant men. And so it was that between two and three o’clock after noon the archers and men of shot of the French drew near their adversaries, of whom certain had already sallied from their park, whom they constrained to withdraw most hastily and thrust back inside by force of shots, with which they charged them so thickly that they slew several of them; and those who could escape went back inside their fortification with the others. Wherefore and when the Constable of Scotland saw that they kept themselves thus closed and ranked, without showing any semblance of issuing, he was by too great heat so desirous to assail them that he broke to pieces by main force the ordinance which had been made by all, that none should dismount. For he set himself forward, without waiting for the others; and at his example, and to aid him, there dismounted also the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Orval, Messire William Stewart, Messire Jean de

Nailhac (1), lord of Châteaubrun, Viscount of Bridiers, Messire Jean de Lesgot, lord of Verduzan, and Messire Louis de Rochechouart, lord of Montpipeau, and several other knights and squires, with about four hundred fighting men besides the men of shot, who had already put themselves on foot and had thrust back the English, and had wrought most valiantly; but little it availed them: for when the English saw that the great battle, which was a good way off, came on slackly and did not join with the Constable and the others on foot, they sallied hastily from their park and fell upon the French who were on foot, and put them into disarray and flight, not however without great slaughter, for from three to four hundred French fighting men died there.

(1) Read Nailhac. This important personage had been provided six months before with the office of Grand Panetier of France.

And moreover the English, not sated with the slaughter they had made on the place before their park, spread hastily through the fields, chasing those on foot, so that a good twelve of their standards could be seen far one from another, in divers places, less than a crossbow-shot from the principal place where the rout had been. Wherefore La Hire, Poton and several other valiant men, who were most loth to go away thus shamefully, and had drawn together near the place of the rout, assembled about sixty or eighty fighting men who followed them hither and thither, and struck upon the English thus scattered, so that they slew several of them. And certes, if all the other French had turned back as they did, the honour and the profit of the day would have remained theirs: although before that several great lords, knights, noble squires and valiant captains and chiefs of war had died and been slain there. And among whom there were slain Messire William of Albret, lord of Orval, Messire John Stewart, Constable of Scotland, Messire William Stewart his brother, the lord of Verduzan, the lord of Châteaubrun, Messire Louis de Rochechouart and Messire Jean Chabot, with several others, all of whom were of great nobility and most renowned valiance. The bodies of which lords were afterwards brought to Orléans and laid in sepulture inside the great church called Sainte-Croix, where fair divine service was made for them.

From that battle there escaped among others the Bastard of Orléans, seeing that from the beginning he had been wounded by a shot in the foot: wherefore two of his archers drew him with very great pains out of the press, mounted him on horseback and so saved him. The Count of Clermont, who that day had been made a knight, and all the great battle, never made any semblance of succouring the companions, both because they had dismounted, against the conclusion of all, and also because they saw them almost all slain before them. But as soon as they perceived that the English were masters of it, they took to the road towards Orléans: in which they did not honestly, but shamefully; and they had space enough to go their way, for the English did not chase them, seeing that most of them were on foot, and that they knew the French to be in greater number than they were. Notwithstanding, all the honour and the profit of the victory remained to the English, of whom the chief at that time was Messire John Fastolf, with whom was also Messire Thomas Rameston, who likewise had great charge of men-at-arms.

That same day there arrived inside Orléans, in the evening very late, the Count of Clermont, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of La Tour, the Viscount of Thouars, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Graville, La Hire, Poton and several French knights and squires, who came from the battle which had been thus lost for want of order. Although La Hire, Poton and Jamet de Tilloy entered last inside; for by the ordinance of all they still remained at the tail of those returning, to guard lest those of the bastilles should sally upon them if they knew of the rout; in which they could have damaged them still more than before, if heed had not been taken of it.

On that very day also Joan the Maid knew, by divine grace, this rout, and said to Messire Robert de Baudricourt that the King had had great damage before Orléans, and would have still more, if she were not led to him. Wherefore Baudricourt, who had already proved her and found her very wise and as it were truthful, persevering in her first requests, had her clad in man’s attire, as she required. And for her conduct he gave her two gentlemen of Champagne, one named Jean de Metz and the other Bertrand de Poulengy, who did it most loth, because of the perilous ways. But she, assuring them that they would have no ill at all, they set out on the way with her, and two of her brothers, to go to the King, who was then at Chinon.

On the Monday after that rout, the fourteenth of the same month of February, a cannon was fired by the English of the garrison of the Tourelles, of which the stone fell inside Orléans into the lodging of the Tête-Noire, in the street of the Hostelries: in which lodging it did great damage and went down into that street and slew three persons of the town, one of whom was a merchant named Jean Turquoys.

On the Thursday following, the seventeenth day of the said month, there were brought by Messire John Fastolf and his people into the host and siege of the English the provisions and other equipment of war which they had convoyed from Paris, and those also which they had conquered in their late rout near Rouvray-Saint-Denis, which several have since named the Battle of the Herrings; against whom the French of the garrison and certain citizens sallied, thinking to fall upon them and win the provisions and artillery they were bringing. But nevertheless they did not touch one another that time.

About those days Joan the Maid arrived inside Chinon (1) and those who conducted her, much wondering how they had been able to arrive safely, seeing the perilous passages they had found, the dangerous and great rivers they had crossed

(1) The author did not know the date of this arrival, which took place on 6 March 1429. To place it among the events of February is to render inexplicable several of the circumstances reported later. See below the French Continuator of Guillaume de Nangis.

at the ford, and the long journey they had had to make, along which they had passed through several towns and villages holding the English party, and those held by the French, in which innumerable ills and pillages were being wrought. Wherefore then they praised Our Lord for the grace He had done them, as the Maid had promised them before. And they made their deed known to the King, before whom it had already been treated several times in his council that the best thing was that he should withdraw into the Dauphiné and keep it, with the countries of Lyonnais, Languedoc and Auvergne, at least if they could be saved, should the English gain Orléans; but all was changed, for he summoned the two gentlemen and, in the presence of those of his great council, had them questioned of the deed and estate of the Maid; to which they answered the truth. And on this occasion it was debated whether she should be made to speak with the King: to which it was concluded, yes; and in fact she spoke with him, made him her reverence, and knew him among his people, although several of them feigned, thinking to deceive her, to be the King: which was great appearance of truth, for she had never seen him before. So she told him in most fair words that God sent her to aid and succour him, and that he should give her men, for by divine grace and force of arms she would raise the siege of Orléans, and then would lead him to be consecrated at Reims, as God had commanded her; that He willed that the English should return to their country and leave him his kingdom in peace, which was to remain his; or if they would not leave it, ill would befall them.

These words thus spoken by her, the King had her led back honourably to her lodging, and assembled his great council, in which were several prelates, knights, squires and chiefs of war, with certain doctors in theology, in laws and in decrees, who all together advised that she should be questioned by the doctors, to try whether there should be found in her evident reason to be able to accomplish what she said. But the doctors found her of so honest a bearing and so wise in her words that when their report was made, very great account was taken of it. Wherefore, and also because it was found that she had known truly the day and the hour of the day of the Herrings, as was found by the letters of Baudricourt, who had written down the hour when she told it him, she being still at Vaucouleurs; and since, she had even declared to the King in secret, in the presence of his confessor and a few of his secret counsellors, a prayer (1) which he had made, at which he was much astonished; for none could know it save God and himself: it was concluded that she should be led honestly to Poitiers, both to have her questioned anew and to know her perseverance, and also in order to find money to give her men, provisions and artillery, to essay to victual Orléans; which she knew by divine grace, for she, being in the midst of the way, said to several: In God’s name, I know well that I shall have much ado at Poitiers whither they are leading me; but Messire will aid me; now let us go, in God’s name! for that was her manner of speech.

(1) So the manuscript and editions. Read vœu (vow).

When she was at the said Poitiers, where the King’s Parliament then was, divers questionings were made of her by several doctors and other people of great estate, to which she answered most well. And in especial to a Jacobin doctor, who said to her that if God willed the English to go away, there was no need of arms. To which she answered that she wished only a few men who would fight, and God would give the victory (1). For which answer, with several others she had made, and the firmness of her first promises, it was concluded by all that the King ought to trust in her and give her provisions and men, and send her to Orléans, which he did. And moreover he had her well armed and gave her good horses. And he willed and ordained that she should have a standard, in which by her will there was painted and set as a device Jesus Maria and a Majesty. The King wishing to give her a fair sword, she prayed him that it would please him to send and fetch her one which had on the blade (2) five crosses near the cross-guard, and which was at Sainte-Catherine de Fierbois. At which the King was much astonished, and asked her whether she had ever seen it. To which she answered no; but nevertheless she knew it was there. The King sent thither, and the sword was found with others which had been given there in times past, and it was brought to the King, who had it dressed and furnished honestly. And he gave her to accompany her a most valiant and wise gentleman named Jean d’Aulon; and as page, to serve her in honour, he gave her another gentleman named Louis de Coutes. Although all the things declared in this chapter were done

(1) See the rehabilitation trial, vol. III, p. 204.

(2) Allumelle in the editions. Allumelle, allemelle, lemelle, equivalent of lame, lamella — the blade.

several times and on divers days; but I have here laid them down thus for the sake of brevity.

On Friday the eighteenth day of February the Count of Clermont departed from Orléans, saying that he wished to go to Chinon to the King, who was then there; and he took with him the lord of La Tour, Messire Louis de Culant, Admiral, Messire Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims and Chancellor of France, Messire Jean de Saint-Michel, Bishop of Orléans, a native of Scotland, La Hire, and several knights and squires of Auvergne, of Bourbonnais and of Scotland, and a good two thousand fighting men. Whereat those of Orléans, seeing them depart, were not well content; but they promised them, to appease them, that they would succour them with men and with provisions. After which departure there remained inside Orléans only the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère and their people. And the Count of Clermont, who was afterwards Duke of Bourbon, went away, and the lords and fighting men named above with him, and put themselves inside Blois.

And then, when those of Orléans saw themselves thus left in small number of men of war, and perceived the power and the siege of the English growing from day to day, they sent Poton de Xaintrailles and certain burgesses to Philip, Duke of Burgundy, and Messire Jean de Luxembourg, Count of Ligny, holding the party of England; and had them prayed and required that they would have regard to them; and for the love of their lord Charles Duke of Orléans, being prisoner in England, and for the preservation of his lands, to the keeping of which he could not attend for that time, that it would please them to procure some abstinence of war from the English, and to make the siege raised until the trouble of the kingdom should be otherwise cleared up, or to give them aid and succour in favour of their kinsman thus prisoner.

On the Sunday after there was a very great and strong skirmish, so that the English sallied from their host and bastilles bearing seven standards, and so wrought that they chased and thrust back the French who had gone to assail them as far as the Champ Turpin, which is a stone’s throw from Orléans. But they were well received with cannon, culverins and other shot which were cast at them from the town forthwith, so thickly that they returned in great haste into their host and bastilles of Saint-Laurens and others thereabout. On the next Tuesday following, the twenty-second of February, the Earl of Suffolk and the lords of Talbot and of Scales sent by a herald as a present to the Bastard of Orléans a dish full of figs, raisins and dates, praying him that it would please him to send to the said Earl of Suffolk some black fur to line a robe. Which he did willingly, for he sent it to him by the same herald; for which the Earl gave him very great thanks. On Friday the twenty-fifth day of the said month there arrived inside Orléans nine horses laden with wheat, herrings and other provisions.

On the Sunday next following, the second last of the same month of February, the river rose so much and so greatly that the French of Orléans firmly thought that the two boulevards made by the English upon that river opposite Saint-Laurens, and also that of the Tourelles, were all undermined and beaten down: for it rose up to the loopholes of the boulevards, and ran so strongly and so fiercely that it was easy to believe. But the English made such diligence, both day and night, that the boulevards remained in their state, and also the river subsided in a little time. And notwithstanding, the English cast several shots of bombards and cannon, which did very great damage to the houses and buildings of the city.

That day the bombard of the city, then set at the spur of the mills of the postern of Chesneau to fire against the Tourelles, fired so terribly against them that it beat down a great piece of wall.

On Thursday the third day of March the French sallied in the morning against the English, who were then making a ditch to go under cover from their boulevard of the Croix Boissée to Saint-Ladre of Orléans, so that the French could neither see them nor harm them with cannon and bombards. That sally did great damage to the English, for nine of them were taken prisoners. And moreover Master Jean slew with a culverin five persons in two shots. And of those five was the lord of Gray, nephew of the late Earl of Salisbury, who was captain of Janville; at which the English made great lamentations, because he was of great boldness and valiance.

That same day there was a very strong and great skirmish, for the French sallied from Orléans, and went as far as quite near the boulevard of the English who were at the Croix Boissée, and captured a cannon casting stones big as a ball. And moreover they carried back into their town two silver cups, a robe furred with martens, and several axes, guisarmes, bows, quivers of arrows and other equipments of war. But straightway after, the English sallied from their host and bastilles, bearing nine standards which they unfurled, and chased the French as far as quite near the boulevard of the Porte Bannier, and that done withdrew; although anew and soon they returned and charged hard and sharply upon the French, and followed them so close that several of them threw themselves into the ditches of the said gate; upon whom those of Orléans cast with great force. And among the others who fell there was one Étienne Fauveau, of Orléans itself. And this they did because they could not flee. In that skirmish the English slew, wounded and took several prisoners, and in especial they took a valiant Gascon squire named Regnault Guillaume de Vernade, who was much wounded.

On the morrow, Friday, about three hundred English fighting men departed and went to fetch vine-props (1) in the vines around Saint-Ladre and Saint-Jean-de-la-Ruelle: wherefore the bell of the belfry rang. But notwithstanding, they took and carried off prisoners certain poor labourers who were labouring their vines. And that same day there arrived inside Orléans twelve horses laden with wheat, herrings and other provisions.

(1) Charniers, vine-stakes. See above, p. 115.

On the Saturday after, the fifth of the said month of March, a culverin of Orléans was fired; the shot of which slew a lord of England, at whom the English made very great mourning.

On the morrow, which was Sunday, there arrived inside

Orléans seven horses laden with herrings and other provisions.

On the Monday following, the seventh of the same month of March, six horses arrived there laden with herrings. On the other side the English fired several shots of bombards and cannon, which fell in the street of the Hostelries, and did great damage in divers places. And also about forty English from England arrived in their host.

On the next Tuesday after, certain French sallied and met six merchants and a damsel leading into the host nine horses laden with provisions, which they took and brought into Orléans. That same day two hundred English arrived, who came from Jargeau; and likewise several others arrived in their host and bastilles, coming from the garrisons of Beauce. And thereby the French thought that they wished to assail certain of their boulevards. Wherefore they kept themselves on their guard and made ready all things necessary for their defence, should need be.

On the morrow, Wednesday, certain French found that nearly all the wall of the Aumône of Orléans (1) had been pierced, opposite the Porte Parisis; and a hole had been made in it for a man-at-arms to pass. And moreover a wall was found made all new, in which there were two loopholes. And no one could know why it had been made: whereof some presumed it

(1) That is to say, the Hôtel-Dieu of Orléans, beside the cathedral. The town wall then ran along the outbuildings of this establishment, and the Porte Parisis was near by.

in good, and the others in ill. Nevertheless, whatever it might be, the master of the said Aumône (1) fled as soon as he saw that it had been perceived; for at first sight he was in great danger of the commotion of the people, who made that day a very great noise and stir in that Aumône.

(1) The superior of the religious attached to the infirmary.

On the day after, which was Thursday, the Bastard of Orléans had two French men-at-arms belonging to the Gallois de Villiers hanged on a tree in the suburbs and ruins of the Porte de Bourgogne, because they had broken his safe-conduct; but as soon as they were dead he had them taken down and buried in the same suburbs.

On the other side, the English went that very day to Saint-Loup of Orléans, and there began a bastille which they fortified, ever meaning to maintain their siege against Orléans. To raise which, Joan the Maid took the field, accompanied by a great number of lords, knights, squires and men of war, furnished with provisions and artillery; and she took leave of the King, who expressly commanded the lords and men of war that they should obey her as himself, and so they did (2).

(2) An anachronism of six weeks. It was only at the end of April that Joan took the field.

On the Friday following, the eleventh day of the same month of March, the bell of the belfry rang, because the English who were at Saint-Loup ran as far as Saint-Euverte (3); and there, about the vines, they took several vine-dressers and carried them off prisoners.

(3) Saint-Euverte was then outside the walls of the city.

On the morrow certain of the garrison of Orléans sallied, and on their return brought back six prisoners (1).

(1) There is in the thirteenth volume of the manuscripts of Dom Housseau, in the Royal Library, the extract of a receipt given on 13 March 1428 for the sum of seventy écus, to which sum the parishes of Sainte-Maure, Sepmes, Marçay, Draché, Maillé, Lasselle, Nouâtre, Pouzay, Trogues, Mougon, Crousilles and Pansoust, all situated in Touraine, had been assessed, to make a purchase of wheat destined for the victualling of the city of Orléans.

On the Tuesday after, the fifteenth of the said month, the Bastard of Laange arrived by night inside the town, bringing with him six horses laden with cannon powder. And that same day thirty English departed from the bastille of Saint-Loup, being dressed in the guise of women and feigning to come to fetch wood and bundles of brushwood with certain women, who brought them into Orléans. But when they saw their advantage, they sallied hastily upon the vine-dressers who were then labouring in the vines about Saint-Marc and La Borde-aux-Mignons (2), and so wrought that they sent nine or ten prisoners into their bastille.

(2) Saint-Marc today adjoins the bourg Chevassier. La Borde-aux-Mignons is in the open fields in the same direction.

On the morrow, which was Wednesday, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère departed from Orléans, both to go to the King and to go take possession of several lands which had fallen to him by the death of the lord of Châteaubrun, his wife’s brother (3); but he promised those of the town that he would return shortly, and they were well content; for they loved and esteemed him, because he had done them many kindnesses, and also for the great feats of arms

(3) Slain on the day of the Herrings. See above, pp. 122 and 124.

which he and his people had done for their defence.

That same day the English of the bastille of Saint-Loup brought a great convoy of waggons to their other bastille of Saint-Laurens. And when they were before Saint-Ladre they made a great cry: wherefore the bell of the belfry rang; for the French of Orléans thought they wished to assail certain of their boulevards.

On the Thursday following, the seventeenth day of the said month, Master Alain du Bey, Provost of Orléans (1), died, and he died a natural death. At which those of the town were much grieved, because he ever kept justice well.

(1) Since the year 1408.

On the Saturday following, the nineteenth of the same month and the vigil of Palm Sunday, the English fired into Orléans several shots of bigger bombards and cannon than they had done before, with which they did much ill and damage; for a stone of one of the bombards slew or wounded seven persons at one shot; of which a pewterer named Jean Tonneau died. And moreover another cannon stone fell before the house of the late Berthault Mignon, by which five persons were wounded or slain.

On the Monday after, the twenty-first of the said month of March, the French had the bell of the belfry rung and sallied from Orléans in great power, both men of war and citizens and others of the country round about who had withdrawn thither; and they went to assail the

(Here a lacuna occurs in the text; the letter of the Maid to the English begins part way through.)

Among you, archers, companions of arms, who are before Orléans, go away into your own country, in God’s name. And if you do not so, take heed of the Maid, and be mindful of your damages. Do not take it into your opinion that you will ever hold France from the King of Heaven, the Son of Saint Mary; but King Charles will hold it, the true heir, to whom God has given it, who will enter into Paris in fair company. If you do not believe the news of God and of the Maid, in whatever place we find you, we shall strike into it with great blows, and then you shall see which have the better right, God or you.

William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, John lord of Talbot, Thomas lord of Scales, lieutenant of the Duke of Bedford, calling himself Regent of the kingdom of France for the King of England, make answer whether you will make peace with the city of Orléans or no. If you do not so, be mindful of your damages.

Duke of Bedford, who call yourself Regent of France for the King of England, the Maid requires and prays that you do not have yourself destroyed. If you do not do her right, she will so wrought that the French will do the fairest deed that ever was done in Christendom.

Written on Tuesday in Holy Week.

Hear the news of God and of the Maid.

To the Duke of Bedford, who calls himself Regent of the kingdom of France for the King of England.

When the English lords and captains had read and heard the letters, they were marvellously angered, and in despite of the Maid, saying many villainous words of her, in especial calling her ribald, cowherd, threatening to have her burned, they kept the herald who bore the letters, holding in mockery all that she had written to them.

On the next Thursday after, the twenty-fourth of the same month of March, being Maundy Thursday, the English fired a bombard into Orléans, of which the stone, falling in the rue de la Charpenterie, slew or wounded three persons. During which day a great rumour ran that certain of the city were to betray it and deliver it into the hands of the English; wherefore that same day and the morrow, the vigil of holy Easter, and the day also, the men of war who were there in garrison, and the citizens and others who had withdrawn thither likewise, were ever in arms and each on his guard, both in the town and on the walls, as in the boulevards round about (1).

(1) Although the journal mentions nothing under the date of Good Friday, the city accounts record that on that day there was a great distribution of wine and wheat made by the Provost Jean Leprêtre to the troops of the garrison. The captains borne on the distribution list are: the lord of Graville, Madré, Denis de Chailly, Thibault de Termes, the lord of Guitry, the lord of Coarraze, Théaulde de Valpergue, Cernay the Aragonese, Poton de Xaintrailles, the lord of Villars, the men-at-arms of the Marshal of Roussac, the Scots. Jollois, Histoire du siège d’Orléans, p. 41.

On the day of holy Easter, which was the twenty-seventh of the said month of March, one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, truces were given and granted on one side and the other between the French of Orléans and the English holding the siege.

On the Tuesday following, the twenty-ninth of the same month, there arrived inside the town a certain number of cattle and other provisions.

On the Friday after, which was the first day of the month of April, in that year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, the French went to skirmish with the English near their boulevard, which they had newly made at the Grange Cuyveret. Wherefore they sallied against them with two standards, and remained there a great space of time one before the other, shooting at one another with cannon, culverins and other shot, so that on each side several were wounded.

On the morrow there arrived inside Orléans nine fat oxen and two horses laden with kids and provisions. And that same day, after noon, the French again skirmished at the boulevard of the Grange Cuyveret, where they were well received; for from the bastille of Saint-Laurens about four hundred fighting men sallied against them, bearing with them two standards, of which one was that of Saint George, being half parted white and red, and having in the midst a red cross; and they came as far as Saint-Mathurin and the Champ Turpin, charging hard upon the French, who were put in fair order by the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Graville, La Hire, Poton and Tilloy: so that they bore themselves most valiantly, and there was a very strong and great skirmish. During which they fired marvellously on each side with their cannon, bombards, culverins and other shot, so that in the end several were slain and wounded, both of the French and of the English.

On the Sunday following, called Quasimodo (that is, the day of Low Sunday), certain inhabitants of Orléans sallied and captured near Saint-Loup a chaland in which were nine tuns of wine, and a swine and some venison, which was being taken to the English in that bastille of Saint-Loup; but those of Orléans drank the wine and ate the swine and the venison.

And that same day there was a strong skirmish between the pages of the French and those of the English, between the two islands of Saint-Laurens; and they had no shields, save little baskets; and they cast stones and pebbles at one another. At the last those of the French made those of the English withdraw: and there were many people watching them. And for that skirmish and others which the French pages afterwards made before Orléans, their captain was one of them, a gentleman of the Dauphiné named Aymar de Puiseux: who was afterwards named Capdorat by La Hire, both because he was very fair-haired and because he was very alert and of great boldness among the others; and he showed it well afterwards in several feats of arms, both in this kingdom and in Germany and elsewhere (1).

(1) The war in Germany to which allusion is here made is probably that which Louis the Dauphin carried into Alsace in 1444. That prince, become king, made Aymar de Puiseux or Poisieu one of his maîtres d’hôtel and gave him the bailiwick of Mantes. In 1465 he sent him on an embassy to Liège during the war of the Public Weal; then the following year he called him to the general command of the franc-archers this side of the Loire, an office which had just been created and which extended over the provinces bordering the Seine, the Eure and the Loire as far as the Nivernais. Collection des documents inédits, Mélanges, vol. II, p. 313. — Daniel, Histoire de la milice française, vol. IV, ch. 4. — Ms. B. R. Gaignières, no. 772-2, fol. 396, 404, etc.

On the morrow, Monday, as the gates of the city were being opened, certain French arrived there, who had gone to make a raid inside Meung, of which they had slain the captain, and they were bringing back forty-three head of great cattle, although several of them were wounded.

That day after noon there was another battle between the pages, who were equipped as before; and there one of the English pages was slain by a stone-stroke, and several were wounded on one side and the other; although in the end the English pages captured the standard of the French pages.

On the Tuesday following, the fifth of the said month, there arrived at the opening of the gates inside Orléans a hundred and one swine and six fat oxen, which merchants were bringing thither from Berry; they passed opposite Saint-Aignan of Orléans. Against whom the English of the Tourelles sallied most hastily as soon as they perceived them; but it was too late, for they lost their pains.

That same day there arrived also two horses laden with butter and cheeses, and seventeen swine which were brought thither from Châteaudun. And news came also that the French who were in garrison in that town of Châteaudun had slain, taken or routed thirty or forty English who were bringing great sums of money to the other English of the host.

On the Thursday after, the seventh of the said month, there arrived to the English of the bastille of Saint-Laurens several provisions and other equipment of war, without finding any hindrance.

On the morrow there arrived towards morning inside the city twenty-six head of cattle, which certain French who were of the garrison had captured in Normandy.

On the Saturday following, the ninth of the same month, there also arrived towards morning seventeen swine and eight horses (two laden with kids and pigs, and the other six with wheat), which were brought from Châteaudun. On the other side, the English made about that time another boulevard and ditch opposite the Pressoir-Ars (1). To hinder which, the French sallied and went as far as the boulevard; but there came on a great rain and a marvellous storm, which lasted long: wherefore they could not accomplish their intention, and returned into the city without doing anything.

(1) This entrenchment, to which the English gave the name of Rouen, was situated at the end of the Clos des Douze Pierres.

On the Tuesday after, the twelfth of the said month, certain French departed from Orléans by night and went to Saint-Marceau in the vale of the Loire (2), and broke and pierced the church; inside which they found twenty English, whom they took and carried off prisoners into their town, although they lost there two of their companions.

(2) On the left bank of the river, a good way behind the English entrenchments.

And on the morrow great sums of money were brought into Orléans to pay those of the garrison, who had much need of them.

On Friday the fifteenth day of the same April, the English made and finished a most fair and strong bastille, very well made, between Saint-Pouair and Saint-Ladre (3), in a

(3) To this bastille the English gave the name of Paris.

place which comprised a great precinct; inside which they put and left several lords and gentlemen of England, with a great number of other men of war, meaning to prevent any provisions from being brought that way into Orléans, as they had seen done several times before, in despite of the people of their other bastilles.

On the morrow a certain number of cattle and other provisions were coming from Blois to Orléans by the way of Fleury-aux-Choux, which the English thought to capture, and they went to meet them, but too late, for the bell of the belfry rang to succour the provisions. Which was done, so that they arrived safely inside the town.

That same day about fifty French men-at-arms of certain garrisons of Sologne came riding before the Tourelles, and carried off a good fifteen English prisoners. And the night following that day, certain French departed from the town and slew three English who were keeping watch near l’Orbecte.

On the Sunday following, the seventeenth of the said month of April, there arrived inside Orléans Poton de Xaintrailles and other ambassadors, who had gone to the Duke of Burgundy and the Count of Ligny, and they brought with them the trumpeter of the said Duke of Burgundy. Who, as soon as he knew the request of those of Orléans, went with Messire Jean de Luxembourg to the Duke of Bedford, calling himself Regent of this kingdom for King Henry of England, showing him the pity that was upon the Duke of Orléans; and he had required and prayed him most dearly that it would please him to have the siege which was laid before his principal town and city of Orléans raised and lifted. To which the Duke of Bedford would not acquiesce for any of them (1), at which the Duke of Burgundy was not content; and for this reason he sent with the ambassadors his trumpeter, who on his behalf commanded all those of his lands and towns obedient to him, who were in that siege, that they should go away and depart, and do no harm in any manner to those of Orléans. To obey which commandment, several Burgundians, Picards, Champenois and many others of the countries and obedience of the said Duke of Burgundy went away and departed most hastily.

(1) The Duke of Burgundy asked that the place should be given into his keeping as neutral. The Chronique de la Pucelle says that the Council of Regency set up in England was favourable to this request, but that it failed through the contrary disposition of the members of the Council of France, and particularly of the Parisians. Cf. vol. V. See also Monstrelet, book II, ch. 58.

On the morrow in the morning, about four o’clock after midnight, the French sallied upon the host of the English, and so wrought that on their entrance they slew part of their watch and captured one of their standards, and were inside a long space. During which they did great damage to their adversaries; who cried most fearfully to arms and all put themselves in order the best they could, addressing themselves against the French, who, perceiving them making ready, issued from the host in a great throng, where they had captured several silver cups, many robes of martens and a great number of bows, quivers, arrows and other equipment of war. Nevertheless the English pursued them and kept so close that there was a strong and great skirmish, in which several were slain and wounded, both on one side and the other. And in especial he who bore the standard of the English was slain there by a culverin-shot; although those of the town were not without great damage, and it well appeared on their return, by the mourning made by the women of Orléans, weeping and lamenting their fathers, husbands, brothers and kinsmen, slain and wounded in that skirmish. And that same day the bodies of each side were given up; so they were buried in holy ground.

On the Tuesday after, the nineteenth day of the month of April, about the hour of vespers, there arrived in the host and bastilles of the English a great quantity of provisions and other equipment of war, and with them several men-at-arms who convoyed them.

On the morrow, about four o’clock in the morning, a captain named Amade (1) departed from Orléans, and sixteen men-at-arms on horseback with him, who went to make a raid about Fleury-aux-Choux, where the English who had brought the latest provisions had lodged, and they so wrought that they carried off six English prisoners whom they took, and several horses, bows, quivers and other equipment of war.

(1) Amodie in the editions. It is doubtless the same who is called Madré in the city accounts. See above, p. 141, note.

About that same time the English fortified Saint-Jean-le-Blanc in the vale of the Loire, and set a watch there to guard the passage.

On the Thursday following there arrived inside Orléans three horses laden with cannon powder and several other things. On the other side, those of Orléans that day made ready several cannon to fire against the English, because they thought they would make some strong skirmish for their welcome, and had them fire marvellously against them as they sallied; wherefore they withdrew into their host; but several of them departed the following night to go to meet the provisions which were being brought into the town, meaning to capture them.

On Saturday the twenty-third of the same month of April there arrived inside Orléans four horses laden with cannon powder and provisions.

And on the morrow the Bourg de Mascaran (1) entered there, accompanied by forty fighting men.

(1) Alias Masqueran.

And the next day after, which was Tuesday the twenty-sixth day of the same month, Alain de Giron also entered there, accompanied by a hundred fighting men.

On the Wednesday following the French sallied and went in most great haste and fair order as far as the Croix de Fleury (2), to succour certain merchants bringing provisions from the parts of Blois to victual them, because they had news that they were being hindered; but they passed no further, seeing that word came to meet them; and they were told that they would do nothing there, for the English had already routed them. Although on the other side another succour came to them of sixty fighting men coming from Beaune in the Gâtinais (3), who were bringing them other swine.

(2) This point is at the end of the present faubourg of Saint-Vincent.

(3) Beaune-la-Rolande.

On the morrow, Thursday, the twenty-eighth day of the said month of April, there arrived after noon inside Orléans a most renowned captain called Messire Florentin d’Illiers, and with him the brother of La Hire, accompanied by four hundred fighting men who came from Châteaudun. And that same day there was a strong and great skirmish, because the English came to skirmish before the boulevards of Orléans. But the men of war and several citizens of Orléans sallied against them and chased them into their boulevards, and so wrought that they slew and wounded several of them, and the others fell into the ditches of their boulevards, which were then about the Grange Cuyveret and the Pressoir-Ars, in a certain valley which was there of old (1). Nevertheless the French had to leave off their skirmish and return into the town, because of the great multitude of cannon, culverins and other shot which the English fired at them most thickly, so that several were slain on one side and the other; and on their return one of the French fell into a well, where he was slain.

(1) The rue de la Mare aux Solognots, which joins the faubourg Saint-Jean to that of the Porte Bannier, is the only vestige that remains of this ancient valley.

On the other side, the Maid and the other lords and captains who were with her learned how the English despised her and, mocking her and her letters, had kept the herald who had borne them. Wherefore they concluded that they would march forward with all their men-at-arms, provisions and artillery, and would pass through Sologne, seeing that the greatest power of the English was on the side of Beauce; although of this they said nothing to the Maid, who meant to go and pass right before them by force of arms. And for this she ordained that all the men of war should confess and leave all their lewd women and all the baggage; and in this wise they went away, and so wrought that they came as far as a village named Chécy, where they lay the following night (1).

(1) Chécy is nine kilometres upstream from Orléans. Mathieu de Goussancourt, in his Martyrologe des chevaliers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, asserts, on what foundation is not known, that the Maid passed that night in the house of Gui de Cailly, then lord of Chécy. (Le Brun de Charmettes, Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, vol. II, p. 18.)

On the Friday following, the twenty-ninth of the same month, certain news came into Orléans how the King was sending by way of Sologne provisions, powder, cannon and other equipment of war, under the conduct of the Maid, who came on the part of Our Lord to victual and comfort the town and make the siege raised; at which those of Orléans were much comforted. And because it was said that the English would take pains to hinder the provisions, it was ordained that everyone should be armed and in good array throughout the city; which was done.

That day also there arrived there fifty fighting men on foot, equipped with guisarmes and other equipment of war; and they came from the country of the Gâtinais, where they had been in garrison.

That same day there was a most great skirmish, because the French wished to give place and hour for the provisions that were being brought them to enter. And to give the English something else to think of, they sallied in great power and went to ride and skirmish before Saint-Loup of Orléans. And they kept so close upon them that there were several dead, wounded and taken prisoners on one side and the other, although the French carried into their city one of the standards of the English. And while that skirmish was being made, the provisions and artillery which the Maid had convoyed as far as Chécy entered into the town. To meet whom the Bastard of Orléans and other knights, squires and men of war, both of Orléans and of other parts, went as far as that village, most joyful at her coming, and they all made her great reverence and fair cheer, and she did the same to them. And there they all concluded together that she would not enter Orléans until night, to avoid the tumult of the people, and that the Marshal of Rais and Messire Ambroise de Loré, who by the King’s commandment had conducted her thither, would return to Blois, where several French lords and men of war had remained: which was done; for about eight o’clock in the evening, in despite of all the English, who never set any hindrance against it, she entered armed at all points, mounted on a white horse; and she had her standard borne before her, which was likewise white, in which were two angels each holding a fleur-de-lis in their hand; and on the pennon was painted as it were an Annunciation (that is, the image of Our Lady having before her an angel presenting her a lily).

As she thus entered into Orléans she had at her left side the Bastard of Orléans, armed and mounted most richly. And after came several other noble and valiant lords, squires, captains and men of war, besides certain of the garrison, and also of the burgesses of Orléans, who had gone to meet her. On the other side there came to receive her the other men of war, burgesses and burgesses’ wives of Orléans, bearing a great number of torches, and making such joy as if they saw God come down among them, and not without cause, for they had had many troubles, labours and pains, and what is worse, a great fear of not being succoured and of losing all, body and goods. But they felt themselves already all comforted, and as it were unbesieged, by the divine virtue which they had been told was in this simple Maid, whom they beheld most affectionately, men, women and little children alike. And there was a most marvellous press to touch her or the horse on which she was, so much so that one of those who bore the torches came so near her standard that the fire caught the pennon. Wherefore she struck her horse with the spurs and turned it as deftly to the pennon, from which she quenched the fire, as if she had long followed the wars: which the men-at-arms held a great marvel, and the burgesses of Orléans also; who accompanied her the length of their town and city, making most great cheer, and with very great honour all conducted her as far as near the Porte Regnart, to the house of Jacquet Boucher, then treasurer of the Duke of Orléans, where she was received with very great joy, with her two brothers and the two gentlemen and their serving-man, who had come with them from the country of Barrois.

On the morrow, which was Saturday, the last day of the said month of April, La Hire, Messire Florentin d’Illiers and several other knights and squires of the garrison sallied, with certain citizens, and charged, standards unfurled, upon the host of the English, so that they made them withdraw, and gained the place where they had kept the watch which they then held at the place of Saint-Pouair, two bowshots from the town. Wherefore a loud cry was made all along the city at that hour that everyone should bring furs, straw and faggots to set fire to the lodgings of the English inside their host; but nothing was done, seeing that the English made terrible cries and all put themselves in order. And for this the French returned, although before their return there had been a very strong and long skirmish, during which the cannon, culverins and bombards fired marvellously, so that several were slain, wounded and taken prisoners on one side and the other. When night came the Maid sent two heralds to the English of the host, and bade them send her back the herald by whom she had sent them her letters from Blois. And likewise the Bastard of Orléans sent them word that if they did not send him back, he would put to an ill death all the English who were prisoners inside Orléans, and those also who had been sent thither by certain lords of England to treat for the ransom of the others. Wherefore the chiefs of the host sent back all the heralds and messengers of the Maid, sending her word by them that they would burn her and have her burned, and that she was naught but a ribald, and as such should go back to keep the cows. At which she was much angered; and for this cause, when it came towards evening, she went to the boulevard of the Belle Croix, on the bridge, and from there spoke to Glasdale and the other English who were in the Tourelles, and told them to yield themselves in God’s name, their lives only safe. But Glasdale and those of his band answered villainously, injuring her and calling her cowherd as before, crying most loudly that they would have her burned if they could hold her. At which she was somewhat angered, and answered them that they lied; and that said, she withdrew into the city.

On the Sunday after, which was the first day of May, that year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, the Bastard of Orléans departed from the town to go to Blois to the Count of Clermont, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Rais, and several other knights, squires and men of war. That day also Joan the Maid rode through the city, accompanied by several knights and squires, because those of Orléans had so great a desire to see her that they nearly broke the doors of the house where she was lodged; to see whom there was such great folk of the city in the streets through which she passed that one could hardly pass there, for the people could not have enough of seeing her. And it seemed to all a great marvel how she could keep herself so deftly on horseback as she did. And in truth also she bore herself as loftily in all ways as a man-at-arms who had followed the war from his youth could have done.

That same day the Maid spoke again to the English near the Croix Morin, and told them to yield themselves, their lives only safe, and to return in God’s name to England, or she would make them rue it; but they answered her words as villainous as they had done from the Tourelles the other time: wherefore she returned into Orléans.

On Monday, the second day of May, the Maid departed from Orléans on horseback and went into the fields to visit the bastilles and host of the English; after whom the people ran in most great throng, taking most great pleasure in seeing her and being about her. And when she had seen and observed at her pleasure the fortifications of the English, she returned to the church of Sainte-Croix of Orléans inside the city, where she heard vespers.

On Wednesday, the fourth day of the said month of May, the Maid sallied into the fields, having in her company the lord of Villars and Messire Florentin d’Illiers, La Hire, Alain Giron, Jamet de Tilloy and several other squires and men of war, being in all five hundred fighting men; and she went to meet the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal of Rais, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the Baron of Coulonces (1) and several other knights and squires, with other men of war equipped with guisarmes and lead mauls, who were bringing provisions which those of Bourges, Angers, Tours and Blois were sending to those of Orléans, who received them in very great joy into their town, into which they entered before the bastille of the English, who

(1) Coulouces in the manuscripts and editions. He was a Norman lord whose name was Jean de La Haye. He was the son of a knight of the same name who perished fighting for the defence of Pontorson in 1426. He himself was made a knight at the battle of Patay.

never dared sally, but kept themselves strongly on their guard.

And that same day after noon the Maid and the Bastard of Orléans departed from the city, leading in their companies great numbers of nobles and about fifteen hundred fighting men, and went to assail the bastille of Saint-Loup, where they found very strong resistance, for the English, who had much fortified it, defended it most valiantly the space of three hours that the assault lasted very bitter, although in the end the French took it by force and slew one hundred and fourteen English, and kept and brought forty prisoners into their town; but first they beat down, burned and wholly demolished that bastille, to the very great wrath, damage and displeasure of the English. Part of whom, being in the bastille of Saint-Pouair, sallied in great power during that assault, wishing to succour their people: of which those of Orléans were warned by the bell of the belfry, which rang twice; wherefore the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Graville, the Baron of Coulonces and several other knights and squires, men of war and citizens, being in all six hundred fighting men, sallied hastily out of Orléans and put themselves in the field in most fair order and battle against the English; who abandoned their enterprise and the succour of their companions when they saw the manner of the French thus sallying out and ordered in battle, and turned back sorrowful and angered into their bastille, from which they had issued in very great haste. But notwithstanding their return, those of the bastille defended themselves more and more; although in the end the French took it, as is said.

On the Thursday after, which was the Ascension of Our Lord, the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshals (1) of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, the lord of Graville, the Baron of Coulonces, the lord of Villars, the lord of Xaintrailles, the lord of Gaucourt, La Hire, the lord of Coarraze, Messire Denis de Chailly, Thibaut de Termes, Jamet de Tilloy and a Scottish captain called Canède, and other captains and chiefs of war, and also the burgesses of Orléans, held counsel, to advise and conclude what was to be done against the English who held them besieged. Wherefore it was concluded that the Tourelles and the boulevards of the bridge end should be assailed, although the English had marvellously fortified them with things defensible and with a great number of men well versed in war. And for this it was commanded by the captains that everyone should be ready on the morrow in the morning and furnished with all things to make the assault; to which commandment good obedience was given, for from the evening such great diligence was made that all was ready at earliest morning, and it was made known to the Maid.

(1) Read les mareschaux — the Marshals.

Who sallied out of Orléans, having in her company the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshals of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, the lord of Graville, Messire Florentin d’Illiers, La Hire and several other knights and squires, and about four thousand fighting men; and she crossed the river Loire between Saint-Loup and the Tour

Neuve (1), and forthwith they took Saint-Jean-le-Blanc, which the English had fenced and fortified. And after, they withdrew into a little island which is opposite Saint-Aignan (2). And then the English of the Tourelles sallied in great power, making great cries, and came and charged upon them most strongly and closely. But the Maid and La Hire, with part of their people, joined together and struck against the English with such great force and boldness that they constrained them to withdraw as far as their boulevards and Tourelles. And at full speed they delivered such an assault on the boulevard and bastille there fortified by the English, at the place where the church of the Augustins was, that they took them by force, delivering a great number of French who were prisoners there, and slaying several English who were inside and had defended it most bitterly; so that many fair feats of arms were done there on one side and the other. And on the following evening the siege was laid by the French before the Tourelles and the boulevards round about. Wherefore those of Orléans made great diligence of carrying all night bread, wine and other provisions to the men of war holding the siege (3).

(1) See above, p. 98.

(2) The same that is spoken of above, p. 112.

(3) The bill of fare of the provisions carried to the assailants by divers purveyors is found on the slips recording the city’s expenses in 1429, in the library of Orléans.

On the day after, at earliest morning, which was Saturday, the sixth (4) day of May, the French assailed the Tourelles and the boulevards and hoardings which the English had made there to fortify them. And there was a most marvellous

(4) Read seventh.

assault, during which several fair feats of arms were done, both in assailing and in defending, because the English were there in great number, very warlike, and furnished abundantly with all things defensible. And they showed it well also, for notwithstanding that the French scaled them by divers places most thickly, and assailed full on the highest of their fortifications with such valiance and boldness that it seemed from their bold bearing that they thought themselves immortal: yet they thrust them back many times and threw them down from high to low, both by cannon and other shot, and with axes, lances, guisarmes, lead mauls, and even with their own hands, so that they slew or wounded several French. And among the others the Maid was wounded and struck by a shot between the shoulder and the throat, so far that it passed through: at which all the assailants were much grieved and angered, and in especial the Bastard of Orléans and the other captains, who came to her and told her it was better to leave the assault until the morrow; but she comforted them with most fair and bold words, exhorting them to keep up their boldness. Who, not willing to believe her, left off the assault and drew back, meaning to have their artillery carried back until the morrow. At which she was very sorrowful, and said to them: In God’s name, you will enter in there right soon, doubt it not, and the English will have no more strength against you. Wherefore rest yourselves a little, drink and eat. Which they did, for they obeyed her marvellously. And when they had drunk, she said to them: Return in God’s name to the assault again, for without fail the English will have no more strength to defend themselves, and their Tourelles and their boulevards will be taken.

And that said, she left her standard and went on her horse to a retired place to make orison to Our Lord; and she said to a gentleman who was near there: Take heed when the tail of my standard shall be at or shall touch against the boulevard. Who said to her a little after: Joan, the tail touches it! And then she answered him: All is yours, and enter in! Which word was soon after known to be prophecy, for when the valiant chiefs and men-at-arms who had remained inside Orléans saw that the assault was to be renewed, certain of them sallied out of the city upon the bridge. And because several arches were broken, they brought a carpenter and carried gutters and ladders, of which they made planks. And seeing that they were not long enough to rest upon the two ends of one of the broken arches, they joined a little piece of wood to one of the largest gutters, and so wrought that it held (1). Upon which there passed first, all armed, a most valiant knight of the Order of Rhodes, called of Saint John of Jerusalem, named Brother Nicolas de Giresme, and at his example several others also: which was afterwards said to

(1) Article 57 of the fortress account for the year 1429, kept in the library of Orléans, relates to the construction of this flying bridge: Paid 40 sous for a great piece of wood taken at Jean Bazin’s when the Tourelles were won against the English, to lay across one of the arches of the bridge which was broken. — Given to Champeaux and other carpenters 16 sous to go and drink on the day when the Tourelles were won. See Jollois, Histoire du Siège, p. 84.

have been more a miracle of Our Lord than anything else, seeing that the gutter was marvellously long and narrow, and high in the air, without having any support.

Who, having passed over, thrust themselves with their other companions into the assault, which lasted but little afterwards; for as soon as they had begun again, the English lost all power of being able to resist longer, and thought to enter from the boulevard into the Tourelles: although few of them could save themselves, for the four or five hundred fighting men that they were were all slain or drowned, except a certain few who were kept prisoners, and no great lords, seeing that Glasdale, who was captain and much renowned in feats of arms, the lord of Molyns, the lord of Pommiers, the Bailiff of Mente and several other banneret knights and nobles of England were drowned, because in seeking to save themselves the bridge fell beneath them: which was a great undoing of the strength of the English, and a great loss to the valiant French, who for their ransom could have had great sums of money (1). Nevertheless they made great joy, and praised Our Lord

(1) Our author is wrong to regard as a chance event the fall of the bridge which joined the boulevard of the Tourelles to the Tourelles themselves. The city accounts for 1429 prove that this bridge was burned by design by means of a fire-boat which the Orléans men had moored to the timber-work. Thus payment was made to Jean Poitevin, fisherman, 8 sous for having set on dry land a chaland which was put under the bridge of the Tourelles to burn them when they were taken; — to Boudon, 9 sous for two S-hooks weighing four and a half pounds, put on the chaland which was burned under the bridge of the Tourelles (Articles 9 and 19). Mention is also made in the same account of resin and grease bought to grease the flags to set fire to the Tourelles. Jollois, Histoire du Siège, p. 84.

for that fair victory which He had given them; and well they ought to have done so, for it is said that that assault, which lasted from morning until sunset, was so greatly assailed and defended that it was one of the fairest feats of arms that had been done for a long time before. And it was also a miracle of Our Lord, done at the prayer of Saint Aignan and Saint Euverte, of old bishops and patrons of Orléans, as appeared well enough, according to the common opinion, and even by persons who that day were brought inside the town; one of whom certified that to him and to all the other English of the Tourelles and boulevards it seemed, when they were assailed, that they saw such a marvellous number of people, and that all the world was assembled there. Wherefore all the clergy and people of Orléans devoutly sang Te Deum laudamus, and had all the bells of the city rung, thanking most humbly Our Lord and the two holy confessors for that glorious divine consolation; and they made very great joy on every side, giving marvellous praises to their valiant defenders, and in especial and above all to Joan the Maid. Who remained that night, and the lords, captains and men-at-arms with her, in the fields, both to guard the Tourelles thus valiantly conquered and to know whether the English of the side of Saint-Laurens would sally, wishing to succour or avenge their companions; but they had no will thereto.

On the contrary, on the morrow morning, Sunday the seventh (1) day of May, that same year one thousand four

(1) Read eighth.

hundred and twenty-nine, they abandoned their bastilles, and so did the English of Saint-Pouair and elsewhere, and raising their siege they put themselves in battle array. Wherefore the Maid, the Marshals of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, the lord of Graville, the Baron of Coulonces, Messire Florentin d’Illiers, the lord of Coarraze, the lord of Xaintrailles, La Hire, Alain Giron, Jamet de Tilloy and several other valiant men of war and citizens sallied out of Orléans in great power, and set and ranged themselves before them in ordered battle. And in that wise they were very near one another for the space of a whole hour without touching. Which the French suffered most loth, obeying the will of the Maid, who commanded and forbade them from the beginning that, for the love and honour of the holy Sunday, they should not begin the battle nor assail the English; but if the English assailed them, they should defend themselves strongly and boldly, and should have no fear, and they would be the masters. The hour past, the English took to the road and went away well ranked and ordered to Meung-sur-Loire, and raised and left wholly the siege which they had kept before Orléans from the twelfth day of October one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight until that day. Nevertheless they did not go away nor carry off all their baggage in safety, for certain of the garrison of the city pursued them and struck upon the tail of their army by divers assaults, so that they captured from them great bombards and cannon, bows, crossbows and other artillery.

And that same day there was an English Augustin, confessor of the lord of Talbot, who on his behalf was guarding a French prisoner of his, a most valiant man-at-arms named Le Bourg de Bar, who was fettered at the feet; and he was leading him likewise after the other English, under the arms and at a walking pace, seeing that he could not go otherwise for the irons. Who, seeing that they were lagging well behind, and knowing, as one subtle in the work of war, that the English were going away without return, constrained by force the said Augustin to carry him on his shoulders as far as Orléans, and so his ransom escaped him. And much of the covenant of the adversaries was learned through the Augustin, for he was very familiar with Talbot (1).

(1) Cf. Jean Chartier, above, p. 63.

On the other side the Maid and the other lords and men-at-arms re-entered Orléans with great joy, to the very great exultation of all the clergy and people, who all together rendered humble thanks to Our Lord and most deserved praises for the very great succours and victories He had given and sent them against the English, ancient enemies of this kingdom. And when it came after noon, Messire Florentin d’Illiers took leave of the lords and captains and other men-at-arms, and also of the burgesses of the town, and with his men of war whom he had brought thither, returned into Châteaudun, of which he was captain, carrying back great prize, praise and renown for the valiant feats of arms done by him and his people in the defence and succour of Orléans.

And on the morrow the Maid likewise departed, and with her the lord of Rais, the Baron of Coulonces and several other knights, squires and men of war, and went to the King to bring him the news of the noble business, and also to make him take the field, to be crowned and consecrated at Reims, as Our Lord had commanded her. But first she took leave of those of Orléans, who all wept for joy and most humbly thanked her, offering themselves and their goods to her and to her will. Whom she thanked most benignantly, and undertook to make her holy journey; for she had done and accomplished the first, which was to raise the siege of Orléans. During which several fair feats of arms, skirmishes and assaults were done there, and other innumerable engines, novelties and subtleties of war devised, more than had been done a long time before before any other city, town or castle of this kingdom, as all the people knowing of such things said, both French and English, who had been present at the making and devising of them.

That same day (1), and on the morrow also, the churchmen, lords, captains, men-at-arms and burgesses who were and dwelt inside Orléans made most fair and solemn processions, and visited the churches with most great devotion. And in truth, although the burgesses had not been willing at the beginning, and before the siege was laid, to suffer any men of war to enter inside the city, fearing lest they should wish to pillage or master them too strongly, nevertheless they afterwards let as many enter as wished to come, after they knew that they meant only their defence, and bore themselves so valiantly against their enemies. And they were also most united with them to defend the city; and for this they shared them among themselves in their houses, and nourished them with such goods as God gave them, as familiarly as if they had been their own children.

(1) That same day must refer to Sunday 8 May, although the chronicler has already spoken of the departure of the Maid, which took place on the Monday.

A little time after, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Graville, the lord of Coarraze, Poton de Xaintrailles and several other knights, squires and men of war, of whom there were part bearing guisarmes, come thither from Bourges, Tours, Angers, Blois and other good towns of this kingdom, departed from Orléans and went before Jargeau, where they made several skirmishes which lasted more than three hours, to see whether they could besiege it. Who knew that they could yet gain nothing, because of the water which was high and filled the ditches. And for this they returned in safety; but the English were much damaged there, for a valiant knight of England called Messire Henry Bisset, then captain of that town, was slain there: at which they made great mourning.

While those skirmishes were being made, the Maid so wrought that she came to the King. Before whom, as soon as she saw him, she knelt most sweetly and, embracing him by the legs, said to him: Gentle Dauphin, come and take your consecration at Reims. I am much pressed that you should go, and doubt not that in that city you will receive your worthy

consecration. To whom the King made most great cheer, and so did all those of the court, considering the honest life of her and the great deeds and marvels of arms done by her conduct. Wherefore soon after the King summoned the lords, chiefs of war, captains and other wise men of his court; and held several councils at Tours, to know what was to be done touching the request of the Maid, who required so affectionately and instantly that he should draw to Reims and there be consecrated. Upon which there were divers opinions, for some counselled that they should first go into Normandy, and the others that they should rather aim to take certain principal places situated upon the river Loire. In the end the King and three or four of his most privy (1) drew apart, discoursing among themselves in great secret, that it would be good, to be the surer, to learn from the Maid what the voice said to her, and how she assured them thus firmly. But they feared to enquire the truth of her, for dread lest she should be ill content: which she knew by divine grace; wherefore she came to them and said to the King: In God’s name, I know what you are thinking and wish to say of the voice I have heard touching your consecration; and I will tell you: I had put myself in orison in my accustomed manner. I was complaining that they would not believe me in what I was saying; and then the voice said to me: Daughter (2), go, go, go; I

(1) This scene, which took place at Loches, happened in the presence of Christophe de Harcourt, Gérard Machet and Robert Le Maçon. See the deposition of Dunois, vol. III, p. 11.

(2) These words are taken from the rehabilitation trial; but the author of the chronicle refrained from writing fille de Dieu (daughter of God), which is the true reading.

will be in thy aid; go. And when this voice comes to me, I am so rejoiced it is a marvel. And in saying these words she lifted her eyes towards heaven, showing sign of great exultation.

These things thus heard, the King was again well joyful, and thereby concluded that he would believe her and would go to Reims; but nevertheless he would first have certain places upon the Loire taken; and during the time spent in taking them, he would assemble a great power of the princes and lords, men of war and others obedient to him. Wherefore he made his lieutenant general Jean, Duke of Alençon, newly delivered from England, where he had been prisoner since the battle of Verneuil until he came out of it, paying part of his ransom and giving pledges and hostages for the rest, which he discharged shortly after; and to do this he sold part of his land, intending to recover other of it by aiding and succouring the King his sovereign lord, who for this purpose gave him a great number of men-at-arms and artillery, and put the Maid in his company, commanding him expressly that he should act and do wholly by her counsel. And he did so, as one who took much pleasure in seeing her in his company; and so did the men-at-arms, and also those of the people, all holding and reputing her to be sent by Our Lord; and so she was. Wherefore the Duke of Alençon and she and their men-at-arms took leave of the King and took the field, keeping fair order. And they so wrought that in that estate they entered a little time after into Orléans, where they were received with very great joy by all the citizens, and above all the others the Maid, whom they could not have enough of seeing (1).

(1) The Maid’s second entry into Orléans took place on 9 June, according to the city’s expense accounts.

After the Duke of Alençon, the Maid, the Count of Vendôme, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, La Hire, Messire Florentin d’Illiers, Jamet de Tilloy, and a valiant gentleman already well renowned, called Tudual de Carmoisen (2), called Le Bourgoys, of the nation of Brittany, with several other men of war, had been a little while inside Orléans, they departed thence on Saturday the eleventh day of June, making in all about eight thousand fighting men, both on horse and on foot, of whom some bore guisarmes, axes, crossbows, and others lead mauls. And having a good deal of artillery carried and led, they went to lay the siege before the town of Jargeau, which held the English party; in which were Messire William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, and Messire John and Messire Alexander de la Pole, his brothers, and with them from six to seven hundred English fighting men, furnished with cannon and other artillery, most valiant in war, and they showed it well also in the assaults and skirmishes which were made there during that siege; which was half raised by the terrible words of certain men who said that it should be abandoned and they should go to meet Messire John Fastolf and the other chiefs of the contrary party, coming from Paris and bringing provisions and artillery with a good two thousand English fighting men, meaning to raise the

(2) Kermoisan. He perished in 1450 at the siege of Cherbourg by a culverin-ball. (Histoire d’Artus de Bretagne.)

siege, or at least to victual and give succour to the said town of Jargeau. And in fact several departed, and all the others would have done so had it not been for the Maid and certain lords and captains, who by fair words made them remain and recalled the others: so that the siege was laid again in a moment, and they began to skirmish against those of the town, who fired marvellously with cannon and other shot: with which they slew and wounded several French. And among the others the head was carried off, by a shot of one of their veuglaires, of a gentleman of Anjou who had placed himself about the spot; from which the Duke of Alençon, by the warning of the Maid showing him that he was in peril, had drawn back so suddenly that he was not yet two toises from it. All along that day and the following night the bombards and cannon of the French fired against the town of Jargeau; so that it was much battered; for with three shots of one of the bombards of Orléans, called Bergerie or Bergière (1), they brought down the greatest tower that was there.

(1) This doubt, which is found expressed not only in the editions but also in the manuscripts, is one more indication of the later redaction of the work.

Wherefore on the morrow, which was Sunday the twelfth day of June, the French men of war put themselves into the ditches with ladders and other things necessary to make assault, and assailed marvellously those within, who defended themselves a great while most virtuously. And in especial there was on the walls one of them who was very great and big, and armed at all points, bearing on his head a bascinet, who gave himself over most fiercely and cast marvellously great iron stones and continually beat down ladders and the men upon them. Which the Duke of Alençon showed to Master Jean the culverineer, so that he might aim his culverin at him. With the shot of which he struck through the breast the Englishman who thus showed himself so boldly uncovered, and threw him down all dead inside the town.

On the other side, during that assault, the Maid went down into the ditch with her standard, and to the place where the bitterest resistance was being made, and went so near the wall that an Englishman cast a great iron stone upon her head and struck her, so that he constrained her to sit down on the ground. And although the stone was of very hard flint, nevertheless it flew in pieces without doing much harm to the Maid; who rose up again straightway, showing virtuous courage, and then exhorted her people the more, saying that they should have no doubt, for the English had no longer any power to defend themselves against them, in which she told them the truth; for straightway after these words the French, being all assured of it, began to mount against the walls with such great boldness that they entered into the town and took it by assault.

When the Earl of Suffolk and his two brothers and several other lords of England saw that they could no longer defend the walls, they withdrew onto the bridge; but in withdrawing Messire Alexander, brother of the said Earl, was slain, and the said bridge was also soon after given up by the English, who knew it to be too weak to hold, and saw themselves surprised. Several valiant men of war pursued the English; and in especial there was a French gentleman named Guillaume Regnault, much desiring to take the Earl of Suffolk, who asked him whether he was a gentleman: to whom he answered yes; and again, whether he was a knight; and he said no. And then the said Earl made him a knight and yielded himself to him. And likewise Messire John de la Pole, his brother, and several other lords and men of war were there taken and made prisoners, of whom some were brought that evening by water and by night into Orléans, for fear lest they should be slain; for several others were slain on the way, because of a quarrel which arose among certain French over the share of the prisoners. And as for the town of Jargeau, and even the church whither a quantity of goods had been withdrawn, all was pillaged.

That same night the Duke of Alençon and the Maid also returned with several lords and men-at-arms into the city of Orléans, where they were received with very great joy. And from there they made known to the King the taking of Jargeau, and how the assault had lasted a good four hours, during which many fair feats of arms were done. And there were from four to five hundred English slain, besides the prisoners, who were of great renown, both in nobility and in deeds of war.

The Duke of Alençon and the Maid, sojourning a little while after that taking inside Orléans, where there were already from six to seven thousand fighting men, were joined there to strengthen the army by several lords, knights, squires, captains and valiant men-at-arms; and among the others, the lord of Laval and the lord of Lohéac, his brother; the lord of Chauvigny of Berry, the lord of La Tour of Auvergne, the Vidame of Chartres.

And about those days the King also came to Sully-sur-Loire. And in truth his army grew much, for from day to day there arrived people from all parts of the kingdom, obedient to him.

And then the Duke of Alençon, as lieutenant general of the King’s army, accompanied by the Maid, by Messire Louis de Bourbon, Count of Vendôme, and other lords, captains and men-at-arms in great number, both on foot and on horse, departed from Orléans with a great quantity of provisions, waggons and artillery, on Wednesday the fifteenth day of the said month of June, to go lay the siege before Beaugency, and on their way to assail the bridge of Meung-sur-Loire, although the English had fortified it and strongly furnished it with valiant men, who thought to defend it well. But notwithstanding their defence, it was taken by full assault, without much delay.

From there, keeping their order, they departed on the morrow early in the morning, and so wrought that they arrived before the town of Beaugency and entered into it, because the English had abandoned it and had withdrawn into the castle and onto the bridge, which they had fortified against them; although they did not lodge wholly at their ease, for certain of the English had secretly ambushed themselves inside certain houses and ruins of the town, whence they sallied suddenly upon the French as they were lodging, and delivered them a very strong skirmish. During which there were several slain and wounded on one side and the other; notwithstanding that in the end the English were constrained to withdraw onto the bridge and into the castle, which the French besieged on the side towards Beauce, and set bombards and cannon.

To that siege came Arthur, Count of Richemont, Constable of France, and brother of the Duke of Brittany, with whom was Jacques de Dinan, lord of Beaumanoir, brother of the lord of Châteaubriant. And there that Constable prayed the Maid, and the other lords also did for love of him, that she would make his peace with the King, and she granted it him, on condition that he should swear before her and the lords that he would ever loyally serve the King. And the Maid further wished that the Duke of Alençon and the other great lords should bind themselves and give their words: which they did; and by this means the Constable remained in the siege with the other lords. Who concluded that they would put part of their people towards Sologne, so that the English should be besieged on every side; but the Bailiff of Évreux, chief of the besieged, had a parley for a treaty requested of the Maid, which was granted him. At the end of which, which was about midnight of the night of that day, it was granted that the English, surrendering the castle and the bridge, might go away on the morrow and take their horses and harness, with certain of their movable goods, of which the value of each should not amount to more than a mark of silver; provided also that they swore they would not arm themselves until ten days were past. And on these conditions they departed on the said morrow, which was the eighteenth day of June, and put themselves inside Meung, and the French entered into the castle and reinforced it with men to guard it.

On the other side, on the same night that the composition to surrender the castle and the bridge of Beaugency was being made, the lords of Talbot and of Scales and Messire John Fastolf came, who, knowing of the taking of the town of Jargeau, had left at Étampes the provisions and artillery which they were bringing from Paris to succour it, and had come in great haste, meaning with the others to succour Beaugency, and thinking to make the siege abandoned; but they could not enter it, although they were four thousand fighting men, for they found the French in such order that they abandoned their enterprise. And they returned to the bridge of Meung, and assailed it most bitterly; but they were fain to leave it all and enter into the town, because of the vanguard of the French, which came most hastily after the taking of Beaugency, that day in the morning, and meant to fall upon them. Wherefore that same day they wholly abandoned the said town of Meung, and took to the road in the fields in fair order, meaning to go to Janville. And then, when the Duke of Alençon and the other French lords, who were coming after their vanguard, knew it, they hastened as much as they could with their army, ever keeping fair order, so that the English had no leisure to go as far as Janville, [but halted near a] village in Beauce named Patay (1).

(1) I supply the words between brackets to fill a lacuna which is marked by a blank in the Saint-Victor manuscript.

And because the Maid and several lords did not wish that the great battle should be taken from its pace, they chose La Hire, Poton, Jamet de Tilloy, Messire Ambroise de Loré, Thibault de Termes and other valiant men-at-arms on horseback, both of the people of the lord of Beaumanoir and others who put themselves in their company, and gave them charge to go ride and skirmish before the English, to hold them and keep them from withdrawing into a strong place. Which they did, and more besides, for they fell upon them with such boldness, although they were only from fourteen to fifteen hundred fighting men, that they put them to disarray and rout, notwithstanding that they were more than four thousand fighting men. Of whom there remained dead on the place about two thousand two hundred, both English and false French, and the others took to flight, to save themselves, towards Janville, where the people of the town shut their gates against them: wherefore they had to flee elsewhere at hazard. And thereby several of them were afterwards slain and taken, especially because the great battle had joined, upon the rout, with the first riders.

On that day the French gained much, for the lord of Talbot, the lord of Scales, Messire Thomas Rameston and another captain, called Hungerford, were taken there with several other lords and valiant men of England. And on the other side those of Janville did not lose either, to several of whom many of the English had given in keeping the greatest part of their money when they passed through, thinking to go succour Beaugency.

That same day those of Janville surrendered to the King and his people; and so did a gentleman, lieutenant of the captain, who put the French inside the great tower, to whom he swore to be good and loyal from thenceforth towards the King.

At the renown of that rout, from which several escaped by flight, and among others Messire John Fastolf, who saved himself inside Corbeil, the people of the English garrisons in the country of Beauce, such as Montpipeau, Saint-Sigismond and other strong and fortified places, were so terrified that they set fire to them and fled hastily. And contrariwise the hearts of the French grew, who assembled from every side at Orléans, thinking that the King was to come there to order the journey of his consecration: which he did not; at which those of the city, who had had it draped and adorned, were ill content, not considering the King’s affairs, who to conclude his estate was keeping himself at Sully-sur-Loire.

And for this the Duke of Alençon went thither, and all the lords and men of war who had been at the day of Patay and had thence withdrawn to Orléans; and in especial the Maid, who spoke to him of the Constable, showing him the good will he showed to have towards him, and the noble lords and valiant men of war of whom he was bringing him a good fifteen hundred fighting men; she prayed him to pardon him his ill will. Which the King did at her request, although, for love of the lord of La Trémoille, who had the greatest authority about him, he would not suffer him to be with him on the journey of his consecration; at which the Maid was very displeased, and so were several great lords, captains and other men of council, knowing that he was sending away many good men and valiant men. But nevertheless they dared not speak of it, because they saw that the King did wholly and entirely what it pleased the said lord of La Trémoille, to please whom he would not suffer the Constable to come to him. Wherefore he thought to employ elsewhere his men of war, who were much desirous to follow the wars, and wished to go besiege Marchesnoir, which is between Blois and Orléans. But when the English and Burgundians who were there in garrison were warned of it, they sent certain of them by safe-conduct to my lord the Duke of Alençon, who treated for the King with them, and gave them space of ten days to carry off their goods, and so wrought that they promised to be good and loyal French and to put the place into the King’s hand; for which they gave hostages, for greater surety. And to do this, and on that condition, the King was to pardon them all offences. After which treaty the Duke of Alençon sent word to the Constable that he should proceed no further, and neither did he; but the traitors perjured themselves, for when they learned that the Constable, for fear of whom they had made that treaty, was departing, they so wrought, during the term of ten days, that they took by cunning certain of the people of the Duke of Alençon and led them prisoners inside their place of Marchesnoir, so that they might have back their hostages; and for this they did not surrender it, but held it as before.

On the Sunday after the feast of Saint John the Baptist (1),

(1) This was 26 June.

that same year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, Bonny was surrendered to Messire Louis de Culant, Admiral of France, who had gone to besiege it with a great company by the King’s ordinance. Who had sent to fetch Queen Mary, his wife, daughter of the late Louis, King of Sicily, second of that name, because several were of the opinion that he should bring her to be crowned with him at Reims. And a few days after she was brought to him at Gien, where he held several councils to conclude the manner most fitting for him to keep on the journey of his consecration. At the end of which councils it was concluded that the King should send the Queen back to Bourges, and that without besieging Cosne and La Charité-sur-Loire, which certain advised to take by force before his departure, he should take to the road: which was done, for the Queen being led back to Bourges, the King took his way towards Reims.

And he departed from Gien on Saint Peter’s day, in that month of June, accompanied by the Maid, by the Duke of Alençon, by the Count of Clermont, afterwards Duke of Bourbon, by the Count of Vendôme, by the lord of Laval, by the Count of Boulogne, by the Bastard of Orléans, by the lord of Lohéac, by the Marshals of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, by the Admiral of Culant and by the lords of Thouars, of Sully, of Chaumont-sur-Loire, of Prie, of Chauvigny and of La Trémoille, by La Hire, by Poton, by Jamet de Tilloy, [Tudual de Carmoisen] called Bourgois (1), and by several other lords, nobles, valiant captains and gentlemen, with about twelve thousand fighting men, all worthy, bold,

(1) I supply, conformably to the enumeration of p. 170, the name of the lord of Kermoisan, which is missing in the editions and in the manuscripts.

valiant and of great courage, as they had shown before and then, and also afterwards in their deeds and valiant enterprises, and in especial in this journey. During which they passed going and repassed returning, frankly and without fearing anything, through the countries and districts of which the towns, castles, bridges and passages were furnished with English and Burgundians.

And in especial they came, keeping their way, to present the siege and assault before the city of Auxerre. And in fact it seemed to the Maid and to several lords and captains that it was easy to take by assault, and they wished to essay it. But those of the city secretly gave two thousand écus to the lord of La Trémoille, so that he might keep them from being assailed; and they also gave the King’s host many provisions, which were most necessary. And thereby they made no obedience: at which the greater part of the army was much discontent, and especially the Maid; although for all that nothing else was done. But nevertheless the King remained there about three days, and then departed with all his host and went towards Saint-Florentin, which was surrendered to him peaceably.

And from there he drew as far as Troyes, where he had those of the city summoned to make him obedience: whereat they would do nothing, but shut their gates and prepared to defend themselves if they were to be assailed. And moreover there sallied out from five to six hundred English and Burgundians who were there in garrison, and came to skirmish against the King’s army as it arrived and lodged round that city. But they were made to re-enter most hastily and in great rout by certain valiant captains and men-at-arms of the King’s army, which kept itself there as it were in siege for the space of five days. During which those of the host suffered several hardships of hunger; for there were from five to six thousand of them who were near eight days without eating bread. And in fact many would have died of famine, had it not been for the abundance of beans which had been sown that year by the admonishment of a Cordelier named Brother Richard, who in the Advents of Christmas and before had preached through the country of France in divers places and said among other things in his sermon: Sow, good people, sow plenty of beans; for he who is to come will come right soon. And so it was that for that famine, and also because the Trojans would not make obedience, the King was counselled by certain to turn back without passing further, considering that the city of Châlons and even that of Reims were also in the hands of the adversaries.

But as that thing was being treated in the council before the King, and as by the mouth of Master Regnault de Chartres, then Archbishop of Reims, Chancellor of France, several lords and captains had already been required to say their opinion on it; and after most of them had shown that, because of the strength of the city of Troyes and the want of artillery and of money, it was better to turn back: Master Robert Le Maçon, who was a man of great counsel and had aforetime been Chancellor, said in effect, being required to declare his opinion, that they ought to speak of it expressly to the Maid, by whose counsel the said journey had been undertaken, and that perchance she would find a good means. Which came to pass, for as they were thus concluding, she knocked hard at the door of the council, and after she had entered, the Chancellor set forth to her in brief words the causes which had moved the King to undertake the said journey, and those which moved him to abandon it. Whereupon she answered most wisely, and said that if the King would remain, the city of Troyes would be put into his obedience within two or three days, either for love or by force. And the Chancellor said to her: Joan, whoever could be certain within six days, we should wait well enough. To which she answered again that she had no doubt of it: wherefore it was concluded to wait (1).

(1) Cf. the account of Jean Chartier, above, p. 73.

And then she mounted on a charger, holding a staff in her hand, and had all things made ready in great diligence to assail and to have cannon fired: at which the Bishop and several of the city marvelled much. Who, considering that the King was their rightful and sovereign lord, and also the deeds and enterprises of the Maid, and the report that ran of her that she was sent of God: required to parley. And the Bishop issued out with certain good people, both of war and citizens, who made composition that the men of war should go away, they and their goods, and those of the city should have general abolition. And the King willed that the churchmen who had benefices under Henry, King of England, should keep them firm; but only that they should take new titles from him (2). And under those conditions, on the

(2) See the articles of the treaty printed in the Recueil des Ordonnances, vol. XIII, p. 112.

morrow in the morning, the King and the greater part of the lords and captains, most well equipped, entered into the said city of Troyes. In which there were before several prisoners, whom those of the garrison were taking away by the treaty; but the Maid would not suffer it, when it came to departing, and for this the King redeemed them and paid their masters somewhat.

That same day the King put captains and other officers on his behalf in that city. And the following day all those of his army passed through it, who the evening before had remained in the fields under the guard of Messire Ambroise de Loré.

After that the King departed with all his host at the admonishment of the Maid, who pressed him much, and so wrought that he came to Châlons and entered there in very great joy: for the Bishop and the burgesses came to meet him and made him full obedience. Wherefore he put captains and officers there on his behalf, and departed and went towards Reims. And because that city was not in his obedience, he lodged four leagues off, at a castle named Septsaulx (1), which belongs to the Archbishop. At which those of Reims were much moved, and in especial the lords of Châtillon-sur-Marne and of Saveuse, who were there in garrison on behalf of the English and Burgundians, who had the citizens assembled and told them that if they would hold out for six weeks, they would bring them succour. And after, with their own consent, they departed. Who, being not yet far gone,

(1) It is from Septsaulx, 18 July, that the abolition granted by Charles VII to the inhabitants of Reims is dated.

the burgesses held public counsel, and by the will of all the inhabitants sent to the King, who gave them full abolition, and they delivered to him the keys of the city. Into which that day in the morning, which was Saturday, the Archbishop entered and made his entry, for since he had been made Archbishop he had not entered it. And after dinner, towards evening, the King entered it with his army entire; in which was Joan the Maid, who was much gazed upon by all. And thither came also René, Duke of Bar and of Lorraine, brother of the King of Sicily, and also the lord of Commercy, well accompanied by men of war, offering themselves to his service.

On the morrow, which was Sunday the [seven]teenth day of July, that same year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine (1), the lords of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, Marshals of France, the lord of Graville and the lord of Culant, Admiral of France, were sent by the King, according to the ancient custom, to Saint-Remi to fetch the holy ampulla. Who swore the accustomed oaths (that is, they promised to conduct it and reconduct it surely), and the Abbot bore it most devoutly and solemnly, being vested in pontifical habit, having upon him a rich cope of gold, as far as before the church of Saint-Denis. And thither came the Archbishop, likewise vested

(1) The author of the Chronique de la Pucelle interpolates this: It was ordained that the King would take and receive his worthy consecration; and all night great diligence was made that all should be ready in the morning. And it was a most marvellous case; for there were found in the said city all the necessary things which are great, although those which are kept at Saint-Denis in France could not be had.

and accompanied by the canons, and took it and bore it into the church, and set it upon the high altar of Our Lady of Reims. Before which came the King, clad as belonged; to whom the Archbishop had the accustomed oaths made which are made to the true kings of France wishing to receive the holy unction. And straightway after, the King was made a knight by the Duke of Alençon, and that done, the Archbishop consecrated and crowned him, keeping the ceremonies and pronouncing the orisons, blessings and exhortations contained in the pontifical made proper to that holy unction; which accomplished, the King, by great excellence, made the lord of Laval a count. And on the other side the Duke of Alençon and the Count of Clermont there made several knights. And after the service the holy ampulla was borne back and conducted as it had been brought.

When the Maid saw that the King was consecrated and crowned, she knelt before him in the presence of all the lords and, embracing him by the legs, said to him, weeping with hot tears (1): Gentle King, now is executed the pleasure of God, who willed that I should raise the siege of Orléans and bring you into this city of Reims to receive your holy unction, showing that you are true King, and he to whom the kingdom of France must belong. And she moved to great pity all those who beheld her.

(1) Variant of the Chronique de la Pucelle: There was present Joan the Maid, holding her standard in her hand; who in effect was, after God, the cause of the said unction and coronation and of all this assembly. And whoever had seen the said Maid embrace the King on her knees by the legs and kiss his foot, weeping, would have had pity of it. She even moved several to weep in saying, etc.

That day and the two days following the King sojourned at Reims, and after went (1) to Saint-Marcoul, by whose merit the kings of France obtained the divine grace by which they cure the scrofula; and they must also go there forthwith after their holy unction: which the King did and accomplished. And having come there, he made his orisons and offerings; from which place he came to a little walled town named Vailly, in the valley, four leagues from Soissons. The burgesses of which city of Soissons brought him thither the keys, and so did those of the city of Laon, to whom he had sent his heralds to require them to open; but on departing from Vailly he went into Soissons, where he was received with very great joy by all those of the city, who much loved him and desired his coming. And there came to him the most joyful news that Château-Thierry, Crécy-en-Brie, Provins, Coulommiers and several other towns had returned into his obedience.

(1) The Chronique de la Pucelle expands this passage thus: To a priory which belongs to the church of Saint-Remy, named Corbeny, situated about six leagues from Reims, where is the body of a glorious saint who was of the blood of France, named Saint Marcoul.

When the King had sojourned some time in that city of Soissons, he departed and went to Château-Thierry, and thence to Provins, where he kept himself three or four days, and ordained his army in battle, and took the field towards a place called La Motte de Nangis (2), awaiting the Duke of Bedford, who had issued from Paris and, passing by Corbeil, arrived at Melun, whence

(2) La Motte de Nangis in the Chronique de la Pucelle. It is the correct reading.

he had set out with more than ten thousand fighting men, saying that he would fight him. But he changed purpose and returned to Paris, although he had well as many men as the King. Who had certain people in his company who so desired to return beyond the river Loire that, to please them, he had concluded to do it. But those of Bray, where he thought to cross the Seine, and who had promised to deliver him the entry, put into their town a great company of English and Burgundians on the evening before he was to pass: at which the Dukes of Bar and of Alençon and the Counts of Vendôme and of Laval, with the other captains and valiant men of war, were ill content, against whose will the King thus wished to turn back. And their opinion was that he should set about reconquering more and more, seeing that the power of the English had not dared fight him. Wherefore they made him return to Château-Thierry (1), and thence to Crépy-en-Valois, from which place he came to lodge his host in the fields quite near Dammartin-en-Goële. To meet whom the French people ran from every side, crying Noël and singing Te Deum laudamus and devout anthems, versicles and responses, and making marvellous feast, gazing above all at the Maid. Who, considering their bearing, wept most hard, and drawing aside, said to the Count of Dunois: In God’s name, here is good and devout people, and I would that I might die in this country when I must

(1) The Chronique de la Pucelle adds: on the Vigil of Our Lady of mid-August.

die. And the said Count then asked her: Joan, do you know when you will die, and in what place? To which she answered no, and that it was in the will of God; saying moreover to him and to the other lords: I have accomplished what Messire had commanded me, which was to raise the siege of Orléans and have the King consecrated. I would that it might please Him to have me led back to my father and my mother, so that I might keep my sheep and my cattle, and do what I used to do (1). And in rendering thanks to Our Lord she lifted her eyes most humbly towards heaven. By which words, which they saw to be true, and by her manner, they all firmly believed that she was a holy maid and sent of God; and so she was.

(1) All this conversation is taken from the deposition of the Count of Dunois (see vol. III, p. 14); but the words concerning the accomplishment of the mission have been added.

When the Duke of Bedford, uncle and lieutenant general of King Henry, and on his behalf governing the cities and towns and places holding his party in this kingdom, learned that the King was in the fields about Dammartin, he departed from Paris with a very great number of men of war, and came to lodge towards Mitry, near the said Dammartin, and put himself in his army, which he ordained by battles in fair order and a most advantageous place. Which was made known to the King; who had his people ordained likewise, in intention to await and receive the adversaries in battle, or to go assail them if they put themselves or were found in like place. But the English showed no semblance of wishing to assail them, for on the contrary they had put themselves in a most advantageous and fortified place: as was seen, perceived and reported by La Hire and certain other valiant captains and men of war, who that day, to see their bearing and whether it was lawful to assail them, went and made great skirmish against them in several places and divers times, from morning until night; although there was then as it were no damage on one side or the other. After which skirmishes the Duke of Bedford returned with his army into Paris, and the King drew towards Crépy-en-Valois, whence he sent his heralds to summon and require those of Compiègne to put themselves in his obedience; who answered that they would do it most willingly.

About those days certain French lords went inside the city of Beauvais, of which the bishop and count was Master Pierre Cauchon, much inclined to the English party, although he was a native of the parts of Reims. But notwithstanding, those of the city put themselves in the full obedience of the King as soon as they saw his heralds bearing his arms, and all cried in very great joy: Long live Charles, King of France! they sang Te Deum, and made great rejoicings. And that done, they gave leave to all those who would not remain in that obedience, and let them go away peaceably and carry off their goods.

A few days after, the Duke of Bedford sallied out of Paris again to come to Senlis with all his former army, increased by four thousand English whom his uncle, the Cardinal of England, had brought from beyond the sea, under colour of leading them against the Bohemian heretics; but, falsifying his promises, he employed them against the French, most true Christians, although they had been paid with the Church’s money (1). Which came to the King’s knowledge; who had departed, leading his host to go to Compiègne, and had lodged at a village named Baron (2), two leagues from the said city of Senlis, which held the English and Burgundian party. And for this he ordained that Messire Ambroise de Loré, afterwards Provost of Paris, and the lord of Xaintrailles should go, well mounted, towards Paris and elsewhere where it should seem good to them, and observe truly the doings of the Duke of Bedford and of his host. Who, having with them certain of their best-mounted men, departed at once and so wrought that they drew so near the host of the English that they saw and perceived on the highway between Paris and Senlis great clouds of dust, whereby they knew that they were coming. And on this occasion they sent one of their men hastily to the King, signifying to him the coming of the adversaries; and notwithstanding this they waited so long that they perceived and knew truly all the army, and what it might amount to, and how

(1) See in Rymer, vol. X, p. 424, the articles of the agreement concluded between the Council of England and the Cardinal, dated 1 July 1429, to convert the army of the faith into a simple levy destined to reinforce the armies in France.

(2) This itinerary is not comprehensible, for to go from Crépy to Baron is to turn one’s back on Compiègne. The King, in going to Baron, was turning aside to intercept the passage of the English army, intending to return later upon Compiègne.

it was drawing towards the said city of Senlis: which by another of their men they sent again to tell the King hastily. Who had all his battles ordained and came with most great diligence with all his army into the fields; and they drew straight to Senlis; so they took the way between the river which passes at Baron (1), and a mount called Montépilloy.

(1) This is the Nonette.

On the other side the Duke of Bedford arrived at the hour of vespers with all his host near Senlis, and set about crossing a little river which comes from that city to Baron; although the passage by which he thus crossed his army was so narrow that only two horses could pass abreast. Wherefore, as soon as the lords of Loré and of Xaintrailles saw them begin to cross that dangerous passage, they returned as hastily as they could to the King, and certified to him what they had seen. At which he was much joyful, and had his battles ordained and drawn straight to meet the English, thinking to fight them at that passage; but the army of the French could not come there so soon but that the greater part of the English had already crossed. And so the two armies drew so near that they sighted one another, and they were but a little league one from the other. From each of which, although it was already towards sunset, several valiant men and men of war departed, and skirmished one against another divers times; in which most fair feats of arms were done. The night making them cease, the

English lodged along the bank of that river, and the French were lodged towards Montépilloy.

On the morrow in the morning the King had his army most diligently ordained by battles, and made it into three parts, of the first of which (that is, of the vanguard), and where there were most men, he gave the charge to the Duke of Alençon and the Count of Vendôme. Of the second, which was to be in the middle, the conductor was René, then Duke of Bar and of Lorraine, and afterwards King of Sicily and Duke of Anjou. In the third, in which there were several lords and most valiant men-at-arms, and which was as it were the rear-guard, [the King] himself wished to be; and he had with him the Duke of Bourbon and the lord of La Trémoille, with a great number of knights and squires. For the wings of which three battles the Marshals of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais were ordained and had the charge, to whom were given several knights, squires and men of war of divers estates. And over and above all these ordnances, there was reserved to make skirmishes, reinforce and succour the other battles if need were, another battle of most valiant lords, captains and other men of war, whose conductors, having the charge, were the Maid, the Bastard of Orléans, the Count of Albret and La Hire. And as for all the archers, the conduct belonged to the lord of Graville and a knight of Limousin called Messire John Foucault.

Which ordnances thus made, the King rode rather far from these three battles several times before the army of the English, of which the Duke of Bedford was chief, who had in his company the Bastard of Saint-Pol and many Picards and Burgundians, with several other knights, squires and men of war, being in ordered battle near a village (1), and having at their back a great pond. Who notwithstanding had not ceased all night, and were still busy fortifying themselves in great diligence, both with stakes and ropes and with ditches. Wherefore when the King, who by the counsel of all the lords of his blood there present and other lords, knights, squires, captains and most valiant men-at-arms, had taken the conclusion to fight the English and their allies if they put themselves and were found in equal place: was warned by certain valiant captains and men knowing in arms of the manner they kept; how they were lodged in a place strong of itself and had fortified and were fortifying themselves with ditches and stakes: he saw well that there was no appearance of being able to assail or fight them without too great damage to his men. But notwithstanding this he had his battles drawn within two crossbow shots of the English, and had them signified that he would fight them if they would sally from their park. Which they would not do, although there were very great and marvellous skirmishes, for several valiant French often went both on foot and on horse as far as the fortification of the English to move them to sally; so that a great number of them sallied at divers times and drove back the French. Who, reinforced and succoured by certain of their own, again pursued

(1) Notre-Dame de la Victoire.

the English, who likewise heartened and helped by others of their people sallying anew, charged again upon the French and made them recoil, until fresh men of their great battles came to join with them, by whose force and valiance they regained ground against their enemies. And so they passed that day without ceasing until near sunset.

In these sallies and oft-renewed skirmishes the lord of La Trémoille wished to go; who, being mounted on a most handsome charger and richly arrayed, and holding his lance in his fist, struck his horse with the spurs, which by chance fell to the ground and cast him into the midst of the enemies: by whom he was in great danger of being slain or taken; but to succour and remount him great diligence was made. Wherefore he got himself remounted with very great difficulty, for at that hour the skirmish was very strong; and so it was that about sunset several French gathered together and came most valiantly to present themselves right against the fortification of the English, and there fought them and skirmished hand to hand a great space of time, until several of them, both on foot and on horse, sallied out of their park in great strength and made them draw back. Against whom there sallied likewise from the King’s battles a great number of most valiant lords, knights, squires and other men-at-arms, and mingled themselves among their people against the English. And on that occasion the heaviest and most dangerous skirmish of the whole day was then made; and they mingled so closely that the dust rose so thick about them that one could not know nor discern which were French or English; and so it was that, although the two contrary battles were very near one another, they could not see one another. That last skirmish lasted until close night, which parted the French from the English, of whom on one side and the other several were that day slain, wounded and taken prisoners. The English withdrew and lodged all together inside their park and fortification, as they had done the night before; and the French, all assembled, also went to lodge half a league from them, near Montépilloy, as they had done the evening before. And when the morrow’s morning came, the English took to the road and went to Paris; and the King and his army returned towards Crépy-en-Valois.

The following night the King lodged inside Crépy, and on the morrow went to Compiègne, where he was received grandly and honourably by those of the town, who not long before had put themselves in his obedience: wherefore he put officers there on his behalf. In especial he made captain a valiant gentleman of the country of Picardy called Guillaume de Flavy, who was of a most noble house (1).

(1) He had warred in the Argonne in the preceding years. It was the burgesses of Compiègne who asked for him as captain, when Charles VII had already provided La Trémoille with that office. He was nonetheless accepted on 18 August 1429, the very day of the King’s entry (manuscript notes on Compiègne after the archives of Saint-Corneille, in the Bibliothèque du Roi, at the Louvre).

To the said town of Compiègne those of the cities of Beauvais and of Senlis sent, and put themselves in the obedience of the King; who departed from Compiègne towards the end of the month of August and went into Senlis. And when the Duke of Bedford knew it, he departed from Paris with a very great army of men of war; and doubting lest the King should mean to go reconquer Normandy, he went thither and put his people into several places he held in that country in divers places holding the English party, and furnished them with provisions and artillery; leaving at Paris Messire Louis of Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, calling himself Chancellor of France for King Henry, and with him Messire John Ratcliff (1), an English knight, and Messire Simon Morhier; who had in their company two thousand fighting men for the guard and defence of Paris.

(1) Hathelet in the Chronique de la Pucelle. See the reading of Jean Chartier, above, p. 88.

On the other side, the King having ordained officers and captains on his behalf at Senlis, departed thence about the last day of that month and came to the town of Saint-Denis, of which full obedience was made to him. And he was there two days, during which several raids and skirmishes were made by the French there present against the English of Paris; in which several fair feats of arms were done on one side and the other.

And on the third day the Maid departed, and the Duke of Alençon, the Duke of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, the Count of Laval and the Marshals of Sainte-Sévère and of Rais, La Hire, Poton and several other valiant knights, captains and squires, with a great number of valiant men of war, and came to lodge in a village called La Chapelle, which is on the road and as it were midway between Paris and Saint-Denis.

And on the following morrow they came to put themselves in fair order in the Marché-aux-Pourceaux, before the Porte Saint-Honoré, and had several cannon placed, with which they had shot fired in several places and often into Paris. Where the men of war who were there in garrison were in arms, and also the people, and had several standards of divers colours carried, wheeling, going and returning around the walls within; among which there was one very great with a red cross. Certain French lords wished to draw nearer, and in especial the lord of Saint-Vallier, a Dauphinois, who so wrought that he and his men went and set fire to the boulevard and to the barrier of the said Porte Saint-Honoré. And although there were several English to defend them, nevertheless they had to withdraw by that gate and re-enter Paris; whereby the French took and gained by force the barrier and the boulevard. And because they thought that the English might sally by the Porte Saint-Denis to fall upon the French who were before the Porte Saint-Honoré, the Dukes of Alençon and of Bourbon ambushed themselves behind the mount which is near and against the said Marché des Pourceaux (and nearer they could not put themselves, for fear of the cannon, veuglaires and culverins which those of Paris kept firing without ceasing); but they lost their labour, for those of Paris dared not sally out of the city. Wherefore the Maid, seeing their cowardly bearing, resolved to assail them right to the foot of their wall.

And in fact she came to present herself before them to do this, having with her several lords and a great company of men-at-arms and several lords, among whom was the Marshal of Rais, who all in fair order put themselves on foot and descended into the first ditch. In which they being, she mounted the ridge and descended thence into the second ditch, and put her lance into it in divers places, feeling and essaying what depth of water and mud there was. In doing which she was a great space, and so long that a crossbowman of Paris pierced her thigh with a bolt; but notwithstanding this she would not depart thence, and made most great diligence to have faggots and wood brought and thrown into the said ditch to fill it, so that she and the men of war might pass as far as the walls: which did not then seem possible, because the water there was too deep, and she had not a great enough multitude of men to do it, and also because night was near. Notwithstanding which she still kept herself upon that ditch, and would not return or withdraw in any manner, for prayer and request which several made her, who at divers times went to require her to depart thence, showing her that she ought to leave that enterprise: until the Duke of Alençon sent to fetch her and had her withdraw, and all the army, into the said village of La Villette (1), where they lodged that night, as they had done the evening before.

(1) Read La Chapelle.

And on the morrow they all returned to Saint-Denis; in which town the Maid was much praised for the good will and bold courage she had shown, in wishing to assail so strong a city and so well furnished with men and artillery as was the city of Paris. And certainly some said afterwards that, if things had been well conducted, there was very great appearance that she would have had her will of it; for several notable persons then being inside Paris, who knew King Charles, the seventh of that name, to be their sovereign lord and the true heir of the kingdom of France, and how with great wrong and by cruel vengeance they had been separated and taken from his lordship and obedience and put into the hand of King Henry of England, aforetime dead, and since continuing under King Henry his son, then usurping a great part of the kingdom: would have put themselves, as they afterwards did six years after, and been brought back into the obedience of their sovereign lord, and would have made him full opening of his principal city of Paris. Which at that time they did not do, for the causes alleged above. Wherefore the King, who then saw that they showed no semblance of wishing to yield to him, held several councils inside the town of Saint-Denis; at the end of which it was advised that, seeing the manner of those of the city of Paris, the great power of the English and Burgundians who were inside it, and also that he had not money enough, nor could have it there, to maintain so great an army, he would make the Duke of Bourbon his lieutenant general. Which he did, and ordained him to remain in the towns, cities and places obedient to him on this side of the river Loire; and to put great garrisons in them, and guard and defend them, he gave him a great number of men-at-arms and plenty of artillery.

And beyond that ordnance, he willed and commanded that the Count of Vendôme and the Admiral of Culant should keep themselves at Saint-Denis, to whom he also gave several men-at-arms, so that they might keep the garrison. And that done, he departed on the twelfth day of September, and went to Lagny-sur-Marne, whence he departed on the morrow, and there ordained captain Messire Ambroise de Loré, to whom he gave Messire John Foucault, with several men of war. And he drew thence on the morrow to Provins, and thence to Bray-sur-Seine, which the inhabitants brought back to his obedience. And then he went to pass before Sens, which made him no opening; but he had to ford, a little below, the river Yonne, and draw to Courtenay, whence he went to Château-Renard and to Montargis, and at last to Gien, where he tarried some days, thinking to have accord with the Duke of Burgundy, who had sent him word by the lord of Chargny that he would get him Paris, and that he would come there in person (1). And on this occasion the King had sent him a safe-conduct, so that he might pass without hindrance through the places and passages obedient to him; and so he did, although, he being arrived at Paris, he kept nothing of what he had promised; but made alliance with the Duke of Bedford against the King, far stronger than before; and notwithstanding this, by virtue of the safe-conduct, he passed surely and frankly through all the countries, towns and passages of the King’s obedience, and returned to his countries of Picardy and of Flanders. And the King, who was truly informed, crossed the river Loire and returned to Bourges, whence he

(1) Cf. the account of the Herald Berry, above, p. 48.

had departed at the request and supplication of the Maid, who had told him beforehand all that befell him of the raising of the siege of Orléans, and of his holy unction, and also of his frank return, as Our Lord had revealed to her.

In thanking Whom and praising Him for His grace, end is made by His divine grant to this present and most compendious treatise, entitled Of the Siege of Orléans laid by the English and of the coming and valiant deeds of Joan the Maid, and how she made them depart thence, and had Charles the Seventh consecrated at Reims, by divine grace and force of arms.

CHRONICLE OF THE MAID. #

Here is a work without an author’s name which, if the title given it is to be believed, would be the document par excellence on Joan of Arc. It was published for the first time by Denys Godefroy in the Histoire de Charles VII. The editor, according to his habit, took no care to say where he had found the text, and nobody has known since.

This chronicle begins at the accession of Charles VII in 1422, and stops abruptly in the year 1429, at the moment when the King takes the road back to Bourges after the check received before Paris. It is far from having the character of originality attributed to it. Part of what it contains on the Maid is only the slightly modified copy either of Jean Chartier or of the Journal of the Siege paraphrasing Jean Chartier; so that these borrowings alone carry its composition beyond 1467. Other portions of the account are made from the rehabilitation trial. There are recognised in it the most important passages of the depositions of Dunois, of the Duke of Alençon, of Brother Séguin. Nevertheless, divers details belonging properly to the Chronicle of the Maid must have been furnished by witnesses or actors in the events of 1429: the proof is in a passage where a certain question is reported which a notable but unnamed master of requests put to the Maid, and who is not among the witnesses heard at the trial. Elsewhere it is the author himself who puts himself forward as having heard the greatest French captains speak on the matter: a circumstance from which it follows that if this author wrote after the writer of the Journal of the Siege, at least he was not separated from him by a great interval of time, since he could still know some of the captains contemporary with Joan of Arc.

Independently of the sources already pointed out, the very substance of the Chronicle of the Maid, that which forms the canvas of the narrative up to the King’s departure for Reims, is taken almost word for word from an unpublished work bearing the title: The Deeds of the Noble French descended from the royal line of the noble King Priam of Troy down to the noble Charles, son of King Charles the Sixth, who was so loved of the nobles and of all others. It is a chronicle which takes things up from the beginning of the world and carries them to the arrival of Charles VII before Troyes in 1429. There is a copy of it among the manuscripts of the Royal Library (no. 10297), which was executed for Duke Charles of Orléans about the time when the narrative ends, that is, in 1429 or 1430. Now our anonymous compiler has copied this work entire, and that with such fidelity that he has sewn into it, but not fused, the different versions of the same facts drawn by him from other sources. Hence the double accounts which will be noticed below, concerning the arrival of Joan of Arc, concerning the siege of Jargeau, etc., etc.

I have applied to the extracts of the Chronicle of the Maid a division by paragraphs which will bring out before the reader’s eyes each of the borrowings of which it is formed. Those of these paragraphs which belong to the Gestes des Nobles français are marked with an asterisk at the head of the paragraph; I indicate the provenance of the others by references to the sources. In this way the paragraphs bearing no indication are those which belong properly to the compiler. As from the surrender of Troyes the narrative is no more than a copy of the Journal of the Siege, to reproduce that part of the chronicle would have been useless. I have stopped my extracts there, having carried into a note under the Journal of the Siege two or three variants, the only ones which oppose the perfect conformity of the two works.

Our text will not be found quite in conformity with that of Godefroy: the style had been modernised at the printing by the editor. We have restored it after his own manuscript preserved in the library of the Institut (no. 245).

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine there was a young girl of the marches of Vaucouleurs, a native of a village named Domremy, of the election of Langres, which is all one with the village of Greux, daughter of Jacques Darc and of Isabelle his wife, a simple village girl, who had been accustomed sometimes to keep the beasts; and when she was not keeping them, she learned to sew, or else she span. She was aged from seventeen to eighteen years, well formed of limbs and strong; who one day, without leave of father or mother (not but that she held them in great honour and reverence, and feared and dreaded them; but she dared not reveal herself to them, for fear lest they should hinder her enterprise), came to Vaucouleurs to Messire Robert de Baudricourt, a valiant knight holding the King’s party, who had in his place plenty of valiant men of war, warring upon the Burgundians as well as others holding the party of the King’s enemies; and Joan said to him simply the words which follow: Captain messire, know that God, for some time past, has several times made known to me and commanded that I should go to the gentle Dauphin, who must be and is true King of France; and that he should give me men-at-arms, and that I should raise the siege of Orléans and lead him to be consecrated at Reims. Which things Messire Robert reputed a mockery and derision, imagining that it was a dream or fancy; and it seemed to him she would be good for his men, for them to sport with in sin; and there were some who had a will to essay it; but as soon as they saw her they were cooled and had no will for it (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 118.

She still pressed the said captain instantly to send her to the King, and had him get her man’s clothing, and horse and companions to conduct her; and among other things she said to him: In God’s name, you take too long to send me; for today the gentle Dauphin has had quite near Orléans a very great loss, and he will be in case to have a greater one still if you do not send me to him right soon. Which captain put the said words into his memory and thought, and learned afterwards that on the said day the Constable of Scotland and the lord of Orval were discomfited by the English. And the said captain was in great thought what he should do with her; so he deliberated and concluded that he would send her; and he had made for her a man’s robe and hood, jerkin, hose for fastening boots and spurs, and gave her a horse and a varlet, then ordained to two gentlemen of the country of Champagne that they should conduct her: one of the gentlemen named Jean de Metz and the other Bertrand de Poulengy; who made great difficulty of it, and not without cause; for they had to pass through the dangers and perils of the enemies. The said Joan well knew the fear and dread they showed; so she said to them: In God’s name, lead me to the gentle Dauphin, and have no doubt, that neither you nor I shall have any hindrance. And it is to be known that she called the King only Dauphin until he was consecrated. And then the said companions concluded that they would lead her to the King, who was then at Chinon (1).

(1) Amplified version of the Journal of the Siege. See p. 125.

So they departed and passed by Auxerre and several other towns, villages and passages of the enemies’ country, and also by the countries obedient to the King, where all pillaging and robbing reigned, without their having or finding any hindrances, and came as far as the town of Chinon. They themselves said that they had passed certain rivers by ford, right deep, and passages renowned perilous, without any inconvenience; at which they marvelled. They being arrived in the said town of Chinon, the King summoned the gentlemen who had come in her company, and had them questioned in his presence; who knew naught to say but what is recited above (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 126.

So the King and those of his council had great doubt whether the said Joan should speak to the King or not, and whether he should have her come to him; whereon there were divers opinions and imaginings, and it was concluded that she should see the King. The said Joan was brought into his presence, and said that they should not deceive her, and that they should show her him to whom she had to speak. The King was well accompanied, and although several feigned that they were the King, nevertheless she addressed herself to him quite plainly, and told him that God sent her there to aid and succour him; and that he should give her men, and she would raise the siege of Orléans, and would lead him to be consecrated at Reims; and that it was God’s pleasure that his enemies the English should go away into their own country; that the kingdom must remain to him; and that if they did not go, it would go ill with them (2).

(2) Ibid., p. 127.

After these things thus done and said, she was led back to her lodging, and the King assembled his council to know what he had to do: where was the Archbishop of Reims, his Chancellor, and several prelates, churchmen and laymen. So it was advised that certain doctors in theology should speak to her and examine her, and with them also canonists and legists; and so it was done. She was examined and questioned at divers times and by divers persons: whereat it was a marvellous thing how she bore herself in her case, and what she said was charged upon her on God’s behalf, how she spoke greatly and notably, seeing that in other things she was the simplest shepherdess that ever was seen. Among other things, they marvelled at how she told Messire Robert de Baudricourt, on the day of the battle of Rouvray, otherwise called of the Herrings, what had befallen; and also at the manner of her coming, and how she had arrived without hindrance as far as Chinon (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 128.

One day she wished to speak to the King in private, and said to him: Gentle Dauphin, why do you not believe me? I tell you that God has pity on you, on your kingdom and on your people; for Saint Louis and Charlemagne are on their knees before Him, making prayer for you; and I will tell you, if it please you, such a thing that it will give you to know that you must believe me. Nevertheless she was content that some few of his people should be there, and in the presence of the Duke of Alençon, of the lord of Trèves, of Christofle de Harcourt, and of Master Gérard Machet, his confessor, whom he made swear, at the request of the said

Joan, that they would not reveal or say anything of it, she said to the King a thing of great [consequence] (1) which he had done, right secretly: at which he was much astonished, for there was nobody who could know it but God and he. And from thence it was as it were concluded that the King should essay to execute what she said. Nevertheless he advised that it was expedient that she be brought to Poitiers, where the Court of Parlement was, and several notable clerks of theology, both secular and regular; and that he himself would go as far as the said city. And in fact the King went there; and had the said Joan brought and conducted; and when she was about midway on the road, she asked whither they were leading her; and she was answered that it was to Poitiers. And then she said: In God’s name, I know that I shall have much to do there; but Messire will aid me; now let us go, in God’s name (2).

(1) Lacuna in the manuscript. Godefroy supplies conséquence.

(2) Journal of the Siege, p. 128.

She was then brought into the city of Poitiers, and lodged in the house of one named Master Jean Rabateau, who had married a good woman; into whose keeping she was given. She was still in man’s habit, nor would she wear any other. So several notable doctors in theology were assembled, and others, bachelors, who entered into the hall where she was; and when she saw them, she went and sat at the end of the bench and asked them what they wished. Then it was said by the mouth of one of them that they came to her because it was said she had told the King that God sent her to him; and they showed by fair and gentle reasons that she ought not to be believed. They were there more than two hours, in which each of them spoke in his turn; and she answered them: at which they were greatly astonished, how so simple a shepherdess, a young girl, could thus prudently answer. And among the others there was a Carmelite, doctor in theology, a right sharp man, who told her that Holy Scripture forbade giving faith to such words if no sign were shown; and she answered plainly that she would not tempt God, and that the sign God had ordained for her was to raise the siege from before Orléans and to lead the King to be consecrated at Reims; let them come there, and they would see it: which seemed a hard thing and as it were impossible, seeing the power of the English, and that from Orléans or from Blois as far as Reims there was no French place. There was another doctor in theology, of the order of the Preaching Friars, who said to her: Joan, you ask for men-at-arms, and yet you say that it is God’s pleasure that the English leave the kingdom of France and go into their country. If that is so, there is no need of men-at-arms, for God’s mere pleasure can discomfit them and make them go into their country. To which she answered that she asked for men, though not in great number, who would fight, and God would give the victory. After which answer made by the said Joan, the theologians assembled to see what they would counsel the King; and they concluded without any contradiction, although the things said by the said Joan seemed to them right strange, that the King should trust himself to her and essay to execute what she said (1).

(1) All this paragraph is translated from the deposition of Brother Séguin. See vol. III, p. 203 and following.

On the morrow several notable persons went there, both presidents and counsellors of Parlement and others of divers estates; and before they went, what she said seemed to them impossible to do, saying that it was but ravings and fancies; but there was none of them, when he returned and had heard her, who did not say that she was a creature of God; and some of them, in returning, wept hot tears. Likewise ladies, damsels and burgesses’ wives went there, who spoke to her, and she answered them so sweetly and graciously that she made them weep. Among other things they asked her why she did not take woman’s habit? And she answered them: I well believe it seems strange to you, and not without cause; but, since I must arm myself and serve the gentle Dauphin in arms, I must take the garments fitting and necessary for that; and also when I am among men, being in man’s habit, they will have no carnal concupiscence of me; and it seems to me that in this estate I shall better keep my virginity in thought and in deed.

At that time great diligence was being made to assemble provisions, and especially wheat, salted and unsalted meats, to essay to bring them into the city of Orléans. So it was deliberated and concluded that the said Joan should be tried upon the business of the said provisions; and harness, horse and men were ordained for her; and there was given her in especial, to conduct her and be with her, a right valiant and notable squire named Jean d’Aulon, prudent and wise, and for page a right gentle man named Louis de Contes, called Imerguet, with other varlets and servants. During these things she said that she wished to have a sword which was at Sainte-Catherine de Fierbois, where there were on the blade, quite near the hilt, five crosses. She was asked whether she had ever seen it, and she said no; but she knew well that it was there. She sent thither, and there was nobody who knew where it was or what it was. Nevertheless there were several there which had aforetime been given to the church, all of which they had examined, and there was found one all rusted which had the said five crosses. It was brought to her, and she said that it was the one she asked for. So it was furbished and well cleaned, and a fair scabbard was made for her all strewn with fleurs-de-lis (1).

(1) Amplified version of the Journal of the Siege, q.v., p. 129.

While the said Joan was at Poitiers, several good people went every day to visit her, and she ever spoke good words. Among the others there was a right notable man, master of requests of the King’s household, who said to her: Joan, it is desired that you essay to put the provisions inside Orléans; but it seems it will be a hard thing, seeing the bastilles which are before it, and that the English are strong and puissant. — In God’s name, said she, we shall put them inside Orléans at our ease; and there will not be an Englishman who sallies or makes semblance of hindering it.

She was armed and mounted at Poitiers; then she departed; and in riding she bore her harness as handsomely as if she had done nothing else all the time of her life. Whereat several marvelled; but still more did the doctors, war captains and others, at the answers she made, both of divine things and of war. The King had summoned several captains to conduct and be in the company of the said Joan, and among others the Marshal of Rais, Messire Ambroise de Loré and several others, who conducted the said Joan as far as the town of Blois (1).

(1) Jean Chartier, above, pp. 53 and 54.

* The news of the said Maid came to Orléans: how she was a girl of holy and religious life, daughter of a poor labourer of the district of the election of Langres near Barrois, and of a poor woman of the same country, who lived by their labour; that she was aged about eighteen to nineteen years, and had been a shepherdess in the time of her childhood; that she knew little of worldly things, spoke little, and the most of her speech was only of God, of His blessed Mother, of the angels, of the saints and saints of Paradise (2); she said that at several times certain revelations had been told her touching the salvation of the King and the preservation of all his lordship, which God did not will to be taken or usurped from him;

(2) Here is how all this beginning is worded in the Manuscript of the Gestes des nobles Françoys, fol. 137: These things enduring, there was brought to Chinon before the King of France a girl of simple estate, a maid of holy and religious life, of the country of Barrois, who was daughter of a poor labourer of the district and of his wife, who lived by their honest labour, aged about twenty years; and in the time of her childhood she had been a shepherdess and knew little of worldly things. And little did this Maid speak; she only spoke of God and of His blessed Mother, of the angels, of the saints and saints of Paradise. And she said that at several times, etc. It is seen that the author of the Chronicle of the Maid confined himself to putting into indirect form the narrative of his predecessor.

but that his enemies should be driven from it; and she was charged to say and signify these things to the King within the term of Saint John’s day, one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine. That the said Maid had been heard by the King and his council, where she opened the things with which she was charged, and treated marvellously of the manners of making the English void the kingdom; and there was no chief of war who knew how to set forth so properly the manners of warring upon her enemies: whereat the King and all his council marvelled; for she was as simple in all other ways as a shepherdess. That for this marvel the King went to Poitiers and led the Maid thither, whom he had questioned by notable clerks of the Parlement and by doctors well renowned in theology; and having heard her, they affirmed that they reputed her inspired of God (1), and approved all her case and her words: wherefore the King held her in greater reverence, and sent thenceforth for men from every side, and had a great quantity of provisions and artillery brought to Blois to succour the city of Orléans. That the Maid requested, to conduct the succour, that it might please the King to give her such men and such number as she should require, which would not be a great number or a great power, and for her body she had a whole harness delivered to her.

(1) Variant of the Ms. of the Gestes: They affirmed that they reputed her a divine thing, inspired of God.

* Then the King ordained that all she should require should be given her; then the Maid took leave of the King to go to the city of Orléans; and she being come to Blois with few folk, she sojourned there some days, awaiting greater company. During her sojourn she had a white standard made, on which she had portrayed the representation of the Holy Saviour and of two angels, and had it blessed in the church of Saint-Sauveur of Blois. To which place there came soon after the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lords of Rais and of Gaucourt, with a great company of nobles and of commons, who loaded part of the provisions to carry them to Orléans. The said Maid put herself in their company; and she well thought they must pass before the bastides of the siege, towards Beauce; but they took their way through Sologne; and so she was led to Orléans on the penultimate day of April, in the same year.

* This Maid sojourning at Blois, while awaiting the company which was to lead her to Orléans, wrote and sent by a herald to the chiefs of war who held the siege before Orléans, a letter of which the tenor follows, and is this (1):

(1) As the letter is also reported in the Ms. of the Gestes, we give it after that earlier text, and consequently less altered.

Jhesus, Maria.

King of England, render account to the King of Heaven of His royal blood. Render to the Maid the keys of all the good towns which you have taken by force. She is come on God’s behalf to reclaim the royal blood, and is all ready to make peace, if you will render account; provided that you put down [France] (2), and pay for having held it.

(2) Supply France, the object of this sentence and of the following. This word is likewise omitted in the version of the Journal of the Siege. See p. 139.

King of England, if you do not so, I am chief of war; in whatever place I shall reach your people in France, if they will not obey, I will make them go out, will they or nill they; and if they will obey, I will take them to mercy. Believe that if they will not obey, the Maid comes to slay them. She comes on behalf of the King of Heaven, body for body, to drive you out of France; and the Maid promises and certifies you that she will make so great a hahay there that for a thousand years in France so great a one has not been seen, if you do not render her account. And believe firmly that the King of Heaven will send her more force than you will know how to bring of all assaults against her and her good men-at-arms.

As for you, archers, companions of arms gentle and valiant, who are before Orléans, go away into your own country, in God’s name; and if you do not so, beware of the Maid, and remember your hurts. Take not your opinion that you will hold France from the King of Heaven, the Son of Saint Mary; but King Charles will hold it, the true heir, to whom God has given it, who will enter Paris in fair company. If you believe not the tidings of God and of the Maid, in whatever place we find you, we will fall upon you at blows, and we shall see which will have the better right, God or you.

William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, John, lord of Talbot, and Thomas, lord of Scales, lieutenants of the Duke of Bedford, calling himself Regent of the kingdom of France for the King of England, make answer whether you will make peace at the city of Orléans. If you do not so, remember your hurts shortly.

Duke of Bedford, who call yourself Regent of France for the King of England, the Maid prays and requires you that you cause not yourself to be destroyed. If you render her not account, she will make the French do the fairest deed that ever was done in Christendom.

Written the Tuesday of the great week.

To the Duke of Bedford, who calls himself Regent of the kingdom of France for the King of England (1).

(1) The edition of the Chronicle prefixes to the address these words: And on the back was written: Hear the tidings of God and of the Maid.

After the said letters were sent by the Maid to the English, it was concluded that they should go bring provisions to Orléans. And there were loaded in the said town of Blois several wains, carts and horses with grain; and a quantity of cattle was assembled there, both oxen, cows, sheep, ewes and swine; and it was concluded by the captains, both by those who were to conduct them and by the Bastard of Orléans, that they should go through Sologne, because the whole greatest power was on the side of Beauce. The said Joan ordained that all the men of war should confess and put themselves in estate to be in God’s grace; [and] she had them put away their wenches and leave all the baggage; then they all took to the road to draw to Orléans. They lay one night abroad on the way. And when the English knew of the coming of the said Maid and of the men of war, they abandoned a bastide which they had made in a place named Saint-Jean-le-Blanc; and those who were inside it went into another bastide which the said English had made at the Augustins, hard by the bridgehead; and the said Maid and her people, with the provisions, came towards the city of Orléans, above the said bastide, in the direction of the said place Saint-Jean-le-Blanc (1).

(1) Jean Chartier. See above, p. 57.

Those of the city at once and straightway prepared and fitted out vessels to come fetch all the said provisions; but the thing was so ill in point that the wind was contrary: now they could not go up against the stream (for the vessels can only be conducted thither by force of sail). Which thing was told to the said Joan, who said: Wait a little, for, in God’s name, all will enter the city. And suddenly the wind changed, so that the vessels arrived most easily and lightly where the said Joan was. In them was the Bastard of Orléans and certain burgesses of the city, who had great desire to see the said Joan; who prayed and required her on behalf of the city and the men of war in it, that she would come and enter the city, and that it would be a great comfort to them if it pleased her to come there. Then she asked the said Bastard: Are you the Bastard of Orléans? And he answered: Yes, Joan. After, she said to him: Who counselled you to make us come through Sologne, and that we should not have been through Beauce, right against the great power of the English? The provisions would have entered without making them pass over the river. The Bastard, excusing himself, answered her that it had been by the counsel of all the captains, seeing the power of the English through Beauce. To which she replied: The counsel of Messires (that is to say God) is better than yours and that of men, and it is surer and wiser. You thought to deceive me, but you have deceived yourselves; for I bring you the best succour that ever knight, town or city had; and it is the pleasure of God and the succour of the King of Heaven, not for love of me, but it proceeds purely from God; who, at the request of Saint Louis and Saint Charles the Great, has had pity on the city of Orléans, and has not willed to suffer the enemies to have the body of the Duke of Orléans and his city. As for entering the city, it would grieve me to leave my people, and I must not do it; they are all confessed, and in their company I should not fear all the power of the English. Then the captains said to her: Joan, go there surely, for we promise you to return right soon to you. Thereupon she consented to enter the city with those who had been ordained for her, and entered it; and she was received with great joy, and lodged in the house of the Treasurer of the Duke of Orléans, named Jacques Boucher, where she had herself disarmed. And it is true that, from morning until evening, she had ridden all armed, without alighting, drinking or eating. They had had supper prepared for her well and honourably; but she only had wine put in a silver cup, into which she put half water, and five or six sop-breads in it, which she ate, and took nothing else all day to eat or drink; then she went to bed in the chamber which had been ordained for her; and with her were the wife and the daughter of the said Treasurer, which daughter lay that night with the said Joan. And so the said Maid came into the city of Orléans, on the penultimate day of April, in the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine (1).

(1) Deposition of Dunois, vol. III, pp. 5 and 6.

* Soon she learned (2) that the chiefs of the siege took no account of her letters or of all their contents, but reputed all those who believed and gave faith to her words as heretics against the holy faith; and they had had the heralds seized and meant to have them burned. Which seizure, coming to the knowledge of the Bastard of Orléans, who was then at Orléans, he sent word to the English by his herald that they should send back to him the said heralds, letting them know that if they put them to death, he would put to like death their heralds who had come to Orléans about prisoners: whom he had arrested; and he would do the same to all the English prisoners who were then there in very great number. And soon after, the said heralds were given back.

(2) Ms. of the Gestes, fol. 138 r°: Into the city of Orléans the Maid came on the penultimate day of April, the year 1429, and soon she learned that of her letters and of all their contents the chiefs of the siege took no account, etc., etc.

Nevertheless, some say that when the Maid learned that the heralds had been detained, she and the Bastard of Orléans sent word to the English to send them back; and the said Joan kept saying: In God’s name, they will do them no harm; but the said English sent back only one of them (3), to whom she asked: What says Talbot? and the herald answered

(3) Up to here this paragraph conforms to the deposition of Jacquet Lesbahy, vol. III, p. 26. What follows belongs properly to the Chronicle of the Maid.

that he and all the other English said to her all the ills they could, injuring her, and that if they held her they would have her burned. Now go back, she said to him, and doubt not that thou shalt bring thy companion. And say to Talbot that if he arms, I will arm too, and let him be found in place before the city; and if he can take me, let him have me burned; and if I discomfit him, let them raise the sieges and go away into their country. The herald went there and brought back his companion. And before she arrived, two hundred English used to chase in skirmishes five hundred French; and since her coming, two hundred French chased four hundred English; and the courage of the French greatly increased.

When the provisions had been put into the vessels or boats with the said Joan (1), the Marshal of Rais, the lord of Loré and others returned to the said place of Blois, and there found the Archbishop of Reims, Chancellor of France, and held council to know what was to be done. Some were of the opinion that each should return to his garrison; but afterwards they were all of the opinion that they should return to the said place of Orléans, to aid and comfort them for the good of the King and of the city. And as they were speaking of the manner, tidings came from the Bastard of Orléans, who made known to them that if they abandoned it and went away, the said city was in the way of perdition. And then it was concluded by almost all to return and to bring again provisions in force; and that they should go through Beauce, where the power of the English was,

(1) At the time of her arrival in sight of Orléans, 29 April.

in the great bastide called London; although the other time they came through Sologne, and nevertheless they were three times more men than were needed to come through Beauce. They made provision of plenty of victuals, both of grain and of cattle, and departed the third day of May, and lay that night in a village being as it were midway between Blois and Orléans, and took the morrow their way towards the said city (1).

(1) Jean Chartier. See above, pp. 55 and 56.

* The said third day of May there came also to Orléans the garrisons of Montargis, Gien, Château-Renard, of the country of Gâtinais and of Châteaudun, with a great number of footmen furnished with missiles and gisarmes. And the same day, in the evening, tidings came that the Marshal of Sainte-Sévère, the lord of Rais, my lord of Bueil and La Hire, who were bringing the provisions and the artillery, were coming from Blois through Beauce. So it was feared that the English would go to meet them: wherefore, on Wednesday morning, the Vigil of the Ascension, the fourth day of May, one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, the Bastard and the Maid armed, with a great company of men-at-arms and of missile-men, departed very early in the morning from Orléans, and went with standard displayed to meet the provisions, which they found; and they passed before the English, who dared not issue from their bastides, and then entered into the city about prime.

* On the said day, about midday, certain of the nobles issued from Orléans with a great number of missile-men and of commons, who delivered a fierce and marvellous assault against the English who held the bastide Saint-Loup, which was most defensible and fortified; for it had been greatly furnished by the lord of Talbot, both with men, provisions and munitions. The French were much hurt in that assault. And during it the Maid came thither in all haste, armed, with standard displayed: whereby the assault grew stronger and stronger.

This Maid knew nothing of the sally of the said men of war out of the city, nor were there tidings of it in her house or her quarter, and she had laid herself down to sleep; and there was none in the said house but her page and the lady of the place, who were sporting at the door. And suddenly she awoke and arose, and began to call her people. Then came the lady and the page, to whom she said: Go fetch my horse. In God’s name, the people of the city are at work before a bastide, and there are wounded. So she said they should arm her hastily, and they helped her to arm. And when she was ready, she mounted her horse and galloped on the pavement, so that sparks flew from it; and she went as straight as if she had known the way beforehand; and yet she had never entered there. The said Joan said afterwards that her voice had awakened her and taught her the way, and that Messire had made it known to her (1).

(1) Modified depositions of Louis de Contes and Simon Beaucroix.

* And after her coming to the said place, there was no Englishman who could wound a Frenchman there; but the French well conquered the bastide upon them; and the English withdrew into the bell-tower of the church, and there the French began again the assault, which lasted long. During which Talbot had the English issue in force from the other bastides to succour his people; but at that same hour all the chiefs of war had issued from Orléans with all their power, who put themselves in the fields in ordered battles between the assailed bastide and the other English bastides, waiting there for the English to fight them. But the lord of Talbot, seeing this, had the English withdrawn inside their bastides, leaving to abandonment the English of the bastide Saint-Loup, who were conquered by force, about vespers.

And there were among the English in the said bell-tower some who took the garments of priests or of churchmen, whom they wished to slay; but the said Joan protected them, saying that nothing should be asked of churchmen, and had them brought to Orléans.

* Of whom the slaying was numbered at one hundred and sixty men, and the bastide was burnt and demolished; in which the French conquered a very great quantity of provisions and other goods. After, the Maid, the great lords and their power re-entered Orléans; wherefore at that hour thanks and praises were rendered to God in all the churches, in hymns and devout orisons, with sound of bells, which the English could well hear; who were much lowered in power by this event, and also in courage.

* The Maid greatly desired to make the English depart entirely from the siege; and for this she required the chiefs of war to issue in full force on Ascension Day to assail the bastide Saint-Laurent, where were all the greatest chiefs of the war and the most of the power of the English; and nevertheless she made no doubt that she would soon conquer them; but she held herself quite sure of having them, and said openly that the hour was come. But the chiefs of war were not agreed to issue or work that day, out of reverence for the day; and on the other side they were of the opinion first to do so much that the bastides and boulevards on the side of Sologne might be conquered together with the bridge, so that the city might recover provisions from Berry and other countries. Thus the thing took delay that day, to the great displeasure of the Maid, who held herself ill content with the chiefs and captains of war.

The said Maid had a great desire herself to summon those who were in the bastille of the bridgehead and of the Tourelles, where Glacidas was, for they could be spoken to from upon the bridge; so she was led thither. And when the English knew she was there, they came under guard; and she told them that the pleasure of God was that they should go away, or else they would find themselves aggrieved. Then they began to mock and insult the said Joan, as it seemed good to them. Whereat she was not content, and her courage grew with it; so she resolved to go visit them on the morrow (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 158.

* In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, on Friday the sixth day of May, the French passed beyond the Loire in great force, in sight of Glacidas, who forthwith had the bastide of Saint-Jean-le-Blanc abandoned and burnt, and had his English withdrawn with his munitions into the bastide of the Augustins, to the boulevard and to the Tourelles. So the Maid marched forward with all her footmen, keeping her way straight to the Portereau. And at that hour not all her people had yet crossed, but a great part of them were in an isle, being able to get but few vessels for their passage. Nevertheless the Maid went so far that she drew near the boulevard, and there planted her standard with few men. But at that hour there arose a cry that the English were coming in force from the side of Saint-Privé; for which cry the people who were with the Maid were terrified, and began to withdraw straight to the said passage of the Loire. At which the Maid was in great sorrow, and was constrained to withdraw with few folk. Then the English raised a great hue and cry upon the French, and issued in force to pursue the Maid, crying great cries after her and saying defamatory words to her; and all suddenly she turned against them, and few as her people were, she faced them, and marched against the English with great strides and standard displayed. So were the English, by God’s will, so terrified that they took a foul and shameful flight. Then the French returned, and began the chase upon them, continuing as far as their bastides, whither the English withdrew in great haste. This seen, the Maid set her standard before the bastide of the Augustins, on the ditches of the boulevard, whither the lord of Rais came straightway. And ever the French went on increasing, so that they took by assault the bastide of the said Augustins, where the English were in very great number, who were all slain there. And there was plenty of provisions and riches; but because the French were too intent on the pillage, the Maid had fire set to the bastide, where all was burnt. In that assault the Maid was wounded by caltrops in one of her feet; and because night was falling, she was brought back to Orléans, and left many men in the siege before the boulevard and the Tourelles.

* That night the English who were inside the boulevard of Saint-Privé departed thence, and set fire to it; then they crossed the Loire in vessels and withdrew into the bastide Saint-Laurent. The Maid was that night in great fear lest the English should fall upon her people before the Tourelles; and for this, on Saturday the seventh day of May, about sunrise, by the accord and consent of the burgesses of Orléans, but against the opinion and will of all the chiefs and captains who were there on the King’s behalf, the Maid departed with all her strength, and crossed the Loire.

And as she was resolving to cross, an allis shad was presented to Jacques Boucher, her host; and then he said to her: Joan, let us eat this shad before you depart. — In God’s name, said she, we shall not eat it until supper, when we shall have repassed over the bridge and shall bring back a godon who will eat his share of it (1).

(1) Deposition of Colette, wife of Millet. See vol. III, p. 124.

* So those of Orléans gave her cannon, culverins and all that was necessary to assail the boulevard and the Tourelles, with provisions, and some of the burgesses of Orléans on the one part. And to assail the said Tournelles and conquer the bridge, on the side of the city they set upon the said bridge, on the other part, a great number of men-at-arms and of missile-men, with a great device which the burgesses had made to pass the broken arches and assail the Tourelles.

At that assault the said Joan was wounded from early morning by a shot from a great war-bow, through the shoulder, clean through. And she herself drew out the iron, and had cotton and other things put on it to staunch the blood: notwithstanding which, she never left off making the diligences to have the assault made. And when it came to evening, it seemed to the Bastard of Orléans and the other captains that on that day they would not have the boulevard, seeing it was late. So they resolved to withdraw from the assault and have the artillery carried back into the city until the morrow; and they came to tell this conclusion to Joan, who answered that in God’s name they would enter it shortly, and they should have no doubt of it. Nevertheless they still assailed; and then she asked for her horse, mounted it and left her standard; and she went to a retired place, where she made her orison to God, and tarried not long before she returned and alighted; so she took her standard and said to a gentleman who was near her: Watch when the tail of my standard shall touch against the boulevard. Who a little after said to her: Joan, the tail touches it. Then she said: All is yours, and enter in (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, pp. 160 and 161.

* So the English were assailed on both sides most bitterly; for those of Orléans shot marvellously against the English with cannon, culverins, great crossbows and other missiles. The assault was fierce and marvellous, more than any that had ever been seen in the memory of the living; to which came the chiefs who were inside Orléans when they perceived its manner. And valiantly the English defended themselves, and so much they shot that their powder and other missiles were going failing; and they defended with lances, gisarmes and other staves, and stones, the boulevard and the Tourelles.

And it is to be known that on the city side they found a most awkward way to get a piece of timber to cross the arch of the bridge, and to do the thing so secretly that the English should not perceive it. And by chance they found an old broad gutter; but it was a good three feet too short; and forthwith a carpenter put an extension on it (1) with strong pegs, and went down below to put a prop, and did what he could for its surety; then there passed over it the Commander of Giresme and several men-at-arms. So it was reputed as a thing impossible, or at least right difficult, to have passed there; and still they kept making the said passage sure (2).

(1) Projection, jutting part. See Du Cange, s.v. advantagium.

(2) Journal of the Siege, p. 161.

* The Maid on her side had ladders raised up (3) by her men in the ditch of the boulevard; and she strengthened the assault on every side more and more, which lasted from prime until six hours after midday.

(3) The said assault enduring, about vespers the Maid had her people descend into the ditches of the boulevard, and ladders raised against it, etc. Ms. of the Gestes, fol. 142 r°.

So the English were so loaded upon with culverins and other missiles that they dared no longer show themselves at their defences; and they were also assailed on the other side of the Tourelles, into which the French set fire. At last the English were so oppressed on every side, and so wounded, that there was no longer any defence in them. At that hour Glacidas and other English lords thought to withdraw from the boulevard into the Tourelles to save their lives; but the drawbridge broke beneath them, by God’s judgement, and they were drowned in the river Loire. Then the French entered from every side into the boulevard and the Tourelles, which were conquered in the sight of the Earl of Suffolk, of the lord of Talbot and other chiefs of war, without their showing or making semblance of any succour. So there was great slaughter of English there; for of the number of five hundred knights and squires, reputed the most worthy and bold of all the realm of England, who were there under Glacidas with other false French, only about two hundred were retained prisoners alive. In this taking there died the said Glacidas, the lords of Poynings, of Comines (1), and other nobles of England and of other countries.

(1) Ponnains and Couins in the Ms. of the Gestes. See above, p. 4.

So the greatest captains of the French told and affirmed to us that, after the said Joan had said the words above, they mounted up the boulevard as easily as by a stair; and they could not conceive how it could be so, save by a divine work.

* After which so glorious a victory, the bells were rung by the Maid’s commandment, who returned that night over the bridge; and thanks and praises were rendered to God in most great solemnity in all the churches of Orléans. And in the said assault the Maid was struck by a missile, as is said. Before which came to pass, she had well said that she must be struck there unto blood; but she came soon to convalescence.

And also, after her arrival, she was diligently tended, disarmed and very well cared for. So she would only have wine in a cup, into which she put half water, and went to bed and rest. And it is to be noted that before she departed, she heard mass, confessed herself and received in most great devotion the precious body of Jesus Christ; she also confessed herself and received it very often. So she confessed to several men of great devotion and austere life, who said plainly that she was a creature of God.

* At this discomfiture the English were in great distress, and held great counsel that night. So they issued from their bastides on Sunday the eighth day of May one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, with their prisoners and all they could carry away, leaving in abandonment all their sick, both prisoners and others, with their bombards, cannon, artillery, powder, pavises (1), war munitions,

(1) Pavaulx in the manuscript of the Gestes. The accounts of the city of Orléans for 1459 mention the wages of five men who helped to unload the cannon, pavises and other things which were brought from the river after the taking of the Tourelles. Jollois, Histoire du siège, p. 88.

and all their provisions and goods, and went away in fair order, their standards displayed, all the way from Orléans as far as Meung-sur-Loire. So the chiefs of war who were in Orléans had the gates opened about sunrise, whence they issued on foot and on horse in great force, meaning to go fall upon the English; but the Maid came up, who counselled against the pursuit and wished them to be left free to depart without being assailed that day, unless they should come against the French to fight them; but the English turned their backs timorously (1), and withdrew both to Meung and to Jargeau. By this abandonment of the siege the greater part of the English power departed, who withdrew both into Normandy and elsewhere. And after the said abandonment, the English being still in the Maid’s sight, she had the churchmen come into the fields in their vestments, who sang in great solemnity hymns, responses and devout orisons, rendering praises and thanks to God.

(1) Of whom some cast their harness among the fields, the manuscript of the Gestes adds.

So she had a table and a portable altar (2) brought, and two masses said. They said, she asked: Now look whether they have their faces towards you, or their backs? And she was told that they were going away and had their backs turned. To which she replied: Let them go; it does not please Messire that they be fought today; you will have them another time. She

(2) One of those pieces of marble set in metal which constituted the portable altars. See Du Cange, s.v. Altare.

was only armed with a jesserant, because of the wound she had had the day before (1).

(1) Deposition of Jean de Champeaux, vol. III, p. 29.

* And that done, the commons of Orléans issued, who entered the bastides, where they found provisions and other goods in plenty; then all the bastides were cast to the ground, according to the will of the lords and captains; and their cannon and bombards were brought back into the city of Orléans. So the English withdrew into several places conquered by them: to wit, the Earl of Suffolk to Jargeau, and the lords of Scales, of Talbot and other chiefs of their party withdrew both to Meung, to Beaugency and to other places conquered by them. So they sent tidings of these things in haste to Duke John of Bedford, the Regent, who was much grieved at it, and fearing lest some of those of Paris should for this discomfiture return into the King’s obedience and move the common people against the English. So he departed in very great haste from Paris and withdrew to the Bois de Vincennes, whence he sent for men from every side; but few came there; for the Picards and other nations of the realm who held his party began to forsake the English, and to hate and despise them.

As the said English were going away, Étienne de Vignolles, called La Hire, and Messire Ambroise de Loré, accompanied by a hundred to six score lances, mounted horse and rode along beside them a good three great leagues, to see and mark their bearing, then returned into the said city (2).

(2) We suppress the anecdote of the deliverance of the Bourg de Bar which is told as in the Journal of the Siege, above, p. 165.

* The Maid, not being able at that hour to maintain the army for want of provisions and of payment, departed on Tuesday the tenth (1) day of May, accompanied by high lords, and went to the King, who received her with great honour, and held certain councils at Tours; which ended, he sent for his nobles from every side; and to cleanse the river Loire he gave the charge to the Duke of Alençon, who wished to have the Maid in his company. So they came in great force before Jargeau, where the Earl of Suffolk was with a great company of English, who had fortified the town and the bridge. The French put the siege there on every side on Saturday, Saint Barnabas’ day, the eleventh (2) day of the month of June; and in a few hours the town was much battered with bombards and cannon. And on the Sunday following, the twelfth day of the same month, the town and the bridge were taken by assault, where Alexander La Pole was slain with a great number of English. So there were taken prisoners William de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, and John de la Pole, his brother; and the rout of the English was numbered at about five hundred fighting men, of whom the most were slain, for the common people slew between the hands of the gentlemen all the English prisoners whom they had taken to ransom. Wherefore the Earl of Suffolk, his brother and other great English lords had to be brought to Orléans by night and by the river Loire,

(1) Godefroy’s correction. His Ms. reads treiziesme (thirteenth).

(2) The Ms. and Godefroy’s edition have vingt et uniesme (twenty-first), and below vingt deuxiesme (twenty-second) instead of twelfth. We correct after the Ms. of the Gestes.

to save their lives. The town and the church were wholly pillaged; it was also full of goods; and that night the Duke of Alençon, the Maid and the chiefs of war withdrew to Orléans with the chivalry of the host to refresh themselves; and there they were received with very great joy.

When the Maid Joan was before the King, she knelt and embraced him by the legs, saying to him: Gentle Dauphin, come take your noble unction at Reims; I am much urged that you go thither, and doubt not that you will receive your worthy unction there. Then the King and certain who were about him, who knew and had seen the marvels she had done by the conduct, sense, prudence and diligence she had in deeds of arms, as much as if she had followed arms all her life; considering also her fair and honest manner of living: although the greatest part were of the opinion to go into Normandy, moved their imagination. And the King within himself, and also three or four of the principal men about him, were thinking whether it would displease the said Joan if she were asked what her voice said to her. Of which she perceived somewhat, and said: In God’s name, I know well what you are thinking; and you mean the voice I have heard touching your unction; and I will tell it you. I had put myself in orison in my accustomed manner. I was complaining because they would not believe me in what I said. And then the voice said to me: Daughter, go, go, I shall be at thy aid; go. And when this voice comes to me I am so rejoiced that it is a marvel. And in saying the said words she lifted her eyes to heaven, showing the sign of a great exultation. And then they left her with the Duke of Alençon (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege. See p. 168 and note 2.

And to declare more fully the manner of the taking of Jargeau and the assault, it is true that after the Duke of Alençon had acquitted his hostages touching the ransom agreed for his deliverance, and that the conduct of the Maid was seen and perceived, the King, as is said, gave the whole charge to the Duke of Alençon with the Maid, and sent for men as diligently as he could. So they came from every side, firmly believing that the said Joan came on God’s behalf; and more for this cause than in intention of having wages or profit from the King (2).

(2) Jean Chartier, above, p. 64.

Thither came also the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of Boussac, Marshal of France, the lord of Graville, Master of the Crossbowmen, the lord of Culant, Admiral of France, Messire Ambroise, lord of Loré, Étienne de Vignolles called La Hire, Gaultier de Brusac, and other captains, who all went with the said Duke and Maid before the town of Jargeau, where the Earl of Suffolk was, as is said. And in laying the siege there were on divers days several great and bitter skirmishes: the English also were puissant in men, about six to seven hundred, all valiant men.

Meanwhile they shot from the town, where there was strong fire of cannon and veuglaires. Which the Maid seeing, she came to the Duke of Alençon and said to him: Fair Duke, remove yourself from the lodging where you are, howsoever it be, for you would be there in danger of the cannon.

The Duke believed [this] counsel; and he was not withdrawn two toises when a veuglaire from the town was let fly, which took clean off the head of a gentleman of Anjou, quite near the said lord, and in the very place where he stood when the Maid spoke to him (1).

(1) Deposition of the Duke of Alençon. See vol. III, p. 96. Cf. Journal of the Siege, p. 171.

The French were about eight days before the town, which was much battered by the cannon before it. So it was assailed most bitterly; and those within defended themselves as valiantly; and among the others there was a great and strong Englishman armed at all points, having on his head a strong bascinet, who did marvels at throwing great stones and beating down men and ladders, and he was at the place easiest to assail. The Duke of Alençon, perceiving this thing, went to one named Master John the cannoneer, and showed him the said Englishman. Then the cannoneer placed his culverin at the spot where the Englishman was and showed himself much; so he was struck by the said cannoneer through the breast and fell inside the town, where he died. The Maid descended into the ditch, her standard in her fist, at the place where the English made the greatest and bitterest defence. So she was perceived by certain English, of whom one took a great stone of weight and cast it upon her head, so that by the blow she was constrained to sit down; although the said stone, which was hard, broke into small pieces, at which they marvelled greatly; notwithstanding which she rose again soon after, and said aloud to the French companions: Mount boldly and enter in; for you will find no more any resistance (2).

(2) Journal of the Siege, pp. 171 and 172.

And so the town was won, as is said, and the Earl of Suffolk withdrew upon the bridge; so he was pursued by a gentleman named Guillaume Regnault, to whom the said Earl asked: Art thou a gentleman? And he answered him yes. And art thou a knight? And he answered no. Then the Earl of Suffolk made him a knight, and yielded himself to him. And likewise the lord de la Pole, his brother, was taken there; and, as is said, several of them were slain, and plenty of prisoners were being led to Orléans; but the most were slain on the way, under colour of certain quarrels raised among the French. The said taking of Jargeau was soon made known to the King, who was much joyful of it, and thanked and praised God for it, and most diligently sent for men of war from every side to come join with the said Duke of Alençon and Joan the Maid and other lords and captains (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 173.

* The Duke of Alençon and the Maid sojourned in the city of Orléans some days, during which there came thither with a great chivalry the lord of Rais, the lord of Chauvigny, the lord of Laval and the lord of Lohéac, his brother, and other great lords, to serve King Charles in his army; who came about that time to Sully. And on the other side there came to Blois, with a great chivalry, Count Arthur of Richemont, Constable of France and brother of the Duke of Brittany, against whom the King, on certain reports, had conceived hatred and ill will. The Maid and the chiefs of war (1) had great preparation made to lay the siege before Meung and Beaugency, where the lord of Scales and the lord of Talbot kept themselves at that time with a great company of English. And to strengthen the garrisons of the said places, the English who held La Ferté-Hubert were summoned; who, having received the summons, burnt the base-court, abandoned the castle and went to Beaugency. [So the lord of Talbot departed from Beaugency one night] (2) to go meet Messire John Fastolf, who had set out from Paris with a great company of English, provisions and missiles, to come revictual and strengthen the power of the English. But because he heard tidings of the taking of Jargeau, he left the provisions inside Étampes and came with his company into Janville, in which place he found the lord of Talbot; and they being assembled there held certain councils.

(1) They held great councils inside Orléans, and had made, etc. Ms. of the Gestes, fol. 144 r°.

(2) We supply this indispensable clause after our Ms. of the Gestes, fol. 144 v°.

On Wednesday the fifteenth day of June one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, John, Duke of Alençon, lieutenant general of the King’s army, accompanied by the Maid and by several high lords, barons and nobles, among whom were my lord Louis de Bourbon, Count of Vendôme; the lord of Rais, the lord of Laval, the lord of Lohéac, the Vidame of Chartres, the lord of La Tour, and other lords, with a great number of footmen and a great waggon-train laden with provisions and war apparatus, departed from Orléans to lay the siege before certain English places. Keeping their way straight to Beaugency, they halted before the bridge of Meung, which the English had fortified and well furnished, and forthwith on their coming it was taken by assault and furnished with good men. And that done, the French did not halt; but thinking that the lords of Talbot and of Scales had withdrawn, they went before Beaugency. At whose coming the English abandoned the town and withdrew onto the bridge and into the castle. Then the French entered into the said town and besieged the bridge and the castle on the side towards Beauce; so they set and placed there cannon and bombards with which they battered the said castle much (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, p. 174.

* The Count of Richemont, Constable of France, came to that siege with a great chivalry; and with him were the Count of Perdriac, Jacques de Dinan, brother of the lord of Châteaubriant, the lord of Beaumanoir, and others. And inasmuch as the said Constable was in the King’s indignation, and for that cause held suspect, he put himself (2) in all humility before the said Maid, supplicating her that, as the King had given her power to pardon and remit all offences committed and perpetrated against him and his authority, and as, on certain sinister reports, the King had conceived hatred and ill will against him, in such manner that he had had defence made by his letters

(2) Supply on his knees, after the Ms. of the Gestes, loc. cit.

that no welcome, favour or passage should be given him to come into his army: the Maid would be pleased, of her grace, to receive him for the King into the service of his crown, to employ therein his body, his power and all his lordship, pardoning him all offence. And at that hour the Duke of Alençon and all the high lords of the host were there, who required it of the Maid; who granted it them, provided that she received in their presence the oath of the said Constable to serve the King loyally, without ever doing or saying anything that might turn to his displeasure. And to keep this promise firm, without infringing it, and to stand against him if the said Constable were found failing (1), the said lords bound themselves to the Maid by letters sealed with their seals.

(1) Misconstruction by the compiler of the Chronicle. The Ms. of the Gestes gives: et de lui estre contraires, se trouvé estoit deffaillant (and to be against him if he were found failing), which is the true reading.

* So it was then ordained that the Constable should lay siege on the side of Sologne, before the bridge of Beaugency. But on Friday the seventeenth day of the month of June, the Bailiff of Évreux, who was inside Beaugency, had a treaty requested of the Maid, which was made and accorded about midnight, in such manner that they should render to the King of France, into the hands of the Duke of Alençon and of the Maid (2), the bridge and the castle, their lives safe, on the morrow at the hour of sunrise, and without carrying or leading away aught save their horses and harness, with certain of their movable goods amounting for each to one mark of silver only, and that they might

(2) Ms. of the Gestes: That into the hands of the Duke of Alençon and of the Maid, for King Charles of France, the English should render the bridge and the castle, etc.

go freely into the countries of their party; but they were not to arm until after ten days had passed. And in this manner the English departed, who were well numbered at five hundred fighting men, and they rendered the bridge and the castle on Saturday the eighteenth day of June one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine.

* Into the town of Meung there entered one night the lords of Talbot, of Scales and Fastolf, who could not have entry into the castle of Beaugency because of the hindrance of the siege. And they, thinking to make the siege be abandoned, assailed on the night of the composition the bridge of Meung; but on the said eighteenth day of June, as soon as the English had departed from Beaugency, the vanguard of the French came before Meung, and straightway all their power in battles most well ordained. Then the English ceased the assault of the bridge; so they issued into the fields with all their power and put themselves in battles, both on foot and on horse. But they began to withdraw all suddenly, leaving Meung with their provisions and munitions, and took their way through Beauce, on the side towards Patay. So there departed in haste the Duke of Alençon, the Maid, the Count of Vendôme, the Constable of France, the lord of Sainte-Sévère and of Boussac, Marshal, Messire Louis de Culant, Admiral of France, the lord of Albret, the lord of Laval, the lord of Lohéac, the lord of Chauvigny, and other great lords, who rode in ordained battles, and pursued the English so bitterly that they overtook them near Patay, at the place called Coinces (1).

(1) Reading of the Ms. of the Gestes. The edition and Godefroy’s Ms. have: au lieu des Coynées.

And then the Duke of Alençon said to the Maid: Joan, yonder are the English in battle, shall we fight them? And she asked the said Duke: Have you your spurs? Then the Duke said to her: How now, shall we have to withdraw or flee? And she said: Nay, in God’s name, go upon them, for they will flee and will not halt, and will be discomfited, without much loss of your people; and for this you need your spurs to follow them (1).

(1) Deposition of Dunois, vol. III, p. 11.

So there were ordained riders, by way of vanguard, the lord of Beaumanoir, Poton and La Hire, Messire Ambroise de Loré, Thibault de Termes, and several others.

* Who so beset the English (2) that they could no longer attend to ordering themselves and putting themselves in battle. So the French assembled against them in battle, so that the English were discomfited in a short hour, the slaughter whereof was numbered on the field by the heralds of England at more than two thousand two hundred English. In this battle, which was on the eighteenth day of June one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, were taken the lords of Talbot and of Scales, Messire Thomas Rameston and Hungerford (3), with several chiefs of war and other nobles of the country of England; and they were well numbered in all at five thousand men. So the chase

(2) So the English were so hard held that they could no longer draw up the battle and put themselves in ordnance; against whom the French assembled in battle, so that, etc. Ms. of the Gestes, fol. 146 v°.

(3) Read Hungerford. These two personages are not named in the Ms. of the Gestes.

of the fugitives began, and it was pursued as far as near the gates of Janville; in which chase several English were slain. The good people of Janville shut their gates against the fleeing English, and mounted upon the wall to their defences. At that time there was in the castle, with a small company, an English squire, lieutenant of the captain who had the castle in guard; who, knowing the rout of the English, treated with the good people to render the said castle, his life safe, and swore to be a good and loyal Frenchman: whereat they received him. Great store remained in the said town, which had been left there by the English at their departing to go to the battle, with a great quantity of missiles, cannon and other war munitions, provisions and merchandise. And forthwith those of the said town of Janville brought themselves back into the King’s obedience.

* After the flight of the English the French entered into Meung and pillaged all the town; and Messire John Fastolf fled thence (1), and others, as far as Corbeil. When the English who were in several other places in the country of Beauce, as at Montpipeau, Saint-Simon and other fortresses, heard tidings of this discomfiture, they took flight hastily and set fire within. After which glorious victories and recovery of towns and castles, all the army returned into Orléans on the said eighteenth day of June, where they were received with great joy by the churchmen, burgesses and common people,

(1) The Ms. of the Gestes has: And from the battle fled Messire John Fastolf, which is clearer.

who rendered thanks and praises to God for it. The churchmen (1) and burgesses of Orléans well thought the King must come thither, to receive whom they had the streets hung with cloth of heaven, and meant to make great preparation to honour him at his joyful coming. But he kept himself within Sully, without coming to Orléans: at which certain who were about the King were not content. And so the matter rested at that time: wherefore the Maid went to the King and so wrought that on the twenty-second day of June, that year, he came to Châteauneuf-sur-Loire, to which place the lords and chiefs of war drew to him. And there he held certain councils, after which he returned to Sully. And to Orléans the Maid came, and had drawn to the King all the men-at-arms with munitions, provisions and waggon-train. After, the Maid departed from Orléans and went to Gien, whither the King came in force, and sent by heralds to the captains and others who held the towns and fortresses of Bonny, Cosne and La Charité that they should render themselves into his obedience: whereat they refused.

(1) The Ms. of the Gestes has prodeshommes du clergié (worthy men of the clergy) instead of gens d’église.

* The Count of Richemont, Constable of France, sojourned some days after the battle in the town of Beaugency, awaiting the answer of Duke John of Alençon, of the Maid and of the high lords who had stood sureties to appease the King and make him pardon his ill will. Which they could not bring about; and the King would not suffer him to go to him to serve him: at which he was in great displeasure.

Nevertheless the said Constable, who had a great company of nobles, desiring to cleanse the country of the Duke of Orléans, wished to lay the siege before Marchenoir, near Blois, which was furnished with Burgundians and English. Who heard tidings of it, and fearing the siege, drew under safe-conduct to Orléans, to the Duke of Alençon who was there at the time. So the said Burgundians so treated that, on having all their offences pardoned them by the King, and being given a term of ten days to carry off their goods, they should be and remain for ever good and loyal French. And so they swore; and gave certain hostages into the hands of the Duke of Alençon, who made this thing known to the Constable, who thereupon departed; but after his departure the Burgundians of the said Marchenoir so wrought that they took and retained prisoners certain of the people of the said Duke of Alençon, to recover their hostages; and so they falsified their oaths.

* During these things the King went to the town of Gien; who sent Messire Louis de Culant, his Admiral, before Bonny with a great company; and on the Sunday after Saint John’s day, one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, that place was rendered to him by composition. And because the Maid was desirous, before the King should employ his power to recover his towns and castles, to lead him straight to Reims, there to be crowned and receive the holy royal unction (to which certain were of contrary opinion, tending to have the King first besiege Cosne and La Charité, to cleanse the countries of Berry, of Orléans and of the river Loire): he held great councils on these things at Gien, during which the Queen was brought thither, in hope of being led to be crowned at Reims with the King. And they sojourning there, the barons and high lords of several districts of the kingdom came to the King’s service in great power. So in the end the King resolved in his council to send the Queen back to Bourges, and that he would take his way straight to Reims to receive his unction, without laying any sieges on the Loire. Then the Queen returned to Bourges, and the King departed from Gien on Saint Peter’s day, in the month of June one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, with all his power, keeping his way straight to Reims (1).

(1) Here end the borrowings made from the Ms. of the Gestes. Here are the last two paragraphs of that work, which were not introduced like the others into the Chronicle of the Maid:

Keeping his way straight to Reims, the King addressed himself into Auxerrois, and by his heralds summoned the burgesses of the city of Auxerre, those of Cravant and of Coulanges-les-Vineuses, who held themselves for the English King and the Duke of Burgundy, to render themselves into his obedience; to which summons they obeyed, and he received them into his grace, and other towns and castles of the district, and benignly pardoned them all offences. So they furnished the King abundantly with provisions and carriage to sustain his host; and in all that he would require of them they employed themselves in his service. Into Auxerre the King did not enter at that time; but to take possession of it and receive the oath of the clergy and of the burgesses, he sent thither high lords; and that done he crossed the river Yonne, and from every side his host went on increasing each day, both of high lords, barons and nobles, and of burgesses and common folk. And riding through the country and receiving towns and places in obedience, he kept his way straight to the city of Troyes in Champagne, into which the Duke of Burgundy had set several captains to the number of five hundred men-at-arms to resist the King.

Before Troyes came King Charles of France on Wednesday the sixth day of July 1429, and there laid siege on every side. So he had his apparatus and his bombards seated and placed on the edge of the ditches of the city, which was strong and well enclosed with wall; against which he commanded his bombards to be shot.

And this by the instigation and procurement of Joan the Maid, saying that it was the will of God that he should go to Reims to be crowned and consecrated; and that, although he was King, nevertheless the said coronation was necessary to him. And although several, and the King himself, made difficulty of it, seeing that the said city of Reims and all the towns and fortresses of Picardy, Champagne, the Isle of France, Brie, Gâtinais, the Auxerrois, Burgundy, and all the country between the river Loire and the sea was occupied by the English, nevertheless the King stopped at the counsel of the said Maid and resolved to execute it. So he made his assembly at Gien-sur-Loire; and there came into his company the Dukes of Alençon, of Bourbon, the Count of Vendôme, the said Maid, the lord of Laval, the lords of Lohéac, of La Trémoille, of Rais, of Albret. And several other lords, captains and men-at-arms still came from every side to the King’s service; and several gentlemen, not having wherewith to arm and mount themselves, went thither as archers and cutters, mounted on little horses; for every one had great expectation that by means of the said Joan much good would come to the kingdom of France; so they desired and coveted to serve her and to know her deeds, as a thing come on God’s behalf (1). She ever rode armed at all points and in war attire, as much as or more than any captain of war there was; and when war was spoken of, or men had to be put in ordnance, it was a fair thing to hear her and see her do the diligences; and if the cry to arms was sometimes raised, she was the most diligent and first, be it on foot or on horse; and it was

(1) Jean Chartier, plus the circumstance of the gentlemen who become varlets.

a very great admiration to the captains and men of war, the understanding she had in these things, seeing that in others she was the simplest village girl that ever was seen. She was most devout, confessed often, and received the precious body of Jesus Christ; she was of most fair life and honest conversation (1).

(1) Jean Chartier, p. 70.

At that time the lord of La Trémoille was in great credit with the King; but he ever feared to be put out of government, and dreaded especially the Constable and others his allies and servants. Wherefore, although the said Constable had a good twelve hundred fighting men and men of deed, and though there were other lords who would willingly have come to the King’s service: the said La Trémoille would not suffer it; and there was nobody who dared speak of it against the said La Trémoille. At the said place of Gien-sur-Loire a payment was made to the men of war of three francs per man-at-arms, which was a small thing; then the Maid departed, having several captains of men-at-arms in her company with their people, and they went to lodge about four leagues from Gien, taking the road towards Auxerre; and the King departed on the morrow, taking the same road. And on the day of the said King’s departure, all his people found themselves together, which was a fair company; and he came to lodge with his host before the said city of Auxerre, which made not full obedience; for they came to the King, praying and requiring him to pass on, asking and requesting abstinence of war; which thing was granted them by the means and request of the said La Trémoille, who had two thousand écus of it: whereat several lords and captains were much ill content with the said La Trémoille and with the King’s council, and especially the Maid, to whom it seemed that it would have been had most easily by assault. Nevertheless those of the city gave and delivered provisions to the people of the King’s host, who were in great necessity of them (1).

(1) Jean Chartier, pp. 70 and 71; but the circumstance of the broken sword has been omitted.

The said Maid had the custom that as soon as she came to a village, she went to the church to make her orisons, and had the priests sing an anthem of Our Lady. So she made her prayers and orisons, and then went to her lodging, which was commonly ordained for her in the most honest house that could be found, and where there was some honest woman. Never did man see her bathe or purge herself, and she always did it secretly; and if it happened that she lodged in the fields with the men of war, she never disarmed. There were several, even of great lords, resolved to know whether they could have her carnal company; and for this they came before her handsomely dressed; but as soon as they saw her, all will ceased in them; and when she was asked why she was in man’s habit and rode in arms, she answered that so it was ordained to her, and that principally it was to keep her chastity the more easily; also that it would have been too strange a thing to see her riding in woman’s habit among so many men-at-arms. And when lettered people spoke to her on these matters, she answered them so that they were much content, saying they doubted not that she had come on God’s behalf (1).

(1) Rehabilitation trial, passim.

After the King had been lodged before the said city of Auxerre three days, he departed with his host, drawing towards the town of Saint-Florentin, where those of the town made him full obedience. And he tarried not long there, but came with his host before the city of Troyes, which was a great and fat town; and there were inside it from five to six hundred fighting men, English and Burgundians, who sallied valiantly at the arrival of the King’s people; and there was a hard and bitter skirmish, in which some were cast to the ground on one side and the other, for the King’s people received them right well, and the said English were constrained to withdraw into the said city, etc., etc. (2).

(2) We omit the account of the siege of Troyes, which is nothing else than the text of Jean Chartier fused with that of the Journal of the Siege, without any addition. Thus there are spoken in it successively the passage of Brother Richard, the council held at the King’s lodging, and the impulse given to the works of the siege by the Maid. See above, pp. 72 and 181.

The people of the city knew and perceived the preparations that were being made; and thereon they considered that it was their sovereign lord; and certain simple people said they had seen around the standard of the said Maid an infinity of white butterflies. And as moved suddenly by a good will inspired of God, knowing also the marvellous things which this Maid had done in raising the siege of Orléans, they resolved to parley with the King, to know what treaty they might have. And the men of war themselves, the King’s enemies, who were inside the city, counselled it. And in fact the Bishop and the burgesses of the city and of the men of war, in very great number, came to the King, and in the end took composition and treaty, to wit that the men of war should go away, they and their goods, and those of the city should remain in the King’s obedience and render him the said city, provided they had general abolition; and as for the churchmen who had regales and collations of benefices from the King his father, he approved the collations; and those who had them from King Henry of England took letters of the King; and he willed that they should have the benefices, whatever collations he might have made of them to others (1).

(1) Journal of the Siege, save the circumstance of the white butterflies, which might well be taken from the condemnation trial. See vol. I, p. 103.

Those of the city made great feast and great joy, and those of the host had provisions at their pleasure. And in the morning almost all the garrison departed, both English and Burgundians, drawing whither they would go. And although by the treaty they maintained that they could take away their prisoners, and in fact were taking them, the said Joan kept herself at the gate, saying that in God’s name they should not take them; and in fact she kept them from it. And the King contented the said English and Burgundians somewhat for the ransoms at which the said prisoners were set; then the King entered there about nine o’clock in the morning. But the said Joan had entered there first, and had ordained missile-men on foot along the streets. And with the King there entered on horseback the lords and captains, well clad and mounted, and it was a very fair sight to see. So he put a captain and officers in the said city, and it was ordained by the King that the lord of Loré should remain in the fields with the men of war of the host. And on the morrow they all passed through the said city in fair order: whereat those of the city were right joyful; and they swore to the King to be good and loyal, and such have they ever shown themselves since (1).

(1) Jean Chartier (p. 76) and the Journal of the Siege (p. 184) amplified with certain circumstances of detail.

THE ABBREVIATOR OF THE TRIAL. #

In following the generation of the chronicles issuing from the account of Jean Chartier combined with other sources, we come to a work which was written about the year 1500 by order of Louis XII, at the instigation of the Admiral Louis Malet de Graville. It is a history of Joan of Arc, at the end of which is put an abridgement of the two trials. That of 1431 is reported there more at length; the author reproduced all its interrogatories; but frightened by the volume made by the pieces of the rehabilitation, he confined himself to indicating summarily the content of the principal ones; of which moreover he justifies himself in these terms: And it must here be understood that the said trial would be too long and tedious for whoever would write all it contains, to wit its acts, the informations and depositions of the witnesses, articles and reasons, which are of so long deduction that I have wished to abridge it and write it as summarily as I have been able, to show only the nullity, falsity and disloyalty of the said trial made by the said bishop, inquisitor and their adherents. After that he is not long in arriving at the definitive sentence, which he translated entire; then he gives the names of the judges called for the revision, such as they are found in the first act of the drafting of the Durfé manuscript (see vol. III, p. 372). Finally he concludes thus: These brief and summary trials, both of condemnation and of absolution, are extracted from three books which do not always agree together; and for this I pray those who will read it that it may please them to bear with me if it seems to them there is any error or fault, having regard to the diversity of the said works from which proceed the faults, if any there be.

This work has never been printed entire; it has no title and its author is unknown; but at divers epochs fragments more or less long have been published. Thus it is thence that comes a relation which followed the Histoire et Chronique de Normandie, printed at Rouen in 1581. It bears for title: Here follows the book of the Maid, native of Lorraine, who restored France into the hands of the King; together with the judgement, and how she was burned in the Old Market at Rouen. Later Robert Hotot borrowed from the Abbreviator, to place at the head of his edition of the Journal of the Siege (Orléans, 1621), all the history of Joan of Arc with the preliminaries of the condemnation trial put into French: documents which he gave as extracts from an ancient book written by hand, and curiously, containing the trial of Joan of Arc, called the Maid of Orléans, in which book there are some leaves torn out, so that the beginning is wanting. Effectively Robert Hotot’s extract begins with a tag of a sentence in the middle of a piece which served as prologue to the whole work. Finally in 1827 M. Buchon, in his Collection des Chroniques nationales (vol. IX), printed after a manuscript of Orléans, and under the title of Chronique et procès de la Pucelle d’Orléans, the work in question, less the fragment of prologue given by Hotot, and also less the abridgement of the rehabilitation which ends it.

The Orléans manuscript, whence I myself have drawn all my notions of the Abbreviator’s work, is a paper volume written in the time of Francis I. Before the Revolution it belonged to the Chapter of the cathedral; today it forms part of the town library, catalogued under no. 411. M. Septier gave notice of it in his book on the Orléans manuscripts, and before M. Septier, De l’Averdy had spoken of it after information furnished to M. de Breteuil by a learned Orléanais. The first leaf, half torn, now offers only a fragment of preface, absolutely conformable to what Robert Hotot printed; proof that it is this same exemplar that the editor of 1621 used.

The mutilation of the Orléans manuscript is regrettable. One may believe that the author named himself in the destroyed part of the prologue. The text furnishes nothing to supply it; only it may be inferred that this author was an ecclesiastic, from a passage where, speaking of Gerson, he calls him our master. His abridgement of the two trials is drawn from the known documents, that is, the authentic instruments and the Durfé manuscript. These are the three books not agreeing together, on whose disagreement he means to cast all the faults committed by him. A canon of Orléans, dead some few years ago, M. Dubois, taking these expressions literally, believed he could prove that the Abbreviator had at his disposal judicial documents now lost, and among others the French minute of the interrogatories of Joan of Arc. The dissertation in which he seeks to establish this point has been published by M. Buchon, at the place indicated. This opinion is not tenable. It is in formal contradiction with the testimony of the author himself declaring his abridgement translated from the Latin, in a rubric which will be found reported below. On the other side M. Dubois has the disadvantage, in his dissertation, of having reasoned the whole time against the originals of the trial, without knowing them.

As for the narrative part of the life of Joan of Arc, the Abbreviator made it with Jean Chartier, with another bad chronicle of France, written for Charles VIII while still Dauphin, and which is itself an abridgement of Chartier seasoned with errors (there is a manuscript exemplar of it in the Royal Library, no. 10299, French); finally with a third chronicle most authentic, says he, which he had not himself seen, but the content of which great personages had reported to him relative to the secret revealed by the Maid to Charles VII.

Of this compilation formed of so many heterogeneous elements, it will suffice to extract here the passages which are not the repetition of the anterior documents already known.

[Fragment of the author’s prologue.]

in the city of Rouen for her demerits, I answer them that she was condemned and executed, but it was iniquitously and through envy, as is shown clearly by the trial of the said condemnation, and even of her absolution, which I have wished to put hereafter in writing, by which it may be clearly seen how falsely, iniquitously, through envy, and not by justice, she was condemned and executed. Which trial I have extracted by the commandment of King Louis, the Twelfth of that name, and of my lord of Graville, Admiral of France. I pray those who will read it that, if they find in it any fault or error, it may please them to bear with and pardon the writer.

[Introduction to the narrative.]

After I had seen and read all the chronicles which are called the Chronicles of France, of Froissart, of Monstrelet, of Gaguin and other chronicles written by several persons, and I have regarded and well considered all the marvellous cases befallen in the said kingdom since the time of Marcomir and Pharamond, son of the first King of France, until now: I have found no case so singular and marvellous, nor more worthy of being put in writing to remain in perpetual memory of the French, that the kings of France, the princes and the lords, the nobles and all the people of the said country may understand and recognise the singular grace God did them, of preserving them from falling and tumbling into the subjection and servitude of the ancient enemies of France, the English.

[Secret revealed to Charles VII by the Maid.]

Although in the chronicles I have seen no mention is made of a thing which, long ago, I heard said and revealed, not on one occasion only but several, to great personages of France, who said they had seen it in a most authentic chronicle; which thing, reduced to writing from that time, both for the authority and reputation of him who said it and because it seemed to me a thing worthy of memory, I have much wished to put here in writing.

It is that, after the King had heard the said Maid, he was counselled by his confessor, or others, to speak to her in secret and ask her in secret whether he could certainly believe that God had sent her to him, so that he might the better trust her and give faith to her words: which the said lord did. To which she answered: Sire, if I tell you things so secret that none but God and you know them, will you well believe that I am sent on God’s behalf? The King answered that the Maid asks him. Sire, do you not well remember that on All Saints’ day last, being in the chapel of the castle of Loches, in your oratory, all alone, you made three requests to God? The King answered that he well remembered having made certain requests to Him. And then the Maid asked him whether he had ever told and revealed the said requests to his confessor or to others. The King said no. And if I tell you the three requests you made Him, will you well believe my words? The King answered yes. Then the Maid said to him: Sire, the first request you made to God was that you prayed Him that, if you were not the true heir of the kingdom of France, it might be His pleasure to take from you the courage to pursue it, so that you should no longer be a cause of making and sustaining the war whence proceed so many ills, to recover the said kingdom. The second was that you prayed Him that, if the great adversities and tribulations which the poor people of France suffered and had suffered so long proceeded from your sin and you were the cause of them: it might be His pleasure to relieve the people of them, and that you alone should be punished for them and bear the penance, be it by death or such other pain as it might please Him. The third was that, if the sin of the people was the cause of the said adversities, it might be His pleasure to pardon the said people and appease His ire, and put the kingdom out of the tribulations in which it had already been twelve years and more. The King, knowing that she spoke truth, gave faith to her words and believed she had come on God’s behalf, and had great hope she would aid him to recover his kingdom; and he resolved to help himself of her and believe her counsel in all his affairs.

[Taking of the Maid and preliminaries of her trial.]

The above-said solemnity [that of the unction] being perfected, and the oath of fidelity made by the inhabitants of the said place of Reims, the King, by the counsel of the said Maid, dislodged and took his way to Vailly, where he was right willingly received and obeyed, and likewise at Soissons; and thence went through the country of Brie, where he recovered certain places which were in his enemies’ hands. And he ever had good issue of all the enterprises he made by the Maid’s counsel. Of which enterprises and deeds of hers I shall forbear to write further, because all is written at length in the chronicles of which I have spoken; and what I have recited of them is only to give knowledge of the great goods she did in France, which is a thing admirable and worthy of memory.

And although the said deeds cannot be manifested and celebrated enough, nevertheless it has not been and is not my intention to recite them at length or in detail, but I wish only to write how she was taken before

Compiègne, and afterwards led to Rouen; in which place, at the great suit of the English, her mortal enemies, her trial was made, by which she was falsely and iniquitously condemned to be burned, as has since been found by the trial of her absolution, by which she was declared innocent of all the cases whereof she was accused; notwithstanding the determination made by my lords of the University of Paris, who, by flattery and to please the King of England, declared her a heretic, against the opinion of the late our master Jean Gerson, Chancellor of Notre-Dame of Paris, so learned and so wise, as his works show and give judgement of it. Which opinion, with the reasons which moved him to be against the opinion of the said University, is written hereafter (1); by which it may be seen where there is more appearance of truth and of good judgement.

(1) See the Rehabilitation Trial, vol. III, p. 208.

And to return to my purpose of speaking of the said Maid, whose renown grew every day, because the affairs of the kingdom all came to good end, and the said lord never failed to achieve all the enterprises he made by the counsel of the said Maid, she also had the honour and grace of all that was done. Whereat certain lords and captains, as I find in writing, conceived great hatred and envy against her: which is a thing likely and easy enough to believe, considering what befell soon after; for, she being at Lagny-sur-Marne, she was warned that the Duke of Burgundy and a great number of English had laid the siege before the town of Compiègne, which had not long before been reduced to the King’s obedience; and she departed with a certain number of men-at-arms she had with her, to go succour the besieged of the said place of Compiègne. Whose coming gave great courage to those of the said city.

A day or two after her coming, an enterprise was made by certain of those who were inside, to make a sally upon the enemies. And although she was not of the opinion to make the said sally, as I have seen in certain chronicles, nevertheless, lest she should be noted for cowardice, she was willing to go in the company: whereof it went ill with her; for, as she was fighting virtuously against the enemies, one of the French made the sign of retreat; wherefore each hastened to withdraw. And she, who wished to sustain the effort of the enemies while our people were withdrawing, when she came to the barrier, she found so great a press that she could not enter inside the said barrier; and there she was taken by the people of my lord John of Luxembourg, who was at the said siege with my said lord the Duke of Burgundy. Some would say that one of the French was the cause of the hindrance whereby she could not withdraw: which is a thing easy to believe, for it is not found that there was any Frenchman, at least any man of name, taken or wounded in the said barrier. I will not say that it is true; but, however it be, it was a great damage to the King and the kingdom, as may be judged by the great victories and conquests there were in so short a time as she was with the King.

The said Maid being taken by the people of the said Luxembourg, in the manner which is said, the said Luxembourg had her led to the castle of Beaurevoir (1), in which place he had her kept most carefully day and night, because he feared lest she should escape by magic art or by some other subtle manner.

(1) Read Beaurevoir.

After the said taking, the King of England and his council, fearing lest the said Maid should escape by paying ransom or otherwise, made all diligence to recover her. And to this end he sent several times to the said Duke of Burgundy and the said John of Luxembourg; to which the said Luxembourg would not hearken, and would not give her up at any price: whereat the said King of England was right ill content. Wherefore he assembled his council several times to advise what he could do to recover her. And in the end he was counselled to summon the Bishop of Beauvais, to whom he had it shown that the said Maid used magic and diabolic art, and that she was a heretic; that she had been taken in his diocese and was prisoner there; that it was for him to have cognisance of it and do justice of it, and that he ought to summon and admonish the said Duke of Burgundy and the said Luxembourg to render him the said Maid to make her trial, as it is ordained by disposition of law for prelates to make the trial against heretics, offering him to pay such reasonable sum as should be found that she ought to pay for her ransom. Which thing, after several remonstrances, the said Bishop agreed to do by counsel, if he should find that he must and could do it. And for this he counselled with my lords of the University of Paris, who were of the opinion that he could and must do it. And to please the King of England, they agreed with the said Bishop that they would write, on behalf of the University of Paris, to my lord John of Luxembourg, who held the Maid prisoner, that he ought to render her to make her trial, and that if he did otherwise he would not show himself a good Catholic, and several other remonstrances contained in the said letters, as will be seen by the copy of them which is written hereafter. When the said Bishop had heard the counsel and the offer of the said University, he agreed to make the said summons, which was put in writing, of which the tenor follows (1).

(1) There follow the letter of the University of Paris to John of Luxembourg and the summons carried to the camp of Compiègne by the Bishop of Beauvais. See these pieces in the Condemnation Trial, vol. I, pp. 10 and 13.

The said summons and letters being written and despatched, the Bishop of Beauvais, named Messire Pierre Cauchon, accompanied by a man who bore the letters of the University of Paris and by an apostolic notary, departed from Paris and went to Compiègne, where the said Duke of Burgundy and of Luxembourg were at the siege before the said Compiègne; to which said

Duke the said Bishop presented the schedule of the summons. Which Duke, after he had received it, gave it to my lord Nicole Raoullin, his Chancellor, who was present, and told him to give it to my lord John of Luxembourg and to the lord of Beaurevoir (2): which he did presently; for they both came up there. Which schedule the said Luxembourg received and read. And

(2) Misconstruction of the Abbreviator. The Latin has: domino J. de Luxemburgo, militi, domino de Beaurevoir (to lord J. of Luxembourg, knight, lord of Beaurevoir) (vol. I, p. 15).

after, the letters of the University were presented to him, which he likewise read, as is contained in the instrument of an apostolic notary named Triquelot, in which mention is made only of the schedule of the summons; which instrument I have translated from Latin into French (1).

(1) I omit this translation of the act reported vol. I, p. 15.

After the said schedule and letters of the University were given and presented, as is said, the said Bishop spoke to the said Luxembourg. And after several words, it was agreed that, on giving him a certain sum of money, the said Maid should be delivered to him: which was done three or four days after. Which Maid being received by the said Bishop, he put her into the hands of the English, who led her to Rouen and put her inside the castle of the said place, in a strong prison, well ironed, well shut and well guarded.

A certain very short time after, the said Bishop of Beauvais, solicited by the King of England and the people of his council, who desired the death of the said Maid, transported himself to Rouen; in which place he had called all the greatest personages and the most clerks and lettered men, the advocates and notaries, whose names are written hereafter. And when they were assembled, he told and declared to them how the King of France and England, their sovereign lord, had been counselled by the lords of his council and by the University of Paris to have made the trial of that woman, named Joan, vulgarly called the Maid, who is accused of heresy and of diabolic art and of several other crimes and misdeeds; and that, because the said woman had been taken and apprehended in his diocese, it was for him to make her trial, in which he wished to work by their counsel; and he prayed them to assist with him to do therein what should be found by reason. All of whom answered that they were ready to obey the King, and that they would willingly assist in the said trial.

On the morrow, because the archiepiscopal see was then vacant and the jurisdiction was in the hands of the chapter of the church of Rouen, the said Bishop found himself at the said chapter, and said to the Dean and canons of the said church like words to those he had said the day before; but, because he was out of his diocese, he wished well to have leave and permission to work in the territory of the Archbishop of Rouen; and he prayed them to permit him to work in the said territory: which was granted him. Whereof he asked letters: which was granted him.

These preparations made to begin the trial, although it had been shown to the said Bishop that, seeing the said trial was made in matter of faith and by churchmen, the said Joan the Maid ought to be put in the prisons of the Archbishop of Rouen, nevertheless, this good lord, wishing to please the King of England and have the grace of the English, would not do it; but left her in the prisons of the said English, her mortal enemies. In which he began to show the will he had to do good justice in this trial, in which he and his company showed themselves no less affectioned to make the said Maid die than Caiaphas and Annas and the scribes and Pharisees showed themselves affectioned to make Our Lord die, as may be clearly seen in the deduction of the said trial, in which there are several lies, as I have found in two books in which the trial of her condemnation is written, where there are several diversities, especially in her interrogations and in her answers; and it is also well proved by the trial of her absolution that the trial of her condemnation was falsified in several places.

Here begins the deduction of the trial made by my lord Pierre Cauchon, Bishop and Count of Beauvais, in matter of the faith, against a woman named Joan, vulgarly called the Maid, translated from Latin into French by the commandment of King Louis, the Twelfth of that name, and at the prayer of my lord the Admiral of France, lord of Graville.

And first, the said Bishop being in the city of Rouen in the year one thousand four hundred and thirty, after the Epiphany, which was the twelfth day of the month of January, had called before him the reverend fathers and masters, my lords Gilles, Abbot of Fécamp, doctor in theology; Nicole, Abbot of Jumièges, etc., etc. All of whom appeared, at the summons of the said Bishop, in the council chamber near the castle of Rouen. To whom the said Bishop set forth how a woman named Joan, vulgarly called the Maid, had lately been taken and apprehended in his diocese, etc., etc. (1).

(1) Let this specimen of the Abbreviator’s work suffice, and let it be compared with the text of the trial to be assured that it is but a most incomplete and most faulty reproduction of it.

THE MIRROR OF VIRTUOUS WOMEN. #

Mirror of virtuous women, together with the patience of Griselda, by which is demonstrated the obedience of virtuous women; the admirable history of Joan the Maid, native of Vaucouleurs, who by divine revelation and by great miracle was the cause of expelling the English both from France, Normandy and other neighbouring places, as you will see by the said history extracted from several chronicles making mention of it; newly printed at Paris. (8°, gothic). Such is the title of a work which Lenglet Dufresnoy had sought in vain in the cabinets of amateurs, and which until lately was so rare that the learned M. Brunet doubted its existence. M. Silvestre reprinted it in 1840, in his collection of rare gothic books, and since it has appeared in the Charpentier format (New Blue Library), by the care of M. Le Roux de Lincy.

The history of the Maid contained in this little book was, it appears, most popular in the time of Louis XII. The most important thing it offers is an anecdote on the catastrophe of Compiègne, which the author says he holds from two octogenarians of that city, questioned by him in 1498. Flavy, according to this testimony, would have sold the Maid to John of Luxembourg. It is evident that this is the origin of what all posterior historians, beginning with Belleforest and Jean Bouchet, have retailed about this pretended treason. We refer on this point to the opinion expressed in our preface.

We shall also extract from the same opuscule a version of the secret revealed to Charles VII, which differs little from that reported above, p. 257, as well as the account of the Maid’s arrival at the court: an account full of errors, and which by that very fact will show with what rapidity the history of Joan of Arc was turning into legend when the sceptics of the Renaissance came to call it in question.

Of Joan the Maid who came to the King of France during the siege of Orléans.

Straightway after the siege of the English was laid before the city of Orléans and during the said siege, to Messire Robert de Baudricourt, captain of Vaucouleurs in Lorraine, then being in the King’s host, there addressed herself a young maid of the said Vaucouleurs, named Joan, aged eighteen years, who was tall and most fair, and had been a shepherdess all her life. To which captain she said and prayed that he would present her to the King of France, for God had had revealed to her by the Virgin Mary, and by my lady Saint Catherine and my lady Saint Agnes, certain right singular things for the recovery of his kingdom; which she would not dare declare to any person other than the King. And of this the said captain was most tediously prayed, required and pressed by the above-said Maid; which captain adjoined some faith. So he advertised the King of it and the great personages who were about him; but some would make no account of it, saying it was a fancy and that no ear should be lent to it. The others were of contrary opinion and said that God meant to relieve the poor kingdom of France by the sense and conduct of her whom He alone would inspire above the conduct of human understandings, giving all to understand that by Him alone all kings reign and all lords hold lordship. Nevertheless it was advised, before passing further, that they should send in diligence to Vaucouleurs to fetch the father and the mother of this Maid; which was done.

And when they were at court, they were questioned how their daughter had lived, of what craft, and how their daughter had had that vision and what it was. They answered that she was their daughter and that they had accustomed and put her from her young age to keep their cattle in the fields, and that for some days past she had told them at several times that the Virgin Mary, Mother of God, and certain Saints of Paradise had appeared to her and often admonished her to withdraw to the King of France, to advertise him of certain things in which it was most necessary to work diligently to recover his kingdom; and that, to do this, she had departed from them and come to speak to the captain of their place, who was at court, and had addressed herself to him because she had often seen him in their country. And naught else did they say, save that their daughter had ever borne herself humble, sober, chaste and devout towards God and the world, in the poverty in which they were, in which they had nourished and raised her; and she was not cunning, subtle or a gossip.

After the father and mother had been heard speak of the estate of their daughter, it was advised that she should be questioned by the King’s confessor and by certain doctors and people of the King’s great council, before permitting her to speak to the King.

How Joan was questioned by great personages, and how she knew the King among his princes, and of the things she said to him.

Joan the Maid [was] examined and most amply questioned by the King’s council, to whom she said and declared the visions and apparitions which had come to her, without in any wise revealing to them what she had to say to the King. And she was kept for certain days, and each day she was questioned with several divine and human interrogatories; but in the end she was found so constant and so well-mannered that it was advised she should be made to speak to the King. So she was brought into a hall where the King was. Whom she knew and perceived among the other lords who were there, although they thought to make her believe that some other of the company was the King; but she said no, and pointed out the King with her finger, saying that it was with him she had to do and not with another: whereat all who were there marvelled.

When Joan the Maid had perceived the King, she drew near him and said to him: Noble lord, God the Creator has had me commanded by the Virgin Mary, His Mother, and by my lady Saint Catherine and my lady Saint Agnes, as I was in the fields keeping my father’s lambs, that I should leave all there and in diligence withdraw to you to reveal to you the means by which you will come to be King crowned with the crown of France, and will put your adversaries out of your kingdom. And it has been commanded me by Our Lord that no person other than you should know what I have to say to you.

And when she had said and shown this, the King had those who were there withdraw far to the bottom of the said hall, and at the other end where he was seated he had the Maid draw near him. Who for the space of an hour spoke to the King, without any person other than the two of them knowing what she said to him. And the King wept most tenderly: whereat his chamberlains, who saw his countenance, would have drawn near to break off the talk; but the King made them sign to withdraw and let her speak. What words they had together, nobody has been able to know or learn aught of, save that it is said that, after the Maid was dead, the King, who was much grieved at it, said and revealed to a certain person that she had told him how a few days before she came to him, he being one night laid in his bed while all those of his chamber were asleep, he was pondering in his thought the great affairs in which he was; and as one wholly out of hope of the succour of men, he arose from his bed in his shirt, and beside his bed, out of it, put himself on bare knees, with tears in his eyes and hands joined, as reputing himself a miserable sinner, unworthy to address his prayer to God, supplicated His glorious Mother, who is Queen of mercy and consolation of the desolate, that, if he was the true son of the King of France and heir of his crown, it might please the Lady to supplicate her Son to give him aid and succour against his mortal enemies and adversaries, in such manner that he might chase them out of his kingdom and govern it in peace; and if he was not the King’s son and the kingdom belonged not to him, that God’s good pleasure might be to give him patience and some temporal possessions to live honourably in this world. And the King said that at these words, which were borne him by the Maid, he knew well that verily God had revealed this mystery to this young maid; for what she had told him was true. And never had any man other than the King known aught of it.

How she was sold by the captain of Compiègne, and of the laments she made in the church of Saint-Jacques of the said place.

In the year 1430, about the beginning of the month of June, Messire John of Luxembourg, the Earls of Huntingdon, of Arundel, English, and a very great company of Burgundians laid the siege before Compiègne. And it was advised by Guillaume de Flavy, who was captain of it, that the Maid should go in diligence to the King to recover and assemble men to raise the siege; but the said Flavy had made this ordinance because he had already sold the Maid to the above-said Burgundians and English. And to attain his ends, he pressed her much to go out by one of the gates of the city, for the siege was not before that gate.

The said Maid, one right early morning, had mass said at Saint-Jacques and confessed herself and received her Creator, then withdrew near one of the pillars of the said church, and said to several people of the city who were there (and there were a hundred or six score little children who much desired to see her): My children and dear friends, I signify to you that I have been sold and betrayed, and that shortly I shall be delivered to death. So I supplicate you to pray God for me; for nevermore shall I have power to do service to the King or to the kingdom of France. And these words I heard at Compiègne, in the year one thousand four hundred and ninety-eight, in the month of July, from two old and ancient men of the city of Compiègne, aged, the one four score and eighteen years, and the other four score and six; who said they had been present in the church of Saint-Jacques of Compiègne when the above-said Maid pronounced those words.

When the Maid, with a company of twenty-five or thirty archers, had gone out of the city of Compiègne, Flavy, who well knew the ambush, had the barriers and the gate of the city shut. And when the Maid was a quarter of a league off, she was met by Luxembourg and other Burgundians; so she judged them more puissant and returned at a run, thinking to save herself inside the city; but the traitor Flavy had had the barriers closed to her and would not have the gates opened to her. For which cause the Maid was taken at that hour by the Burgundians at the barriers of Compiègne, and by them delivered to the English, in the above-said year 1430, under the sign of Gemini, as appears by the numerical letters of this little verse:

nVnC CadIt In geMInIs bVrgVndo VICta pVeLLa. (Now falls in Gemini, by the Burgundian conquered, the Maid.)

And because by the justice of men the said Flavy was not punished for this deed, God the Creator, who would not leave such a case unpunished, permitted afterwards that the wife of the said Flavy, named Blanche d’Aurebruche (1), who was a most fair damsel,

(1) This lady is called the Viscountess of Arsy (read Acy) by Mathieu de Coussy, who relates in all its detail the story of the murder of Guillaume de Flavy in 1449. Blanche d’Aurebruche was daughter of Robert d’Aurebruche, Viscount of Acy, whom Flavy had put to death in prison in order the sooner to have his castle of Nesle. This circumstance contributed much to mitigate the crime of his daughter. The barber, her accomplice, was a bastard of noble family. A captain named Pierre de Louvain, whom she remarried, was also in the plot. See Mathieu de Coussy, ch. XXVII, and the Memoirs of Jacques Duclercq, book V, ch. x.

suffocated and strangled him by the aid of a barber of hers, as he lay abed in his castle of Nesle in Tardenois: whereof she afterwards had grace of King Charles the Seventh, because she proved that her above-said husband had undertaken to have her drowned.

When the Maid was in the hands of Messire John of Luxembourg, he kept her some little time, and then sold her to the English, who gave him a great price for her, and the English led her to Rouen, where she was in prison and harshly treated.

How the said Joan was unjustly condemned to be burned in the market of Rouen where the church of Saint-Michel now is.

The English had the Maid’s trial made at Rouen, and under colour of justice, though nevertheless they had found in her no vice, stain or crime whatsoever, but because she publicly wore man’s habit (albeit she had told and declared to them that she did it so that the men with whom she was forced to consort for the affairs of the kingdom should not take in her carnal or wanton fancies): all this notwithstanding, they had her condemned and declared a heretic by an Englishman, Bishop of Beauvais; and by their secular judge she was condemned to be burned in the market of Rouen, where now is the church of my lord Saint-Michel (1).

(1) If the author means by this that Saint-Michel did not exist at the time of Joan of Arc’s execution, he is mistaken; this church is found mentioned as early as the twelfth century; but perhaps he only means to give it to be understood that it had been rebuilt and advanced upon the square after the rehabilitation. Nothing remains of it today.

Before nevertheless pronouncing her sentence, she was again essayed and questioned before divers judges in several consistories, enquiring several things touching the faith and law of Jesus Christ; for they thought that Charles, King of France, had taken this woman instructed by magic art, and in that he had erred in the Catholic faith: wherefore they held him unworthy to hold the kingdom. And although they found in her naught but all holiness and Christian life, nevertheless several, by flattery, as is the custom of some, to please the English enemies, strove to overcome the Maid, both by fallacies of sophistry and otherwise; albeit she submitted herself, with all she had done, and thereupon they accused her, to the examination of the Holy Apostolic See: showing that they ought not to be both judges and parties. Nevertheless all this availed her not nor hindered them from perfecting their cruel and unjust enterprise; for about tyrants there have ever been evil counsellors, who, blinded by iniquitous affection or flattery, to acquire the grace of princes, have procured the condemnation of just worthy men and had them punished as sinners and malefactors; for to that whereto they see the courage of princes and tyrants inclined, by all means they apply themselves to please them. Even so died the Maid. And that sentence was executed at the end of May 1431, as appears by the numerical letters of this verse:

IgnibVs oCCVbVIt geMInIs ILLVsa pVeLLa. (By fires perished in Gemini the deceived Maid.)

And her body was reduced to ashes, which afterwards were cast to the wind outside the city of Rouen. Nor ever since did the English prosper in France; but they were cast out of it, and out of all the neighbouring countries, to their great shame and confusion. And it is to be presumed that this was by the just judgement of God, who would not, among the other iniquities and pillagings committed by them, that the judgement thus made by them of the said Maid should remain unpunished;

For by experience is seen What is commonly said, That God, true judge, be it as it may, Renders to each his payment.

PIERRE SALA. #

Although he saw the reign of Francis I, Pierre Sala may still pass for a contemporary author in regard of Joan of Arc. The anecdote he relates of her came to him directly from Charles VII through M. de Boisy, chamberlain of that prince. We place it here because it confirms what is said in the preceding chronicles touching the secret revealed. It is taken from Pierre Sala’s work, which bears the title Hardiesses des grands Rois et Empereurs (Bold deeds of great Kings and Emperors). This Sala, who appears to have been the son of an illustrious parliamentarian of the same name, served as varlet Louis XI and Charles VIII, as pantler the Dauphin Orlando, as master of the household Louis XII. Francis I at his accession finding him old and decrepit, gave him his retreat and sent him to finish his days quietly in the royal house of Antiquaille, at Lyons. It is there that Sala composed his book of the Hardiesses, which he offered to his young benefactor in 1516, when the latter was returning victor from the Milanese. The Royal Library possesses two manuscripts of this work, one of which is the very one which served for the presentation (no. 191 of the French Supplement). For fuller information on these manuscripts, resort to the Bibliothèque de l’École des Chartes, vol. II (first series), p. 281, and to the Manuscrits françois de la bibliothèque du roi, by M. P. Paris, vol. V, p. 91.

Pierre Sala’s account of the Maid has been known for a long time. Colletet, who held a copy of it from Père Jacob, sent it to Symphorien Guyon, then occupied in writing the history of Orléans. Symphorien Guyon hastened to introduce into his book so curious an adventure, thanking Colletet much, without naming Père Jacob, who was angered at it. It is Niceron who informs us of this anecdote in his Mémoires. A hundred years after, Lenglet Dufresnoy published the very text of Pierre Sala at the end of his Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc (Part II, p. 149). We give it anew, more complete and after a better reading, that of manuscript 191 S. F.

It is a notorious thing that, of all times, Our Lord has never abandoned His good kings at their great need. Have you not heard aforetime of the fair miracles He wrought for King Clovis, who was the first Christian king, and consequently for King Dagobert, for Charles the Great and for several other kings? And of fresh memory, for the gentle King Charles VII, of whom we speak, when after he was brought so low that he had no more whither to withdraw in his kingdom, save at Bourges and in some castle thereabout, Our Lord sent him a simple maid, by whose counsel he was restored to his entirety and remained a peaceable king. And because perchance it would be hard for certain people to understand that the King gave faith to the words of the said Maid, know that she made him such a message on God’s behalf, in which she declared to him a secret enclosed within the King’s heart, of such sort that he had never in his life revealed it to any creature, save to God in his orison. And for this, when he heard the tidings which the said Maid said to him apart (which could not be known by her save by divine inspiration), then he put all his conduct and resource into her hands; and although the King still had good and sufficient captains to deliberate on the business of his war, yet he commanded that nothing should be done without calling the Maid. And sometimes it befell that her opinion was quite contrary to the captains’; but, however it was, if they believed her, it ever turned out well; and contrariwise, when they would execute their opinion without her, it turned out ill. But you might ask me how I have known what I tell you at present, and I am going to recount it to you.

It is true that about the year 1494 I was of the chamber of the gentle King Charles VIII, who may well be called the Bold, for he well showed it at Fornovo, on returning from the conquest of his kingdom of Naples, when, only accompanied by about eight hundred French, he discomfited sixty thousand Lombards, of whom some were slain and the others fled. This gentle king espoused my lady Anne, Duchess of Brittany, and had of her a fair son, who was Dauphin of Viennois, named Charles Orlando, born in the Plessis-lèz-Tours; and in the same place he was nurtured by the King’s commandment, under the government of a most noble ancient knight, his chamberlain, named Messire Guillaume Gouffier, lord of Boisy, who was chosen by him among all those of the kingdom for a good and loyal worthy man. For this cause he would commit his son into his hands as to him in whom he much trusted. With this noble knight were placed the lord of La Selle-Guenault, two masters of households, a physician and me, who was his pantler; and there were no more at that beginning of estate, save the ladies and twenty-four archers for his guard.

Thereabouts I followed this good knight, my lord of Boisy, when he sported through the park; and I so loved him for his great virtues that I could not part from him; for from his mouth came naught but fair examples, in which I learned much good. And it seems to me that if I know any good, I hold it of him. He recounted to me, among other things, the secret which had been between the King and the Maid; and well might he know it, for in his youth he had been much loved of that King, so much that he would never suffer any gentleman to lie in his bed save him. In this great familiarity which I tell you of, the King recounted to him the words which the Maid had said to him, such as you shall hear hereafter.

It is true that in the time of the great adversity of this King Charles VII, he found himself so low that he knew not what to do any more, and did naught but think on the remedy of his life, for, as I have told you, he was enclosed among his enemies on every side. The King being in this extreme thought, entered one morning into his oratory, all alone; and there he made an humble request and prayer to Our Lord, within his heart, without pronouncing of word, in which he devoutly required Him that, if it were so that he was the true heir descended of the noble house of France, and that the kingdom justly ought to belong to him, it might please Him to keep and defend him, or at the worst give him grace to escape without death or prison; and that he might save himself in Spain or in Scotland, which were of all antiquity brothers-in-arms and allies of the kings of France, and for this he had there chosen his last refuge.

A little time after this, it befell that the King being in all these thoughts I have recounted to you, the Maid was brought to him; who in keeping her sheep in the fields had had divine inspiration to come comfort the good King. Who failed not, for she had herself led and conducted by her own kinsfolk as far as before the King, and there she made her message with the tokens above said, which the King knew to be true; and from that hour he counselled by her, and it went well with him for it, for she conducted him as far as Reims, where she had him crowned King of France, in despite of all his enemies, and rendered him peaceable in his kingdom. Afterwards, as it pleases God to ordain of things, this holy Maid was taken and martyred by the English: whereat the King was much grieved, but he could not remedy it.

Moreover, the said lord recounted to me that ten years after, there was brought back to the King another affected Maid, who much resembled the first. And they meant to give it to be understood, by making rumour run, that it was the first who had been raised again. The King, hearing these tidings, commanded that she be brought before him. Now at that time the King was wounded in one foot and wore a tawny boot; by which token those who were conducting this treason had advertised the false Maid, so as not to fail to know him among his gentlemen. It befell that at the hour when the King summoned her to come before him, he was in a garden under a great trellis. So he commanded one of these gentlemen that as soon as he should see the Maid entered, he should advance to receive her, as if he were the King: which he did. But she being come, knowing by the above-said tokens that it was not he, refused him; so she came straight to the King. Whereat he was astonished and knew not what to say, save in saluting her right sweetly, he said to her: Maid, my friend, be you most welcome back, in the name of God who knows the secret that is between you and me. Then, miraculously, after having heard this single word, the false Maid put herself on her knees before the King, crying him mercy; and on the spot she confessed all the treason, whereof certain were most sharply justiced, as well belonged in such a case.

GUILLAUME GIRAULT. #

Guillaume Girault, notary at the Châtelet of Orléans at the epoch of the siege, was an important man in the city, for he had exercised in 1416 and 1417 the functions of procurator or échevin. A relation of the deliverance of Orléans written in his hand and signed with his name was found about twenty years ago among old minutes, in the study of Me Assier, notary at Orléans. M. Jollois hastened to publish this piece in his Histoire du Siège. I reproduce it after another copy taken from the original which is today in the keeping of Me Lorin, successor of Me Assier.

On Wednesday, the Vigil of the Ascension, the fourth day of May, the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, by the [men] of the King our lord, and the [inhabitants] of the city of Orléans, present and aiding Joan the Maid [found] by her works to be a virgin and sent of God for this, and also as by miracle, the fortress of the English at Saint-Loup near Orléans was taken by force of arms, which the English, enemies of the King our said lord, had made and held. And there were taken and slain more than six score English.

And on the Saturday following, after the Ascension of Our Lord, the seventh day of the said month of May, and also by the grace of Our Lord, and also as by the most evident miracle which has appeared for this since the Passion, with the aid of the said people of the King and of the said city of Orléans, the siege which the said English had laid at the Tourelles of the bridgehead of Orléans, on the side of Sologne, which had been taken by effort and assault on the twenty-fourth day of the month of October last past, was raised. And there were slain and taken about a thousand English who guarded the said Tourelles; the said Maid, who conducted the work armed at all points, being present at it.

And on the Sunday and Monday following, the said English departed from Saint-Pouair, where they had made a strong bastille which they called Paris, and from another bastide near it which they called the Tower of London; from the Pressoir-Ars which they named Rouen, where they had made a strong bastille; from Saint-Laurent where they had had several fortresses and bastilles made; and all the said fortresses and bastilles enclosed on two sides by ditches and on one side all round.

Signed: Guillaume Girault.

JEAN ROGIER. #

This author, who died only in 1637, may legitimately figure among those of the fifteenth century by reason of the unique information he gives us, both on Joan of Arc and on the journey of Charles VII to Reims. His relation has been recently printed by M. Varin in the Archives législatives de la ville de Reims (2nd part, Statuts, vol. I, p. 596). It is extracted from an autograph manuscript of Jean Rogier, preserved in the Royal Library (French Supplement 1515-2), which bears this title: Collection made by me, Jean Rogier, of the charters, titles and notable judgements which are found in the house and hôtel de ville, as also in the chamber of the échevinage of the city of Reims; together with the deeds and notable acts of the inhabitants of the same since the year eleven hundred and sixty or thereabouts, no charters or titles older than that time being found; but by certain of them conjecture may be made what the preceding government was.

Letters of Charles VII, of the Maid, of the military commanders of the country, of the municipal bodies of the cities of Troyes and of Châlons-sur-Marne, precious pieces whose originals no longer exist, are the sole elements which have entered into the composition of the account which is to be read.

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, the English having been chased from the siege which they held before the city of Orléans by the succour of Joan the Maid, and all their army discomfited in the neighbourhood of Beaugency, Meung and other places, the Dauphin, who was King Charles the Seventh (but he will be so named until his arrival at Troyes, in order to make this present collection conformable to the letters and advices which are reported in it), took resolution by the advice of his council to set out for Champagne to come to the city of Reims to have himself consecrated and crowned King of France; and, following what the Duke of Burgundy wrote to the inhabitants of the said Reims, making answer to the letters which the said inhabitants had written him, the said Dauphin had had some assurance from certain inhabitants of the said city that, he coming into Champagne, the gates of the city of Reims would be opened to him. And the said Duke of Burgundy says in his letters that he was advertised that certain of the said inhabitants had, by letters or messages, summoned and brought the said adversaries, assuring them that, they being come thereabouts, opening of the gates of the said city would be made them, with entire obedience; and that otherwise they would not have so hardened themselves to come into these marches.

The Cordelier who was taken by those of Troyes, as will be said hereafter, strongly confirms what the said Duke of Burgundy had written of it; saying to those of Troyes that he had seen three or four burgesses who said they were of the city of Reims, who said among other things to the said Dauphin that he should go surely to Reims, and that they made themselves strong to put him inside the said city; although the history of France makes no mention of these particulars, which might be said to be invented; but it must not at all be doubted that it was not done thus. The letters of the Duke of Burgundy are still in good form, and those of the inhabitants of Troyes touching the report of the Cordelier, and then the effects which followed.

A great prudence is recognised on the part of the inhabitants of the said Reims in the course of this setting-out of the Dauphin; who, in order not to give ill suspicion of them towards the chiefs who governed for the Englishman, gave them advice of all they heard of the said setting-out and of the estate of the said city of Reims, and sent word that the passages should be hindered to the said Dauphin; but of asking succour to defend and guard the said city, not a word, and they would receive none, as will be said hereafter. And it must be noted that from Orléans as far as the said Reims, all was at the Englishman’s devotion.

Philibert de Moulant, having charge of a company of men of war, being at Nogent-sur-Seine, wrote to the inhabitants of Reims on the first day of July of the said year 1429 that the Dauphin and his power were at Montargis, and boasted that they were going to Sens, promising themselves that those of Sens would make them an opening; but that he was well assured of the contrary, and that they awaited the succour of the King of England, of my lord the Regent and of my lord of Burgundy; and that the inhabitants of the said city had taken and wore the cross of Saint Andrew; and that the towns of Auxerre and others of the country cared naught for the Armagnacs or for the Maid; and that, if the said inhabitants of Reims had need of him, he would come succour them with his company, as a good Christian must do. The inhabitants of the city of Troyes gave like advice to the inhabitants of Reims, and on the same day, sending them word that the enemies of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy were near Auxerre to go to the city of Reims, and that, if it happened that they were required by the said enemies to do anything contrary to the party they held, they were resolved to make answer wholly negative, and to keep themselves in that party of the King and Duke of Burgundy unto death inclusive.

The Dauphin being arrived near the city of Troyes on the fifth day of the said month of July, sent word to the said inhabitants that, by advice of his council, he had undertaken to go to Reims to receive his unction and coronation there, and that his intention was to pass on the morrow through the said city of Troyes, and to this end sent them word and commanded them to render him the obedience they owed him, and that they should dispose themselves to receive him, without making difficulty or doubt of things past, for which they might doubt lest he should wish to take vengeance: which he had not in will; but that they governing themselves towards their sovereign as they ought, he would put all in oblivion and hold them in his good grace.

Joan the Maid likewise wrote to the said inhabitants in this fashion:

Jhesus Maria.

Most dear and good friends, if it lies not in you, lords, burgesses and inhabitants of the city of Troyes, Joan the Maid sends you word and makes known to you on behalf of the King of Heaven, her rightful and sovereign lord, in whose royal service she is every day, that you should make true obedience and recognition to the gentle King of France, who will shortly be at Reims and at

Paris, come who may against, and into his good towns of the holy kingdom, by the aid of King Jesus. Loyal Frenchmen, come to meet King Charles and let there be no failing; and doubt not for your bodies or your goods, if you do so. And if you do not so, I promise and certify you on your lives that we will enter by God’s aid into all the towns which must be of the holy kingdom, and will there make good firm peace, come who may against. To God I commend you, God be your guard, if it please Him. Answer shortly. Before the city of Troyes, written at Saint-Fal, the Tuesday, fourth day of July.

On the back of which letters was written: To the lords burgesses of the city of Troyes.

Of all the above the said inhabitants of Troyes gave advice to the inhabitants of the said Reims, sending them copy of the said letters, as is seen by their letters written the same fifth day of the said month of July, saying that they awaited that day the enemies of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy, to be besieged by them. At whose enterprise, whatever power the said enemies might have, having seen and considered the just quarrel they held and the succour of their princes which had been promised them, they were resolved better and better to guard themselves and the said city in the obedience of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy, unto death, as they had all sworn upon the precious body of Jesus Christ; praying the said inhabitants of Reims to have pity on them, as brothers and loyal friends, and to send to my lord the Regent and the Duke of Burgundy, to require and supplicate them to take pity on their poor subjects and go succour them.

And by other letters written the same day at five o’clock after midday upon the walls of the said city, the said inhabitants of Troyes give advice to those of Reims that the enemy and adversary in his person, with his power, had arrived that day, about nine o’clock in the morning, before their city, and had besieged them; and that he had sent them his closed letters signed with his hand, sealed with his privy seal, containing what is above transcribed. Which letters, after having been read in council, by deliberation of the same answer had been made to the heralds who had brought them, without their having entry into the said city, that the lords, knights and squires who were in the said city on behalf of the King and the Duke of Burgundy had, with them the inhabitants, sworn and made oath not to suffer to enter into the said city of Troyes any who were stronger than they, without the express commandment of the Duke of Burgundy: by reason of which oath, those who were inside the said city dared not thrust him into it; and moreover, for their excuse, they the inhabitants, it had been joined to the said answer that, whatever will they had, the great multitude of men of war who were in the said city was stronger than they. Which answer thus made, each of them had drawn himself upon the walls and to his guard, in intention and firm will that, if any effort were made upon them, to resist unto death; and it seemed to them that, at God’s pleasure, they would render good account of the said city, requiring again the said inhabitants of Reims that they should send to the said Regent and

Duke of Burgundy to show their necessity. They also said that they had received letters from Joan the Maid, whom they called Cocquarde (1), which they certified to be a sheer folly full of the devil, and that to her letter there was neither rhyme nor reason, and that after having made lecture of it and well mocked at it, they had cast it into the fire, without making her any answer, forasmuch as it was naught but mockery. They also said that certain companions of the said city had taken a Cordelier, who had known, confessed and sworn in priest’s words and under the vow of his religion, that he had seen three or four burgesses who said they were of the city of Reims, who said among other things to the said Dauphin that he should go surely to Reims, and that they made themselves strong to put him inside the said city. And the said men of Troyes sent word to those of Reims that thereon they should take advice, to take heed whom they trusted.

(1) The sense of the word coquard has much varied. Originally it signified a fop, a fashionable man. Cocquarde may here pass for the equivalent of hâbleuse, a woman of no substance.

The inhabitants of the city of Châlons, having received like advice from the said inhabitants of Troyes touching the coming and arrival of the said Dauphin, and moreover that the letters of Joan the Maid had been carried to the said Troyes by one named Brother Richard the Preacher, gave advice of it to the inhabitants of Reims, sending them word that they had been much astonished at the said Brother Richard, forasmuch as they had thought him a very good worthy man, but that he was become a sorcerer. They said also that the said inhabitants of Troyes were making strong war upon the people of the said Dauphin, with several other words of bravado; and that on these tidings they of Châlons had the intention to hold and resist with all their powers against the said enemies.

The inhabitants of the city of Reims likewise received letter from the said Dauphin, written the fourth day of the said month of July, by which he sends them word that they might well have received tidings of the good fortune and victory which it had pleased God to give him over the English, his ancient enemies, before the city of Orléans, and since at Jargeau, Beaugency and Meung-sur-Loire, in each of which places his enemies had received very great damage; and that all their chiefs, and others to the number of four thousand, were there either dead or remained prisoners: which things having befallen rather by divine grace than by human work, by the advice of his blood and lineage and of his Great Council, he had set out to go to the said city of Reims, to take his unction and coronation there. Wherefore he sent them word that, on the loyalty and obedience they owed him, they should dispose themselves to receive him in the manner accustomed to be done to his predecessors, and without any difficulty being able to be made for things past and for the doubt which might be had lest he still had them in his memory; certifying them that in governing themselves towards him as one ought, he would treat them in all their affairs as good and loyal subjects; and to be further informed in his intention, if anyone of the said city would come to him, he would be most content with the herald he sent, that they might go surely in such number as they should advise, without any hindrance being given them. Given at Brinon-l’Archevêque, the day above said.

The lord of Châtillon (1), captain of the city of Reims, during the time of these tidings was not at Reims, but was at Château-Thierry: which was the cause that the inhabitants of the said city sent to him in diligence the Bailiff of Reims (2), on the eighth day of the said month of July, and gave him advice of all that is contained above; and especially that on these tidings they had assembled to conclude on it (which they had not been able to do for the few people who found themselves in the said assembly); and that since they had had the commons assembled by quarter; who had all answered and promised to live and die with the council and notable people of the said city, and according to their good advice and counsel would govern themselves in good union and peace, without murmuring or making answer, save by the advice and ordinance of the captain of the said city or of his lieutenant (3). And the said Bailiff had charge to tell him on the part of the

(1) Guillaume, lord of Châtillon and of La Ferté in Ponthieu, grand queue of France, an adherent of John of Luxembourg. He held Épernay for the English until 23 October 1435. Rogier, ibid., fol. 152.

(2) This Bailiff was called Guillaume Hodierne.

(3) It is seen by the Accounts of the common moneys of Reims that the lord of Châtillon had two lieutenants, to wit Jean Cauchon and Thomas de Bazoches, both squires. Thomas de Bazoches was the only officer present when Charles VII made his entry. Varin, ibid., pp. 910 and 912.

said inhabitants that he would be received into the said city with forty or fifty horses, to communicate on the affairs of the said city, with several other things. Which lord of Châtillon, to answer the above, sent to the said Reims Pierre de la Vigne, bearer of his letters, to whom he had given certain articles advised by him, on which, on the credence he had given the said La Vigne to speak on his behalf to the said inhabitants, he asked that answer be made him, and that, if they would keep and maintain it to him without infringing, he would dispose himself to live and die with them.

Articles sent to the inhabitants of Reims by the lord of Châtillon, captain of the said city.

That the said city be well and hastily supplied.

That to guard it, there must be at least three or four hundred fighting men who remain there until the enterprise of the Dauphin has failed in regard of the said city; that he had written to my lords the Regent and the Duke of Burgundy that they should send thither notable knights and squires to resist the said enterprise there: whereof he had no answer; wherefore it was necessary to send into the county of Rethel, and everywhere where they can be found in the places neighbouring the said city, where they may be got.

Item that, if their will be that he put himself inside the said city, he will not promise it until he has the guard of the said city and of the castle of Porte-Mars, to which he will consent that therein, with him, there be five or six notable persons of the said city. And what he does in it is for fear of the commotion of the people, and because it seems to him it is for their good and surety; and that advice be had of the provisions necessary for him and those who will assist him and come with him, and how they might be governed and contented.

Which articles, if they will maintain, he is ready to put himself with them, and he retains the duplicate of the above for his discharge; and let answer be made him hastily, forasmuch as, if the Dauphin came before the said city, he could not thrust himself into it.

It may easily be judged by the behaviour of the said lord of Châtillon on the occurrences of this time, that he had recognised that the design of the inhabitants of the said Reims was to admit and receive the said Dauphin into the said city. This is why he will not come there until he is the stronger.

Afterwards the said lord of Châtillon with the lords of Saveuse and of L’Isle-Adam came to the said city of Reims with a great number of their people; which lords set forth several things to the said inhabitants on behalf of the Duke of Burgundy, and that the army to resist the Dauphin could not be ready for five to six weeks. Which things being heard by the said inhabitants, they would not permit the people of the said lords to enter inside the said city of Reims: which was the cause that the said lords of Châtillon, of Saveuse and of L’Isle-Adam withdrew.

From every side they wrote to the inhabitants of Reims, to encourage them to maintain themselves in the obedience of the King and of the Duke of Burgundy: as Colart de Mailly, Bailiff of Vermandois, wrote on the tenth of the said month of July, that the Duke of Burgundy and Messire John of Luxembourg were to enter

Paris on the day preceding the date of his letters; that the English, to the number of eight thousand fighting men, had come down into the county of Boulogne, and that shortly there would be the fairest and greatest company to resist the enemies that had been for twenty years past in this kingdom; and that the Duke of Burgundy had sent his army to the passages whither the said enemies had come, to hinder their return; and that they would not all return into their places. The inhabitants of the city of Troyes, having received King Charles the Seventh, who has always been called and named the Dauphin until here, into their city, gave advice of it the same day to the said inhabitants of Reims, which was the eleventh of the said month of July; and sent them word that King Charles being arrived before the said city, besides the letter he had written them, which is mentioned above, he had sent them word that they might come to him in all surety; and that the reverend father in God my lord the Bishop of the said city having gone thither, the King showed and set forth to them most highly and most prudently the causes for which he had come to them; saying that, by the decease of the late King his father, he surviving was sole and unique heir of the said kingdom; and for this cause he had undertaken his journey to Reims to be consecrated, and to the other parts of his kingdom to reduce them into his obedience; and that he would pardon all the time past, without reserving aught; and that he would hold them in peace and freedom, such as the King Saint Louis held his kingdom. Which things being reported to them, in a great assembly it was concluded and resolved to render him full obedience, considering his good right, which is a thing every one may know, provided he would grant them general abolition of all cases, and that he would leave them no garrison, and that he would abolish the aids except the gabelle; whereof he and his council were agreed. And for these causes the said inhabitants of Troyes prayed the said inhabitants of Reims to be willing to make the said King full obedience, such as they had made it, that they might together always maintain themselves in one same lordship, and that they might preserve their bodies and their goods from perils. For, if they had not done so, they were all lost in body and in goods, and they would not wish it were to do again; and they were displeased at having tarried so long; and that one will be most joyful when one has done it, forasmuch as he is the prince of the greatest discretion, understanding and valiance that has issued for a long while from the noble house of France.

Jehan de Châtillon, lord of Troissy, brother of the captain of Reims, by his letter written at Châtillon on the thirteenth of the said month of July, sent word to the inhabitants of Reims that he had heard that the King’s entry into the city of Troyes had not been with the consent of the lords of Rochefort and of Plancy, nor of other lords, knights and squires of the said city; and that the said entry had been made by the seduction of the Bishop and of the Dean of the said Troyes, by the means of a Cordelier named Brother Richard; that the commons of the said city went to the said lords, knights and squires, in very great number, to tell them that, if they would not keep the treaty they had made for the public good, they would put the King’s people inside the said city, will they or nill they. The said Châtillon also said that the enemies had made no effort, and that they had naught to eat and were near to passing on; that the said knights and squires had gone out of the said city by treaty, their bodies and their goods safe, and provided that of all the prisoners they had taken they were to have of each a mark of silver; and that the squire who had brought him these tidings certified having seen Joan the Maid, and that he was present when the lords of Rochefort, Philibert de Molan and others questioned her; and that he had affirmed to them on his faith that it was the simplest thing he ever saw; and that in her deed there was neither rhyme nor reason, no more than in the greatest fool he ever saw; and he did not compare her to so valiant a woman as Madame d’Or (1); and that the enemies made naught but mock of those who were in doubt of her. Regnault de Chartres, Archbishop of Reims and Chancellor of France, had always assisted the said King Charles the Seventh, even during the time of his regency, so that he had had no part in the affairs which had passed in the city of Reims since the Duke of Burgundy’s entry into it. Being at Troyes with the King, he sent word to the inhabitants of the said Reims by his letters of the twelfth of the said month of July,

(1) Personage unknown.

that they should dispose themselves to receive the King honourably at his unction: to do which he prayed and exhorted them.

The inhabitants of the city of Châlons having likewise received the said King Charles in the said city, gave advice of it to the inhabitants of Reims by their letters of the sixteenth of the said month of July, sending them word that King Charles had sent a herald called Montjoye to see them, telling them by the same to dispose themselves to receive him and render him full obedience; and that thereon they had deputed certain ambassadors on their part to go to him at L’Estrée; who were benignly received and favourably heard; and that they being returned into the said city of Châlons, and after having been heard in general assembly, they had all concluded to receive the said King Charles and render him entire obedience, as to their sovereign; and also that they had been to meet him, to bear him the keys of the said city, which he benignly received; and he entered into the said city. By the said letter praising much the person of the King, being sweet, gracious, pitiful and merciful, a fair person, of fair bearing and high understanding; and that for nothing would they have done otherwise; and they counsel the said inhabitants of Reims that the soonest, without delaying, and for the best, they go to meet him, to make him obedience; and that they will receive great joy and honour of it.

The inhabitants of the city of Reims being advertised of the setting-out of the said King Charles, sent to meet him as far as Sept-Saulx a number of notable burgesses of the said city, who offered the King plain and entire obedience as to their sovereign, as is seen by the letters patent given the above-said sixteenth day of the month of July of the said year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, at the said place of Sept-Saulx, in form of charter.

King Charles the Seventh, since his unction, wrote several letters to the inhabitants of the said Reims, and there are found of them seventy in number, besides the patent ones; by certain of which he asks of the said inhabitants new aids for the maintenance of his armies, as also a great number of war munitions, cannon, bombards, powder, balls, a number of carpenters, masons and workmen, paid and maintained at the expense of the said inhabitants, to assist him in the sieges of Lagny, Meaux, Pontoise and other places. He also tells them the contentment he has of them and of what they have done for his service. And although sinister reports had been made him against the fidelity they owed him, he had not wished to adjoin any faith to it, holding himself too assured of their fidelity; that one named Jean Labbé had said that there were several people who had promised to render the said city of Reims to the Duke of Burgundy; others who had said that on Corpus Christi day it had been undertaken to bring the said Duke of Burgundy into it (1). And he witnesses by all his letters that he had a great care of the said city of Reims, and a great confidence in its inhabitants.

(1) We shall report in their place letters of Joan of Arc, written at the beginning of 1430 on this affair.

THE CLERK OF THE HÔTEL DE VILLE OF ALBI. #

Relation of the time in the Romance tongue, extracted from Cartulary no. 4 of the Hôtel de Ville of Albi. There is a copy of it in the Royal Library in tome IX (fol. 287) of the Doat manuscripts. M. Compayré has recently printed it in his Études historiques et documents inédits sur l’Albigeois (4°, Albi, 1841).

Memorial be it to all present and to come of a marvellous thing which Our Lord God Jesus Christ showed to the noble prince and our sovereign lord the King of France, Charles, son of Charles. To wit, that in the month of March of the year 1428 there came to the said noble King of France a girl, a young Maid of the age of fourteen to fifteen years, who was of the country and of the duchy of Lorraine, which country is in the parts of Germany. And the said Maid was an innocent shepherdess, who had always kept the sheep. And she came to the King, at the time above said, in the town of Chinon, accompanied by her two brothers, and others accompanied her in a small company. And when she was there, she said that she wished to speak with the King, whom she did not call King but Dauphin, because he was not crowned. Whereupon certain knights were shown to her, telling her that that was the King; and she ever said it was not; and when she saw him, she knew him well. And then the King beckoned, and she, as soon as she saw him, knelt down and said to him that God sent her to him, and called him gentle King of France, and that if he would believe that she had come thither by God’s commandment, he would recover all that the English, the King’s ancient enemies, had taken and usurped from him. Which is that they held all the countries of Normandy and of Picardy save Tournai, of Brevois, of Maine and of Artois, of Brie, of Beauce and all Champagne, Paris and all sweet France, the country of Hainault and of Cambresis, as far as the river Loire. For at that time the English held besieged the town of Orléans, in which there were inside five hundred men-at-arms; but that siege was so strong that neither the men-at-arms, nor the people of the town, nor yet all the King’s power was sufficient to raise it; but those inside were in purpose to surrender to the mercy of the English: whereat the King was much troubled, to lose so good a town as that is. And the Maid seeing that the King was troubled, said to him these words: Gentle King of France, what ails you? You are grieved for your city of Orléans. I wish to send them a letter in which shall be made mention that God commands them to raise themselves from before the city and go away; for if they did not, they would have to raise themselves by force. And when the captains had read the letter which the Maid sent them, they said great insults and injuries to her. And the answer of the said letter being had, the Maid told the King to have men-at-arms and of shot; and it was done, and she made her commandment; and she put herself foremost of all, armed in white harness all from head to foot; and she held her standard, in which was Our Lady, and she went to the siege with all that company in which was La Hire and the Bastard of Orléans and other captains; but not in so great company as were the English by ten to one; and they had great fear to set themselves upon them, but the Maid put such heart into them and put herself before the strongest part of the siege, that before they were twenty-four hours they had raised the said siege and slain a great multitude of English, and taken a great store of prisoners.

MATHIEU THOMASSIN. #

Mathieu Thomassin, born at Lyons in 1391, knight of laws, formed in the schools of Orléans and in the Parlement of Paris, was fiscal procurator-general in Dauphiné from the beginning of the reign of Charles VII. He afterwards became auditor then president of the accounts at Grenoble. In 1456 the Dauphin Louis, afterwards Louis XI, charged him, by commission given at Romans on 20 May, to compose a book on the history, the rights and the prerogatives of the Dauphin’s crown. Hence the work called Registre delphinal, whence are drawn the extracts to be read. These extracts have been already published by M. Buchon in 1838, in the volume of the Panthéon littéraire which contains the documents on the Maid. The editor had copied them from the original exemplar of Thomassin’s work, which forms part of the manuscripts of the library of Grenoble.

The King (1) being in the hands of the English, died in the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-two. And then my said lord the Dauphin called himself King. And because the enemies held all the places as far as Reims, and Reims also, he was not crowned until the advent of the Maid. And he called himself King of France, Dauphin of Viennois, in the letters which were addressed on this side, until the time when he gave the administration of Dauphiné to my lord (2). And the enemies mocked and japed at him, and called him King of Bourges, because he had withdrawn there and made the most of his dwelling there.

(1) Charles VI.

(2) That is, to his son Louis, in 1440.

And it is true that, as well by battles, by encounters, by sieges, by assaults, as otherwise, the kingdom was led to the point that it would have been wholly led and put into the obedience of the English and of their allies, had God not had pity on it, and sent succour by the means of a poor shepherdess called Joan.

In the year 1429 the said Maid came; and by her means the siege was raised, as being impregnable, which the English held before the city of Orléans.

In the above-said year she led the King to Reims; and there he was crowned on the seventeenth day of July, as by miracle; but afterwards he was still Dauphin until the time here declared.

The above-said Maid was of Lorraine, of the place of Vaucouleurs; and she was brought to my said lord the Dauphin by the castellan of the said place, clad like a man; she had her hair short and a woollen hood upon her head, and wore small cloths (1) like men, in right simple fashion. And she spoke little, save when one spoke to her. Her oath was: In God’s name. She called my said lord the Dauphin the gentle Dauphin; and so she called him until he was crowned. Sometimes she called him l’aurillambe. And she said that she was sent on God’s behalf to unchase the English, and that to do this she must be armed: whereat every one was astonished at these tidings. And at first face every one said it was

(1) Breeches. Jacques du Clercq in his Memoirs: And the petits draps, which are commonly called brayes.

a mockery; and to nothing that she said did they adjoin any faith.

Clerks and other people of understanding thought upon this matter, and among other writings there was found a prophecy of Merlin, speaking in this manner: Descendet virgo dorsum sagittarii et flores virgineos obscurabit (1) (A virgin shall descend the back of the Sagittary, and shall darken the virgin flowers).

(1) We have already reported (vol. III, p. 15, n. 2) this prediction as it is worded in Ms. 7301 of the Royal Library.

Upon the said verses were made other verses, of which the tenor follows here below:

Virgo puellares artus induta virili Veste, Dei monitu, properat relevare jacentem Liliferum regemque; suos delere nefandos Hostes, praecipue qui nunc sunt Aurelianis, Urbe sub, ac illam déterrent obsidione. Et si tanta viris mens est se jungere bello, Arma sequique sua, quae nunc parât alma Puella, Crédit et fallaces Anglos succumbere morti, Marte puellari Gallis sternentibus illos, Et tune finis erit pugnae, tune fœdera prisca, Tunc amor et pietas et cœtera jura redibunt; Certabunt de pace viri, cunctique favebunt Sponte sua régi, qui rex librabit et ipsis Cunctis justitiam, quos pulchra pace fovebit; Et modo nullus erit Anglorum parriger hostis Qui se Francorum praesumat dicere regem (2).

(A maid, her girlish limbs clad in manly garb, by God’s admonition, hastens to relieve the fallen lily-bearing king, and to destroy his wicked foes, especially those who now are before Orléans, beneath the city, and fright it with siege. And if men have so great a mind to join themselves to war and to follow her arms, which now the kindly Maid prepares, she believes also that the faithless English will succumb to death, the French felling them by maidly war; and then will be the end of strife, then the ancient covenants, then love and piety and the other rights will return; men will contend for peace, and all will willingly favour the King, who as king will mete justice to them all, whom he will cherish in fair peace; and now there will be no parricide foe of the English who shall presume to call himself King of the French.)

(2) These verses are also found in Ms. 7301 of the Royal Library and in the Scotichronicon. See below the article on William Bower.

Before my said lord the Dauphin would put or adjoin faith in the said Maid, as a wise prince, he put this business in council; and the clerks were put together, who, after several disputations, were of the opinion which follows:

First, that my said lord the Dauphin, considering his necessity and the kingdom’s, etc. (1).

(1) This is the piece reported after the trial of rehabilitation, vol. III, p. 391. Thomassin has paraphrased it in the obscure passages. Thus the passage Non obstant que ces promesses soient seules humaines has been thus interpreted by Thomassin: Non obstant que les promesses et parolles de laditte Pucelle soient par dessus œuvres humaines; which forms a misrendering.

This conclusion seen and considered, my said lord the Dauphin had the said Maid armed and mounted. And I have heard say by those who have seen her armed that it was a very good sight to see her, and she bore herself there as well as a good man-at-arms would have done. And when she was upon a deed of arms, she was bold and courageous, and spoke highly of the business of wars. And when she was without harness, she was most simple and little speaking.

Before she would go against the English, she said that she must summon and require them, on God’s behalf, to void the kingdom of France. And she had letters written which she herself dictated, in gross and heavy language and ill ordered. I have read the copies, of which the tenor follows. And at the head of the said letters was written: Hear the marvels of God and of the Maid.

Letter to the King of England (2).

King of England, do right to the King of Heaven for his royal blood. Render the keys to the Maid of all the good towns you have forced in France. She is come on God’s behalf to reclaim all the royal

(2) It will be observed that Thomassin has taken for four letters the summons of the Maid, reported everywhere else as one single document.

blood. She is all ready to make peace, if you will do right, in that you render France, and pay for what you have held. And if you do not so, I am chief of war; in whatever place I shall attain your people in France, if they will not obey, I will make them issue thence, will they or nill they; and if they will obey, I will take them to mercy. She comes on behalf of the King of Heaven, body for body, to thrust you out of France. And the Maid promises and certifies you that she will make so great a hahay that it is a thousand years since so great was in France. If you do not do her right, believe firmly that the King of Heaven will send her more force than you can bring assaults against her and her good men-at-arms.

The other letter to the men-at-arms.

Among you others, archers, companions of gentle and valiant arms, who are before Orléans, go into your country, on God’s behalf. And if you do not so, take heed of the Maid, and of your damages be you mindful shortly. Take not your opinion, for you will not hold France, which is the King of Heaven’s, the son of Saint Mary; but the gentle Charles shall hold it. If you believe not the tidings of God and of the Maid, in whatsoever place we find you, we will strike into it with great blows; and we will see who shall have the better right, God or you.

The other letter to the captains of the English.

Guillaume de la Pole, Earl of Suffolk, John lord of Talbot, and you, Thomas lord of Scales, lieutenants of the Duke of Bedford, styling himself Regent of

France on behalf of the King of England, make answer if you will make peace with the city of Orléans; and if you do not so, of your damages be you mindful.

The other letter to the Duke of Bedford.

Duke of Bedford, who call yourself Regent of France on behalf of the King of England, the Maid prays and requires you that you let not yourself be destroyed. If you do not right, with your own eyes you may see that in her company (1) the French will do the fairest deed that ever was done in Christendom.

The said letters were carried and delivered; of which no great count was made; and for this she resolved to go through with that for which she had come. She set up a standard within which was… (2), and mounted upon a great horse, well armed and clad; and with the men-at-arms that my lord the Dauphin gave her, she went to Orléans where the English had laid the siege very strong and, according to course of nature, impregnable. And there was no hope whatsoever of having succour or human aid, for my lord the Dauphin had very few people to make such an exploit, and was almost wholly down, and in such wise that, when the said Maid came, it had been put in deliberation what should be done if Orléans were taken; and it was advised by the greater part, if it were taken, that no count must be made of the remainder of the kingdom, seen the estate in which

(1) In the original text there is only: se vous ne faictes raison, elle fera que François feront, etc. See p. 217.

(2) Lacuna in the manuscript.

it was, and that there was no remedy, save only to withdraw my said lord the Dauphin into this country of Dauphiné, and there guard him while awaiting the grace of God. The others said that it was more fitting to await the said grace in the kingdom, and that he who should do otherwise would give too great courage to the enemies, and it would be to lose all without any rescue, and that it was better than to hold another way, for the other party was as it were a way of desperation, which much displeases God. My lord the Dauphin was in this estate when the said Maid arrived, in the year above said; and by her means, and by the grace of God, by evident miracle, the very strong and impregnable bastilles which the English had made were most valiantly assaulted and taken, and all the siege raised, to the very great damage and very great confusion of the English. Then were made, by the Maid and by the people of my said lord the Dauphin, deeds of war marvellous and as it were impossible.

Thereafter the said Maid made a very great pursuit against the English, recovering towns and castles; and she did several marvellous deeds; for since the said taking of Orléans, neither the English nor their allies had force or virtue. In this wise the restoration and recovery of France has been most marvellous. And let every one know that God has shown and shows each day that he has loved and loves the kingdom of France, and has especially chosen it for his own heritage, and, by means of it, to maintain the holy Catholic law and set it wholly up again: and for this God wills not to let it be lost. But of all the signs of love that God has sent to the kingdom of France, there has been none so great or so marvellous as this Maid. And for this great chronicles are made of her. And among the others a notable woman called Christine, who has made several books in French (I have often seen her in Paris), made of the advent of the said Maid and of her deeds a treatise of which I will set here only the most especial touching the said Maid; and I have left the remainder, for it would be too long to set here. And I have rather desired to set here the treatise of the said Christine than of others, in order always to honour the feminine sex, by the means whereof all Christendom has had so many good things: by the Virgin Mary, the reparation and restoration of all the human lineage; and by the said Maid Joan, the reparation and restoration of the kingdom of France, which was wholly down, even to taking end, had it not been for her coming. For this, well must she be praised by every one, although the English and the allies have said of her all the evils they could say; but the deeds of the said Maid have rendered and render them all liars and confounded.

Ah! be Thou praised, high God! To Thee to give thanks are we all Bound, etc. (1).

(1) We refrain from reporting here the extract which Thomassin gives of the verses of Christine de Pisan on the Maid, forasmuch as further on we give the piece complete.

Several other great deeds have been done, as well by assault of towns and castles, by encounters, by takings of towns as otherwise by the said Maid, which would be too long to set here. And albeit what has been done by the said Maid was done only within the kingdom of France, and not within Dauphiné, nevertheless I have wished to set it in this register, at least the most especial, because the deeds of the said Maid were done in the time when my said lord Charles was Dauphin, and were done in his time and under him; also because Dauphiné has been inseparably, as aforesaid, joined to the said kingdom, and if the kingdom had been lost, (1) as efforts were made, as will be declared below. On the other part, the matter of the Maid is so high and so marvellous that it is a thing well to be noted and worthy to enter into all register-books, for perpetual memory, to the glory of God and the honour of the kingdom and of Dauphiné.

The English and Burgundians said several defamatory and injurious words of the said Maid, and therewith threatened her that, if they could hold her, they would make her die evilly. She was by some questioned of her power, whether it would last long, and whether the English had power to make her die. She answered that all was at God’s pleasure; and she certified that, if it behoved her to die before that for which God had sent her were accomplished, after her death she would harm the said English more than she would have done in her life, and that notwithstanding her death, all that for which she had come would be accomplished: as has been done by God’s grace, as dearly and

(1) Supply: the said Dauphiné would have been likewise on the way to perdition, or any other like clause. The following words are an allusion to the expedition of the Prince of Orange, who nearly seized Dauphiné in 1430.

evidently it appears and is a thing notorious in our time.

The said Maid often spoke with my said lord the Dauphin in Paris (1), and told him secret things that few people know.

The said Maid was betrayed and delivered to the English before the city of Compiègne, and was led to Rouen, and there a trial was made her of her life, to find something upon her to make her die; and nothing else could they find upon her, but that she had left the habit ordained for woman and taken a man’s habit, which is a forbidden thing. To this and to the other things whereof she was questioned, she answered in such wise that one knew not what to reply. And notwithstanding this, she was condemned to die by fire, only on the occasion of the said man’s habit. She was led to the fire, and there died and was burned.

It is said that during her trial and her death marvellous things were done, whereof a trial has been made by the authority of the Church. He who has seen and read it had the copy of it which he was to send me, which I have not yet had: whereat I am displeased, for I would have made mention here of the principal things (2).

(1) An oversight on the author’s part, who knew as well as any one that Charles VII never entered Paris in the lifetime of Joan of Arc.

(2) A manuscript of the Royal Library (no. 9624.5.5), which contains other fragments of Thomassin’s work, furnishes me a few more words to the praise of the Maid. This passage forms part of a long argumentation against the English. The author says in proper terms: The English have endeavoured to raise their nation above all other Christian nations, in making such a trial against Joan the Maid, who I believe without doubt is in paradise (fol. 22, v°).

FRENCH CONTINUATOR OF GUILLAUME DE NANGIS. #

A very succinct chronicler whose work is found at the end of manuscript 5696 Latin of the Royal Library. This manuscript is an exemplar of Guillaume de Nangis with the continuations already printed, plus this one, which is unpublished. The hand that wrote the facts relative to the Maid continued the transcription to the year 1462. The chronicle is pursued some years further still, but in another handwriting. This work is the only one that gives in express fashion the date of the day on which the Maid arrived at Chinon. It also draws some interest from the chronograms with which it is accompanied and which are found less complete in other authors of the same century.

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight, the sixth day of March, the Maid came to the King:

pLaVsa sVbIt FranCos sY’b pIsCIbVs aLMa pVeLLa (1).

(1) See below, p. 323, the extract of the Dean of Saint-Thibaud of Metz.

In the year 1429, the said Maid raised the siege which was before Orléans, where there were some of the most diverse bastilles and other fortifications of all the time of this war.

eCCe pVeLLa VaLens geMInIs JVVat aVreLIanos.

In this year the said Maid took Jargeau, where was the Earl of Suffolk and his two brothers, and more than 500 English, and it was the 19th of June. The Saturday following, she came to Beaugency, where there was a great force of English, who surrendered to her forthwith.

Item, on that same Saturday, Saint Aubert’s day, she pursued the lord of Talbot, Scales and other English, some 4,000, who were discomfited, and the said Talbot taken at Patay:

Ista pVeLLa, feraM, CanCro fVIt à patei VICtrIX.

In the above-said year the said Maid led King Charles VII to be crowned at Reims, who was crowned the 17th day of July.

grata pVeLLa, sCIo, karoLI seXtI bone nate, reMIs ad saCrVm te sIstIt In JVLIo.

The King and she made great conquests and returned straight to Tours and Chinon and to the marches of that country; whence the Maid departed and returned to the French who were in the country of France, and there she was taken by the Burgundians at Compiègne, in the year 1430:

nVnC CadIt In geMInIs bVrgVndo ViCta pVeLLa (1).

(1) See above, p. 273.

The Burgundians who had taken the said Maid sold her to the English.

In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty-one, the penultimate day of May, the English burned the Maid whom they had bought of the Burgundians (2).

(2) The chronogram which was to accompany this article is wanting in the manuscript. It may be supplied from the Miroir des femmes vertueuses, above, p. 275.

GUILLAUME GRUEL. #

The Gruel family, of a petty nobility of Brittany, was in the service of the lords of Montauban, when in 1420 Jean de Montauban gave Raoul Gruel to the young Arthur de Richemont, which set the Gruels’ foot in the ducal house of Brittany. Guillaume Gruel, Raoul’s brother, was squire to the same Richemont. After the death of his master, in 1458, he wrote his history or rather his apology. This book, introduced almost entire into the Cronicques des Bretons of the canon Pierre Lebaut, was published under its author’s name only in 1622, by Théodore Godefroy; Denis Godefroy gave the second edition in his Histoire de Charles VII. Since then it has been reproduced in all the collections of Memoirs and Chronicles.

Guillaume Gruel puts himself on the scene several times in his narrative, and notably on the occasion of the battle of Formigny, where he says he was chosen with other gentlemen to guard the Constable’s person. It cannot be doubted that he was witness of many of the things he recounts. He himself declares it thus: He who has dictated this book and put in writing the deeds of the good duke Arthur has seen the most part of them, at least since he was Constable of France. Nevertheless his partiality for his master must put us on our guard against the veracity of his testimony. This reserve will be above all in order touching the details of the first interview of Richemont and the Maid.

In the year above said [1428], in March, the Maid arrived before the King; and the English took Janville, Beaugency, Meung-sur-Loire and Jargeau, and set bastilles before Orléans.

In the year 1429, my lord the Constable took arms to go succour Orléans, and assembled a very fair and good company, in which were my lord of Beaumanoir, my lord of Rostrenen, and all the garrisons of Sablé, of La Flèche and of Durtal. And of Brittany there were several notable people, as Messire Robert de Montauban, Messire Guillaume de Saint-Gilles, Messire Alain de La Feuillée, and several other knights and squires, without counting those of his household, and a great number of worthy people of his lands of Poitou, to the number of four hundred lances and eight hundred archers. And my said lord took the way to draw towards Orléans. And as soon as the King knew it, he sent my lord of La Jaille to meet him; and he found him at Loudun. And he drew him aside, and told him that the King sent him word to return to his house, and that he should not be so hardy as to pass further; and that if he passed further, the King would fight him. Then my said lord answered that what he was doing was for the good of the kingdom and of the King, and that he would see who would wish to fight him.

Then the lord of La Jaille said to him: Monseigneur, it seems to me you will do very well. So my lord took the way, and drew upon the river Vienne, and passed it at a ford, then from there drew to Amboise; and Regnault de Bours, who was captain of the said place of Amboise, gave him the passage. And there he learned that the siege was at Beaugency; so he drew straight the way towards Beauce, to come join those of the siege. And when he was near, he sent my lord of Rostrenen and Le Bourgeois to ask lodgings of those of the siege. And forthwith word was brought him that the Maid and those of the siege were coming to fight him; and he answered that if they came, he would see them. And soon the Maid and my lord of Alençon mounted to horse, and several others. Nevertheless La Hire, Girard de La Paglière, my lord of Guitry and other captains asked the Maid what she would do. And she answered them that they must go fight the Constable. And they answered her that if she went thither she would find good to speak to, and that there were some in the company who would sooner be with him than with her, and that they would like better him and his company than all the maids in the kingdom of France.

Meanwhile my lord rode in fair order, and all were astonished that he had arrived. And towards the Maladrerie the Maid arrived before him, and my lord of Alençon, my lord of Laval, my lord of Lohéac, my lord the Bastard of Orléans, and several captains, who made him great cheer, and were well glad of his coming. The Maid lighted down to foot, and my lord also; and the said Maid came to embrace my said lord by the legs. And then he spoke to her, and said to her: Joan, I have been told that you mean to fight me. I know not whether you are of God or not. If you are of God, I fear you nothing, for God knows my good will; if you are of the devil, I fear you still less (1). Then they drew straight to the siege, and gave him no lodging for that night. So my said lord undertook to keep the watch: for you

(1) Compare this narrative with those of the Journal of the Siege and of the Chronicle of the Maid, above, pp. 175 and 240.

know that newcomers must keep the watch. So they kept the watch that night before the castle, and it was the fairest watch that had been in France for a long while.

And that night the composition was made, and they surrendered in the early morning. And the day before, the lord of Talbot and the lord of Scales, Fastolf and other captains, had arrived at Meung-sur-Loire to come fight those of the siege of Beaugency. And when they learned that my lord the Constable was come thither, they changed purpose, and took counsel to go away. And it was also told my said lord, as soon as he had arrived at the siege, that people must be sent to the bridge of Meung, which held for the French, or else it would be lost. And forthwith he sent thither twenty lances and the archers. Charles de La Ramée and Pierre Baugi conducted them. And in the morning, when the English had departed from Beaugency, the Maid and all the lords mounted to horse to go towards Meung. And then came the tidings that the English were going away, and they began to return straight to the town, each to his lodging. Then came my lord of Rostrenen, who approached my lord the Constable; so he advertised him, and said: If you have your standard drawn forward, all the world will follow you. And so it was done; and the Maid and all the others came after. And it was concluded to draw after the English.

And the best mounted were put in the vanguard, and folk appointed to ride them and halt them, and make them put themselves in battle order. So were among the first Poton and La Hire, Penensac, Girard de La Paglière, Amadoc

(1), Stevent, and several worthy men on horseback. And my lord the Constable, my lord of Alençon, the Maid, my lord of Laval, my lord of Lohéac, the Marshal de Rays, the Bastard of Orléans and Gaucourt, and a great number of lords came in order through this fair Beauce. They came indeed at a great pace. And when the first had well ridden about five leagues, they began to see the English, and then they galloped at great speed, and the battle behind. And in such wise they rode them that the said English had not the leisure to put themselves in battle order, and were in great disarray, for they had ill chosen according to their case: for the country was too plain. So they were discomfited at a village in Beauce which is called Patay, and thereabouts. And there were there dead some two thousand two hundred, as the heralds and pursuivants said. And it was at the end of the month of May. And the lord of Talbot and the lord of Scales were prisoners; and Talbot was the prisoner of Poton’s archers, and my lord of Beaumanoir had for prisoner Messire Henry Branche, and several other prisoners; and Messire John Fastolf fled, and others whose names I know not.

My lord the Constable and the other lords lay that night at Patay in the field, for they were well weary and had had great heat. And soon after, as they thought to draw forward, the King sent word to my lord the Constable to return to his house; and my said lord sent

(1) Read Amador. It was the Christian name of La Hire’s brother.

to him to pray that it might be his pleasure that he should serve him, and that well and loyally he would serve him and the kingdom. And he sent thither my lord of Beaumanoir and my lord of Rostrenen; and he prayed La Trémoïlle that it might please him to let him serve the King, and that he would do all that might please him. And he went so far as to kiss his knees, and he would never do anything for him. And the King sent him word to go away, and that he would rather never be crowned than that my said lord should be there. And in effect my said lord had to return to Parthenay with all his fair company: whereof they afterwards repented when the Duke of Bedford offered them battle at Montpilouer. And they also sent away my lord of La Marche, who thought to come serve the King, and had a most fair company: whereof afterwards, as aforesaid, they had enough to do. So my lord the Constable came to Parthenay, and in returning they shut all the towns and passages to him; and they did him all the ill they could, because he had done all the best he could.

THE DEAN OF SAINT-THIBAUD OF METZ #

The name of this churchman is unknown, who was at once a devoted citizen of the Messine commonwealth and a great admirer of the Maid. It is only known by his own testimony that he was official of Metz and curate of Saint-Sulpice, then of Saint-Eucaire, parishes of the same city, at the same time as dean of the collegiate church of Saint-Thibaud. There remain of him two works in which he dwells with marked pleasure on the account of Joan of Arc. The first of these works was published by Dom Calmet among the proofs of his Histoire de Lorraine (vol. II, col. CC). It is a chronicle of Metz, composed in the Lorraine tongue, which goes from 1337 to 1445. The other writing of the Dean of Saint-Thibaud is unpublished. It consists in a chronological list of the kings of France drawn up as far as Charles VII and ended, under the rubric of this prince, by the curious piece to be read below. It bears the date of 24 January 1460 (old style). We publish it after the Cangé manuscript no. 122, in the Royal Library, which also encloses a copy of the chronicle of Metz. It will be observed that from one to the other of his works the author has modified his opinion on the death of Joan of Arc. In 1445 (probable date of the composition of the chronicle of Metz) he refuses to believe it, and that is conceivable: he had seen the false Joan of Arc, who went to lodge in 1436 in a suburb of Metz. In 1461, without positively going back on his words, he declares that, as for the Maid’s end, he refers himself to the chronicles that are made of her.

Extract from the chronicle of Metz.

1428. — You must know of this King Charles, of whom I have spoken, who was more than fifteen years thrust out and chased from his country and kingdom of France by the

English, through the comfort and aids of the Duke of Burgundy, who sustained and comforted them to his power with all folk, which was against right and reason, and against his oath: whereof it was great pity.

In this year befell a very great marvel, as you shall hear hereafter: for a young girl, native of a poor labourer of the town of Dom-Remy in the diocese of Toul, set herself on the way, and did so much by her journeys that she came to King Charles of France above said, and did so much that the King, accompanied by many valiant people and his loyal friends, set himself on the way to conquer his kingdom of France; and did so much that it happened that in less than three months he conquered such part of his said kingdom that on Sunday the seventeenth day of July in the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine he was consecrated in the city of Reims. And it was in part by the prowess of that girl, called Joan; for she rode in arms most hardily, and carried a very great lance and a great sword, and had borne after her a noble banner pictured with the blessed Trinity and the blessed Virgin Mary. She had also this custom that, each day before she mounted to horse, she heard two or three masses, and confessed herself, and received each week Our Lord Jesus Christ. And many good towns, castles, cities and fortresses she helped to conquer, with the King’s people; but at the last she was taken by the English and by the Burgundians, who were against the gentle fleur-de-lys; and she was very long detained in prison, and then sent to the city of Rouen in Normandy. And there she was scaffolded and burned in a fire, as it is said; but since then the contrary was found. And it was said that it was without cause, and that it had been done to her out of hatred.

It was also said for the time that she reigned with the good King Charles that, soon after his unction, she well counselled to go before Paris, and said for truth that they would take it; but a lord called La Trémoïlle, who governed the King, destroyed that thing; and it was said that he was not well loyal to the said King his lord; and that he was envious of the deeds she did, and was guilty of her capture.

1429. — In that year and at that time the siege which the English held before the city of Orléans was raised; and a great part of them were slain by Joan the Maid.

Item, in the preceding year the Earl of Salisbury had been slain by a bombarded shot (1). And it was said that these things had been done by the virtue of a Maid called Joan, who was native of the country near Vaucouleurs; and it was said that these things had been prognosticated by certain verses found in the ancient books of France, the tenor whereof is such:

Gallorum pulli throno bella parabunt. Ecce béant bella, fert tunc vexilla Puella.

(The chicks of the Gauls prepare wars for the throne. Lo, the wars are blest, then the Maid bears the banners.)

By this verse is denoted the number of the year, to wit 1429:

(1) See p. 327 for the Dean’s error regarding the date of this death.

bis seX CVCVLLI, bis septeM se soCIabVnt (2).

(2) This verse, like the two preceding, has been already reported in the memoir of Jean Bréhal. See vol. III, p. 338.

Item, it was also prognosticated by other verses, to wit 1429:

Cum fuerint anni completi mille ducenti Et decies deni fuerint in ordine pleni, Et duo sex deni fuerint in ordine pleni, Et duo sex deni venient ab œquore remi: Tunc périt Anglorum gens pessima fraude suorum.

(When a thousand years are complete and two hundred, and ten times ten are full in order, and two six-times-tens are full in order, and two six-times-tens of oars shall come from the sea: then shall perish the worst race of the English by the fraud of their own.)

In that year, by the counsel of the said Joan the Maid, Charles, King of France, came into Champagne by force of arms, and took Troyes, Châlons and Reims, and was crowned there in the month of July; and many other towns surrendered to him. And in the month of August, the hosts were one before the other, and did nothing to each other. And on the day of Our Lady in September, the Maid assaulted the city of Paris; but she made nothing of profit there, and was wounded there; but she was not well followed (1): wherefore she sounded the retreat.

1430. — And in the same year, Philip, Duke of Burgundy, with the English laid the siege before Compiègne; and a little after, Joan the Maid was taken and put into the hands of the English; but the said siege, about Saint Luke’s day soon after, was raised by the people of Charles, King of France, to the great shame and great confusion of Messire John of Luxembourg, captain of the Burgundians, because the Burgundians were more than the others, and they fled shamefully away (2).

(1) Followed.

(2) The extracts of the Dean of Saint-Thibaud on the false Joan of Arc will be reported in the following volume.

Extract from the Tableau of the Kings of France.

Charles who reigns at present was crowned at Reims on the seventeenth day of July 1429.

Of this Charles there must be as fair and marvellous chronicles as of any preceding, except of Charlemagne and of his son Louis; for it is written in his life that he was in two great extremities, to wit, first, in the time of his youth, very poor and chased from his kingdom, or the greatest part of it, by the English. And I have formerly heard say that he was in such poverty, for the time he kept at Bourges, that a shoemaker (1) would not trust him for a pair of boots; and that he had put one of them on, and forasmuch as he could not pay him cash, the man drew the said boot off him again, and he had to take up his old boots again. And in fact his ill-wishers made a song of it in derision, and the beginning of the said song was:

When the King came into France He had his boots anointed, And the Queen asks him: Whither would this youngling go? (2)

(1) Shoemaker, in the Lorraine dialect.

(2) M. Michelet had knowledge of these verses and cited them in his Histoire de France.

And several other sufferings and poverties have I heard said and told of him: whereof I refer myself to his chronicles.

Now it befell in the middle of his age or thereabouts, to wit in the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight, that a young girl named Joan, called the Maid, of Domremy-on-Meuse, at two leagues from Neufchâteau in Lorraine, had herself brought before the King by the Bailiff of Chaumont, named lord Robert de Baudricourt; who did it right unwillingly, for it seemed to him that what the said Maid said was naught but folly and derision. And when the said Maid came to the place where the King was, before she spoke to the King, she was very well examined, both as to the faith and as to the cause wherefore she had come. Whereupon she answered very wisely and in such wise that the Bishop, doctors, clerks and captains who questioned her, each on his own matter, were very greatly content with her and reported it to the King. Whereat he was well content and joyful, and had her come before him, and questioned her as the case belonged; and found her so firm and so constant in her words that it was forthwith given to her; for she told him that it was so ordained of God that, as the kingdom of France had been destroyed and lost, it behoved that by a maid (which she was) it should be restored and recovered. And then she told the King first all her affair and the manner it behoved to hold; and if he would believe her and have faith in God, in my lord Saint Michael and my lady Saint Catherine, and in her, she would lead him to be crowned at Reims and would set him back peaceable in his kingdom; and that the deed desired brevity, for it was already more than three years that she ought to have begun; but she had not been able to find any who would conduct or bring her to him. And forthwith the King had her clad and armed and mounted at his pleasure.

Now the said King was in the greatest perplexity and tribulation he had yet been in, for the English held the siege before Orléans: which siege was marvellously strong. So the said Maid prayed and required the said King that he would find her some of his people, and that, at God’s pleasure, she would undertake to raise the siege, to fight the said English, and that she doubted not that she must have the victory. Whereof the King’s captains made naught but a derision and mockery, saying: Here is a valiant champion and captain to recover the kingdom of France! And they murmured against the King and his counsellors, except the Duke of Alençon and a courageous captain of good will named La Hire, who sprang forward and said and swore that he would follow her with all his company whithersoever she would lead: whereat she was most joyful. And forthwith she had a banner, pennons and standard made ready, and other habit and artillery needful thereto; and they mounted joyously to horse; and came with few people against the said English who held the said siege before Orléans, who were very strongly enclosed in the said siege, and she ran upon them and assaulted them so vigorously and with good courage, reclaiming God, Saint Michael and Saint Catherine, that in a little while she raised the siege and discomfited the said English. And there was slain the Earl of Salisbury, who was the principal captain of the said English; whereat the said English were all afeared and astonished, and from thenceforth it went worse for them from day to day.

And it was the first deed that the said Maid did, which was most profitable and agreeable to the said King and to all his captains and counsellors; and they had perfect trust in God and in the said Maid, and put themselves wholly at her obedience and followed her everywhere she would lead them. And they had several victories against the said English, and gained several places, so that, to be brief, she chased the said English from the greatest part of the kingdom of France, and led the said King to be crowned at Saint-Remy of Reims, on the seventeenth day of the month of July in the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine. And the holy Ampulla was found miraculously filled with oil, as was said. Then there was great triumph and great nobleness, as belongs to such a case.

And from thenceforth it succeeded to the said King better and better, so that today, the twenty-fourth of January for the year sixty, he holds all the kingdom with its appurtenances peaceably; and he holds also the Bordelais, the duchy of Normandy, Dauphiné, the duchy of Allenfort (1), the county of Armagnac and several other countries; and he has reigned and reigns marvellously in his two great extremities, as aforesaid.

The rest of his life and of his reign will be found more at large in his chronicle, which will be most high and marvellous, as I hold; for at present I could not write the end of it. God grant it may be good. Of the other affairs of the Maid I also refer myself to the chronicles that are made of her, which is a right marvellous thing.

This relation has been made and written faithfully and hastily by me, Dean of Saint-Thibaud, curate of Saint-Sulpice, in the year and (2) above said.

And he was then officer of Metz.

(1) No doubt Alençon, confiscated from the titular duke in 1456.

(2) The manuscript has pnt, with an abbreviation.

THE CHRONICLE OF LORRAINE. #

Dom Calmet first published this chronicle among his proofs to the Histoire de Lorraine (vol. III, col. VJ). He conjectures that it was composed by a servant of Duke René II, an actor in several of the events he relates. This anonymous personage would have written, in the learned Benedictine’s judgment, in 1475, during the war of Charles the Bold against René; but this is an error, of which, without going far, the proof will be found; for at the end of the fragment published below it is said that Charles VII had sons and daughters, whereof the last King Louis was one. Now these expressions carry us into the reign of Charles VIII.

The Chronicle of Lorraine does not deserve to be consulted as historical testimony on Joan of Arc; but it is a curious and unique monument of the marvellous which the popular imagination had added to the life of this astonishing girl, in her own country. All the exploits of the reign of Charles VII are there set to her account: she figures there like the Charlemagne of the romances, who had absorbed to himself alone all the glory of his race. They make her besiege and take by turns Bordeaux, Bayonne, Dieppe, Paris, Honfleur, Harfleur, Caen, all the towns of Normandy, save Rouen, under whose walls she disappears without leaving a trace. Two other opinions on her end, given after that one, have all the air of being a later addition.

The style of this history is not less strange than the substance. It is full of assonances and of constructions which recall the make of the ancient chansons de geste. It is to such a point that one is permitted to believe the tale was originally in verse and that the chronicler of René II’s court, wishing to appropriate it, has quite simply broken its metre. It is not impossible that under Louis XI a geste was made in honour of the illustrious Lorrainers, and particularly of the Maid. The lord of Croy in his Art and science of rhetoric cites verses which can only belong to a poem of this kind on Charles the Bold:

Since the Duke lost the day of Nancy, Justice has passed away, strong war was born; The Church has lost its revenues this year; Nobility has been cruelly fortuned of it; And poor folk have had a very hard destiny of it.

A singular thing: it would be said that the poem whence these verses are drawn was the counterpart of that which served to make the Chronicle of Lorraine.

In the year one thousand four hundred and seventeen, in the place of Dom-Remys on the Meuse, there was a young girl named the Maid, at eighteen years of age inspired of God. And she was of great strength and power: wherefore this girl said to all that, if she were at Bourges with the King, she would well keep the English from so cruelly persecuting the kingdom. Messire Robert de Baudricourt, who was then captain of Vaucouleurs — the said girl went to him, and said to him: Captain, for your honour and profit, I pray you lead me to Bourges to the King; I promise you by all that I hold of God, before it be a year, all the English out of the kingdom I will put; and I certify you that the power is in me. The said Baudricourt, seeing the girl’s boldness (she was tall and powerful), asked her if she would do what she said. She said ever: Yea.

When my lord de Baudricourt saw this, he said to her: My daughter, to Nancy I will lead you to the Duke Charles, who is your sovereign lord, and take leave of him to bring you away. The said girl was right joyful. When the said Baudricourt with the girl came to Nancy to the Duke Charles, the said Baudricourt presented her to the Duke, telling him how she desired to go to King Charles, to set him back in France, and chase the English out. The Duke asked her if she had that will. She answered yea. Monseigneur, I promise you it irks me much that I am not there. — How! said the Duke, you never bore arms, nor were on horseback! The girl answered that, when she should have harness and a horse, upon it I shall mount; it shall be seen whether I cannot guide it. The Duke (his stables were then where the Piedz-Deschaulx are at present), the Duke gave her harness and a horse, and had her armed. She was light; they brought the horse, and of the best, all saddled and bridled; in presence of all, without putting foot in the stirrup, she flung herself into the saddle. They gave her a lance; she came into the castle place; she ran it. Never did man-at-arms run it better. All the nobles were astonished. Report was made of it to the Duke; he well recognised that she had virtue. The Duke said to Messire Robert: Now, lead her away; may God accomplish her desires to her.

The said Baudricourt, without tarrying, led her straight to Bourges. On the way the said Baudricourt talked with her. She said to him: Have no care of me; I will present myself to the King; I know what I shall say to him; he will know that I shall do him good service; I never saw him; but were he among ten thousand, I should know him.

When the said Baudricourt approached within a league of Bourges, he made known to the King how she promised to unchase the English; and that if she saw the King, she would know him. The King and his council sent to meet her three bands. In the first one like to the King; in the second one like; in the third was the King. They came one after the other: each looked at her. She said thus: Here is not the King, nor here either. But when it came to the third band, she knew the King: whereat all were astonished.

She said to the King: Make it that all your men-at-arms be all mine, and make them promise they will ask me no dishonour. And make it that I have a sword which is at Our Lady of Chartres. The King had her have all. She said to the King: It is time we departed; those of Orléans are in great danger. The King had his army forthwith made ready, furnished with artillery and other instruments. And when all were ready, he commanded them in general that, upon their lives, they should neither do nor say aught to the maid girl whereby it might displease her; and he commended her most affectionately to the greatest lords. Each promised the King to do well in all these commandments. All, great and small, commended themselves to God and to the King, and all set themselves upon the way. The Maid said to them: Messeigneurs, let us make haste to go. It irks me that I am not already before Orléans. I promise you I will make you all good men there; I have good will to charge well upon these English who do great evils in this kingdom.

So far they rode by day’s journeys that they came nigh Orléans. The Maid was ever foremost; she knew everywhere where they must go. She made them pass a ford of the river Loire, which she passed first, and all the army following. When all were passed, she said to them: Messeigneurs, doubt not, have courage; we approach them well nigh; here we must put all in order. And she ranged them each in his place; right well she knew how to do it. She said to them: Let each be valiant; I will be the first to strike into the English. They perceived that folk in arms came against them; they put themselves in battle order strong and powerful. Before Orléans they had made a bastille; they had put folk in it to guard it well. The Maid, when she perceived the army, said: Let us commend ourselves to God and to the Virgin Mary; now, let us strike into them. She, all the first, couched her lance, and all the others also charged in with force and courage; all they attained went to the ground. After her lance-blow she drew her sword; of the blows she gave she put all to death. When a man-at-arms on his helmet she struck, a palm’s depth she thrust it in. The English, seeing they were so sharply assailed, thought to put themselves in defence; naught could avail them; but they took to flight, and they fleeing. The Maid and all the army came to assail them in battle. Their defence availed naught, but they were taken and confounded. They had to abandon the siege, and leave the artillery. Tents and pavilions, all remained there. Those of Orléans began to praise God for the victory the army had given them. Not knowing the Maid, never had they heard speak of her; much were they astonished when they heard her told of. Then when the victory was accomplished, all the army and the lordship well knew that in the Maid was great virtue. Those of Orléans rang the bells, priests in vestments, and all the inhabitants came to open their gate; all the army, they put them inside.

The Maid was joyful, well arrayed in arms; fair it was to see her. All those of Orléans looked hard at her; she was prized and dreaded; within Orléans she was lodged right well, as if it had been the King. Those of Orléans made her great gifts, thanking her for having put them out of danger; every one came to her lodging; she held open court; all were received there. When the King heard the tidings, right joyful he was. He praised God for this Maid, who had come into his service. I believe God has inspired her to recover my kingdom. The Maid, who had rested one day, said to all the army: Now let each make ready; to war we must go.

All along the river Loire they arrived in Touraine. All the English that were found of them were taken or slain. So far they rode that they came in war before Bordeaux; and being arrived, all of one good will they besieged it; most sharply with artillery and approaches they pressed it close. The English inside were all astonished at it, to see so great a number of folk. At the end of six weeks they surrendered, a staff in their hands. There they left all, horses and harness; and went away. The Maid entered it, and set a garrison to guard it well.

Before Bayonne they all went; they besieged it; with a great store of artillery they shot against it, saying: English, surrender, or you shall all die. The English well considered that if they held so long, it would go ill with them. They put themselves to parley, asking all leave, saving their bodies and their goods. All was granted them; so they took it and all went away. The Maid, by her power of war, cast all the English out; all the country praised her much for it, thanked God that to the King all had returned. Those of Paris, hearing these victories, put out the English; they put them back in one day, and on the said day put them back out. The more part of the city was for the King; several would not permit that they should be English.

The Maid, seeing that she had warred over all the campaign, conquered Paris, sent word that she would have herself carried thither, and that to Reims alone she would lead him to be consecrated, and in Paris she would have him crowned. The King heard these tidings, he began to praise God: Since she sends me word, to her I must go. The King prepared himself, he and his people; they set upon the way; straight to Bordeaux they arrived. The Maid and all the nobles greeted him. The Maid said to him: Sire, to Reims I will lead you; there you shall be consecrated; then to Paris we shall lead you to be crowned. The King was right joyful at the tidings, and said: Maid, your pleasure be done; let us set ourselves upon the way, and well shall you lead me. They sent word to Reims to my lord the Abbot that King Charles was going to be consecrated. When the Abbot heard it, right joyful he was, he prepared all the church. The King rode so far that at Reims he arrived. The Abbot and all the convent, and all of the city, greeted him. The Maid they looked hard at; all provisions for the King they made ready; before the King honourably in the church they sang mass; the King was nobly consecrated; all the ordinances of the past kings he received, without passing any. The Maid, seeing all accomplished, said to the King: Now, let us go to Paris; there you shall be crowned.

Straight to Paris they set upon the way. When they presented themselves at Paris, all churchmen and noble folk presented themselves to him, received him in and brought him in, the little children crying: Vive le roi! The Maid all the while near him, by those of Paris was looked hard at, they saying: Here is a Maid; she is much to be praised. God has done her great graces to make herself dreaded. All the nobles led the King to his lodging; near him they lodged the Maid; to serve God and make good cheer they failed not. On the morrow all the princes, Bourbon, Orléans, Nemours and Alençon, took the crown and set it on the King’s head, saying: Vive le roi! So they led him to Saint-Denis. For eight days, jousts, tournaments and great sport, ladies and damsels dancing, it was great pleasure.

After that done, the Maid said to the King: Sire, since these English have all withdrawn into Normandy, now all the army must be ready; we must undertake to chase them and make their return be into England. Said the King: My daughter, since you have made a good beginning, we must make a good finishing. The King ordained to all the army that they should be ready, and thanked them for the obedience and service they had done the Maid. I have trust in you that you will persevere to the Maid; into Normandy she wills to lead you. All the army promised him ever to obey, and all made ready. They commended the King to God; they set upon the way.

The Maid mounting before upon her courser, making caracoles before those of Paris, right well she knew how to do it; they took great pleasure in it: What a gentle Maid; God give her good life, and grant her the grace soon to conquer high and low Normandy. The Maid commended them to God, all of them, then they went away; before Dieppe they arrived, besieged it in firm land, warred upon it, gained the battle. The English, seeing it, took boats in plenty; by sea to England they went away. The county of Eu and all the environs, the Maid by power of arms put in subjection. She said to those of the army: Honfleur, Harfleur, Caen, Lisieux, Avranches, Saint-Michel, Alençon and all the country, all we must have; on the return, before Rouen shall our return be. Now, is it well said, let us all go thither. Upon the way they set themselves with powers of arms, all conquered; as far as Saint-Michel she chased them out of it. She was wise and well advised; she cleared the environs of Rouen: At least, when the siege shall be before it, they will make us no hindrance. They came to set the siege to environ it all. Great power was needed; the river Seine runs all before it; hardly could they besiege it without losing many people. It is great and powerful: within there were more than six thousand English, without counting those who were on mount Sainte-Katherine, who did them much harm. The Maid put all in order; she had a great trench made as far as the moats. Those of Rouen, seeing the efforts, sallied out; there was a great skirmish. The Maid, who was valiant, and who in the skirmish was as one proved and hardy, thrust herself into the midst. There she was lost; they knew not what became of her. Several said that the English took her: into Rouen she was led, the English had her burned. Others said that certain of the army had had her put to death, because she attributed to herself all the honours of the deeds of arms.

When the King learned the tidings that the Maid was dead, he was much grieved. If she had been brought back to him, in holy ground he would have had her buried, and would have had made her a rich and honest sepulchre; the Church would have made memory of her for ever; the priests would have had great profit of it. The King and all his army were long in having the said Rouen. It cost much to have, both in men and in money. At last the English had an appointment; saving their bodies and goods, to England they returned frankly. The King, seeing his kingdom in peace, married a girl, a notable daughter of the Duke of Anjou, sister of King Louis, brother of the said lady; the Count of Guise, the Count of Maine, all brothers of the said lady; which brother Louis had the kingdom of Sicily, Anjou and Provence. Which King Charles had of her sons and daughters, whereof the last King Louis was one.

THREE ANONYMOUS NORMAN CHRONICLERS. #

The first of these authors composed an unpublished chronicle of Normandy which goes no further than Henry VI’s entry into Rouen. This circumstance authorises us to think he wrote in the very lifetime of Joan of Arc, of whom he speaks with favour. That is very notable on the part of a Norman. We publish his testimony after manuscript no. 9859-3 of the Royal Library.

The piece which follows is drawn from a manuscript chronicle of the British Museum (Plut. CLVIII. E), of which divers fragments, and notably this one, were recently published by M. Vallet de Viriville in the Bibliothèque de l’École des chartes (vol. II of the second series). The manuscript formed part of the Joursanvault archives. It appears to have been executed in 1439, the year where the chronicle stops, and ends with an armorial of the barons of Normandy, traced by the same hand as the rest. Note the doubt expressed in this testimony on the reality of the Maid’s execution. The apparition of a false Joan of Arc from 1436 to 1440 justifies or at least explains the chronicler’s doubt.

Lastly comes an extract from the Chronique de Normandie, printed so many times at Rouen and elsewhere. This chronicle, which carries the narrative of events to the final reduction of the province in 1450, was written a little after the death of Charles VII, since allusion is made to that event in the narrative. Our text conforms to that of the Rouen edition of 1581.

Manuscript 9859-3, Royal Library.

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-eight, before Easter, the siege of the English was laid before the town of Orléans; and there the said English fortified themselves very strongly with moats, boulevards, bastilles, and they were there until the month of June of the year 1429; in which month those within the said city issued out with a great quantity of men-at-arms and a young girl who was called the Maid; and several said that she was sent on God’s behalf to aid Charles the Dauphin, son of the late Charles, King of France, to reconquer his kingdom which the said Henry, King of England, had conquered, of whom mention has been made before. And the said men-at-arms and Maid, thus issued out, assaulted by force the boulevard of the said English and thrust fire into it, and slew a great quantity of English, so that the said English had to raise the said siege and flee; and thus they were all astonished.

Item, in that same year and in the said month of June, about Saint John’s day, the said English rallied to go against the said French who had thus crestfallen them, and found them sooner than was needful to them; for the said French took two fortresses, one named Jargeau and the other Beaugency, and slew there a great quantity of the said English, and gained there great moneys, cannon, bombards and other war-harness. And forthwith the said French came towards a fortress named Yenville, and found and met the said English in a great company, and there they fell upon them so sharply that the said English knew not how to defend themselves; and there many were slain and the others prisoners, and the French remained masters. And there were taken three great English lords: to wit, the Earl of Suffolk, my lord of Scales and one named Talbot, who was one of the good routiers of the

English. And there escaped of the English none save one named

Messire John Fastolf, with about seven or eight hundred English who were on horseback, who fled when they saw the ill part turning; and if they had been on foot like those of the great battle of the said English, none of them would have remained who had not been dead or prisoner. And there were the English very well crushed, more than they had ever been in France; and they would have returned to England and so left the country, if the Regent had suffered them. And the English were then so abashed that one Frenchman would have chased three of them.

Item, in that same year, both in the said month of June and in the month of July following, the said French took two fortresses, one named Meung and the other Yenville; and also in the said month of July they conquered several fortresses, as Troyes, Auxerre, Reims and several others. And the said Dauphin had himself consecrated at Reims by the Archbishop of the place, who was of his company. And there were many great lords at the unction. And afterwards he conquered several fortresses, as Compiègne, Senlis and several others; and every one dreaded the said Charles; and he conquered in two months what the English had taken more than three years to conquer; and that Maid was much dreaded, for she used summonses and said that if they did not surrender, she would take by assault; and she had with her a great quantity of country-folk (1) on foot, who did their duty right well and had done it in the battles against the English, for the English had threatened to burn them: whereby they were the more indignant against them.

(1) That is, churchmen and folk of the people without arms.

In the month of August of the said year 1429, at the end of the said month of August, came the said Charles with the Duke of Alençon, Messire Charles de Bourbon, the Maid of whom mention has been made before, the Duke of Bar, accompanied by thirty to forty thousand men, both French, Hainaulters, Liégeois and Barrois, and laid the siege before Paris. And they were lodged at Saint-Denis, at Montmartre and other places around Paris, and put the city in such subjection that victuals came to it from no side, and victuals were so dear in the city that it was a great marvel. And they were there well nigh six weeks; and when they saw that they would not surrender, the said Charles and those of his company advised that they should make them an assault. Which was made them so sharp and so marvellous that those within were all astonished; and there was no man who dared show himself upon the wall for the shot of those who assaulted. And the said assailants had a manner of instruments named couleuvres, which cast stones and leaden shot, but made no noise save a little whistling; and they cast as straight as an arbalest. And the assault was so strong that those within had as it were wholly unmanned the wall; and the said assailants were so near the walls that naught was wanting but to raise the ladders wherewith they were well furnished, and they would have been within; but it was advised by one named my lord de La Trémoïlle, on the said Charles’s side, for there was too great a slaying: for the said assailants had the intention, as was said, to slay and burn. And it was also said that my lord of Burgundy had sent a herald to the said Charles, saying that he would hold the appointment he had made with the said

Charles (1), and that he should cease, he and his people; but if there was an appointment between them, or what it was, I could not say; but nevertheless there was a truce until the following Christmas. And so the said Charles had the retreat sounded at the said assault, and they withdrew; and I believe they would have gained the said city of Paris, had they been let do it. And there were several of the said Charles’s company who were much angered at this, as the Duke of Alençon and especially the Count of Armagnac (2), for he hated those of Paris because they had slain his father long since; and in making the said assault the said Count of Armagnac and his people were on one of the sides where there was no assault, so that if any of the said city would issue or flee, he might take or put him to death. And during the said siege they made a bridge below Paris to guard the Seine. And this done so, the said Charles and his people returned by the means above said, as was said.

(1) See above, p. 48.

(2) This could only be the cadet of Armagnac, Count of Pardiac.

British Museum manuscript.

In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty, after the King had returned from his coronation and arrived in Touraine, the Maid returned to the country of France where a great part of the King’s people had remained, both at Compiègne and in the places he had conquered. And after she had journeyed and seen part of the country, she withdrew to the said place of Compiègne. And she being within, the Burgundians came riding before it; and around it they had laid several ambushes. And at the skirmish the said Maid issued out with several of her people; and she launched herself forward so far that she found herself among the said ambushes, where she was taken and carried off by the said Burgundians.

And after they had long guarded her, they sold her to the English, who bought her right dearly, and after this they led her to the city of Rouen, where she was imprisoned for the space of a long time and questioned by the greatest men, and wisest and greatest clerks of all their party, to know whether (1) her victories, which she had had over them, were made by enchantments, charms (2) or otherwise. Whom they found of so fair answers, giving them solutions so reasonable, that there was never any who for a long time dared adjudge her to death according to right. But at last they had her burned publicly, or another woman in her likeness. Whereof many people have been and still are of diverse opinions (3).

(1) If the.

(2) Magic dances.

(3) This doubt is found expressed by several other authors; among others by that of an abbreviated chronicle executed in Brittany in 1440, whose manuscript is in the Sainte-Geneviève library (no. 1155, formerly L. 2). There one reads: In the year 1431, the eve of the Sacrament, the Maid was burned at Rouen or condemned to be so. Symphorien Champier, in La nef des Dames, printed at Lyons in 1503, still writes: This maid was a woman of great spirit, as much by prowess and nobleness of arms as by subtlety of understanding; and she seemed rather a spiritual than a corporal thing by the arms and prowesses she did; for she bore herself so valiantly against the said English that she virtuously chased them from several towns of France, as from Paris, from before Orléans and several other places. And at last she was taken by treason and delivered to the English, who, in despite of the French, burned her at Rouen; so say they nevertheless — which the French deny. Wherefore she is properly compared to Penthesilea.

Printed Chronicle of Normandy.

In the year one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine, the Earl of Salisbury assembled the English at Chartres in great power, and said to Master Jehan de Meun, a magician, that he wished to go lay the siege at Orléans. And Master Jehan told him to keep his head (1). The siege was laid there, so that those of the city, seeing that the English had gained the tower of the middle of the bridge and that no succour came to them, asked truces to parley and compound for their city. During the truces Salisbury was at a window of that bridge-tower, whence he was looking at the city; and a scholar put fire to a piece of artillery which was mounted to shoot at that tower: whereof the stone struck Salisbury through the head, and he died of it. Forthwith the English cried treason, to arms and to the assault, which they gave strongly against the city. But scholars made them strong resistance, and the English were valiantly repulsed. To the succour of the city came the French with the Maid, who then began to reign, and they raised the siege of the English. The English took to flight and Talbot was prisoner. The French outwent the English at Patay, and there was the great discomfiture of the

(1) The same fact is thus reported by Simon de Phares in his book of celebrated Astrologers: Master Jehan des Builhons, prisoner at Chartres of the English, a great philosopher and good astrologer, predicted to the Earl of Salisbury, to Talbot and others, their misfortune during the siege of Orléans and after what befell; wherefore he was much honoured. And King Charles VII had him delivered by the Bastard of Orléans, lord of Beaugency and Count of Dunois, and retained him of his pension and household honourably, albeit certain folk who are still of the English race say the contrary, and that he died in prison. (Manuscript no. 7487 of the Royal Library.)

English; and they dreaded the Maid so much that it seemed to them that, wherever she should be, they would never have victory.

In the year one thousand four hundred and thirty-one, Messire John of Luxembourg, the Earl of Arundel and several English and Burgundians came with a great host to lay the siege before Compiègne; which thing coming to the knowledge of Joan the Maid, then being at Lagny-sur-Marne, she departed from the said Lagny to come succour the besieged at Compiègne; and thereafter from day to day there were great skirmishes between the English and Burgundians on the one part, and those of the city on the other. So it befell one day that the said Maid made a sally valiantly; but the English charged so strongly upon her and her company that she was taken. And this was made to be done by envy of the captains of France, because, if any deeds of arms were done, the renown was such throughout the world that the Maid had done them. And the said Joan the Maid was detained in prison by the people of Messire John of Luxembourg; and then they sold her to the English, who led her to Rouen. And she was preached to at Saint-Ouen, and then afterwards led to the Vieil-Marché where she was burned and the ashes cast to the wind.

ROBERT BLONDEL. #

Robert Blondel, a Norman clerk, tutor of prince Charles, son of Charles VII, composed a Latin history of the reduction of Normandy in 1450. It is thence that the passage reported below is drawn. The work, which is not printed and which probably never will be, has been analysed by Bréquigny in the Notices et extraits des manuscrits (vol. VI). There are several manuscripts of it in the Royal Library. The one I have used bears the number 6197. The chapter of the Maid is found at folio 109.

Of the sacrilegious despoiling of the church of Cléry, and of the Maid’s succour and the miraculous expugnation of the English siege, and of the unexpected coronation of King Charles of France.

O English race, rapacious race, sacrilegious race, when with eleven monstrous bastilles that city, illustrious in faith and arms, preservatrix of the realm, Orléans, thou wert in grievous labour to hold besieged: the most renowned temple of our Lady the Virgin Mary of Cléry, made famous by divers and infinite miracles, with its sacred gifts and its township, thou didst dare to despoil with profane rapine. Thenceforth all things proceed for thee, sacrilegious one, inauspicious: namely that truculent Earl of Salisbury, director of the raw siege, hidden within a window of the bridge-tower, beholding the splendid composition of the city, by an unknown shooter, though certain say by a youth, cast, is lethally wounded by the blow wherewith he was stricken and fell. This war-leader extinguished, the industry and the bodily vigour of the besiegers wither away. At the last the strenuous Maid, having put on a man’s mind and habit, as the war expedition divinely committed to her necessarily urged, imbued with the military art not by man but by God, came down from heaven to confound thy savage insolence. The monstrous horror of thy bastilles, first that of the Bridge, which, if the power of kings, if the multitude of nations had fought against it, was impregnable by shield and lance; then that other of Saint-Loup, by an unheard-of assault, mightier than mortal strength, the English fighting within being laid low, without French blood, she utterly overthrew. The other keepers of the rest, terrified by so great and unlooked-for a slaughter, leaving their fortifications to be approached by a new attack, basely taking flight, yield to the victorious Maid. This mightily armed Maid, relying on heavenly aid, advancing with hasty step, reaching them in the field of Patay, rushes through the midst of the most ferocious foes. Marvellous! as if they bore useless limbs and severed hands, robust of body and most exercised in war, invaded, they are cut down with little resistance; and others scattered hither and thither through hedges and thickets, in pitiable slaughter like cattle exposed at the shambles, are butchered not by soldiers, nay, but by rustics inexpert in war. This battle finished, against the surpassing strong fortification of Jargeau above the Loire, easy to guard by the enemy with a small band, this most strenuous warrior-woman advances by assault; in which eight hundred barbarians found, most ferocious with bow and sword, all either slain or taken, by incredible and more than human valour of arms she subdued.

Before the saving succour of this Maid, so great was the trouble and distrust of adversity that it had shaken down the spirits even of the Dauphin’s faithful, who were to fight for the kingdom’s guard against the most ferocious aggressors; that, the city subdued, all the other cities and strongholds, especially those situated above the Loire, destitute of all hope of succour, would yield to the victorious foe; nor did the counsellors, perplexed by the asperity of so great an evil, deem there any other opportune remedy for the lord Dauphin’s safety, save the deserting of his country. But this Maid, admonished by the Holy Spirit and kindled with divine fervour, repairing the downfall of fortune by her most excellent virtue, through the midst of the ferocity of the thickest foes led over Charles, then Dauphin, to Reims to be consecrated with the heavenly oil. And he who but lately, by the wicked conspiracy of his own, disherited from the kingdom, is attacked by traitors as an enemy of the crown, now by divine providence crowned with the sacred diadem, true and legitimate heir of the sceptre, is raised to be King.

THOMAS BASIN. #

Thomas Basin, born at Caudebec in 1412 and attached to the English party until 1449, was studying at Paris at the moment when Joan of Arc appeared. Afterwards he became Bishop of Lisieux, acquired a great reputation as a canonist, and in that quality was charged by Charles VII to compose a memoir on the irregularities of the trial conducted by Pierre Cauchon. Parts of this work have been reported as pieces of the Rehabilitation in our third volume (p. 309 and following). Forced to quit France in consequence of quarrels he had with Louis XI, Thomas Basin, after wandering from retreat to retreat, stopped at Trier in 1471, and there composed a Latin history of his time, which has never been printed, but which has often been cited under the name, today recognised as false, of Amelgard.

The testimony borne on Joan of Arc in this work is very favourable. It is known in part through citations of Meyer (Annales Flandriae, book XVI), who had appropriated it without making its author known otherwise than by the designation of a contemporary. Thomas Basin’s relation, contained in five chapters of the History of Charles VII, conforms to the version generally adopted. The only circumstances peculiar to him are that he names Dunois as one of those who most engaged Charles VII to make use of the Maid, and that this lord affirmed to him to hold of the King that the secret revealed by her was of such nature that she could not know it save by God’s intervention.

As the Société de l’Histoire de France has decided on the publication of the pretended Amelgard, and this work will shortly be delivered to the public, I may dispense with reporting in its whole extent what the historian says of Joan of Arc. I shall confine my borrowings to the two chapters where he speaks of the trial. There will be found the famous passage where he recounts the part he had in the Rehabilitation, a passage on whose faith M. de l’Averdy made so many researches in all the libraries of Europe, imagining that there existed or had existed a justificatory memoir on the Maid by Amelgard. The same place on the contrary helped me to discover that Amelgard was an imaginary author.

Chap. XV. — Compiègne is besieged by the English and Burgundians; where Joan the Maid, rushing out of the town upon the foes, is taken by a Burgundian and sold to the English.

Now when the English with the Burgundians had already long besieged Compiègne upon the river Oise, and Joan the Maid was in the town with many strenuous French leaders and soldiers: to the same Joan a most unlucky and unhappy omen befell; for on a certain day, issuing out of the town with many armed men to make an attack upon the foes, she was taken by a Burgundian soldier, and redeemed with much gold by the English, who greatly desired her perdition and extinction. Whereat the English, who so many times by the terror of her name alone had been slain and routed, were much gladdened and elated. They led her to the city of Rouen, in which the said young Henry then was with his court and council; where, after it had been long deliberated what should be resolved concerning her, they rested in this sentence: that she, studiously kept in a certain sufficiently harsh prison of the castle of Rouen, before the lord Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, who was one of the foremost of the King of England’s councillors, because she had been apprehended within the limits of his diocese, inquisition and the business of faith should be conducted against her. Which was carried on and agitated long, and through the course of many months, and on divers days and sittings, the inquisitors of heretical pravity sitting with them, and many professors of sacred theology and of divine and human law summoned from Paris for this cause, she was manifoldly questioned; and the interrogations made her were, with each of her answers, most diligently taken down by public notaries, and drawn up into public instruments. Almost all marvelled that to interrogations on the chapters of the faith, difficult enough even for learned and lettered men, such a rustic girl should answer so prudently and cautiously; and whereas the whole intent of the assessors, who were the sharper and more fervent fautors and defenders of the English quarrel, was bent to this: that, caught by cunning and captious interrogations, she might be adjudged guilty of the crime of heresy, and thereby be removed from the midst, yet they could draw nothing valid or efficacious to this end from her sayings or assertions. For in truth she had been, as those who had known her conversation and manners testified, before she had approached the King, and even after she had been conversant among the cohorts of armed men, much devout, frequenting churches and oratories as often as she could. But when she was busied in the field pasturing the flock, if she heard the bell’s sound for the elevation of the divine body and blood, or for the salutation of Blessed Mary, she was wont with great fervour of devotion to bend the knee and entreat God. And also she affirmed she had vowed her virginity to God: of whose violation, although she had long conversed among the flocks of armed men and of unchaste and most depraved men in manners, yet she never endured any infamy. Nay rather, when by expert women, even while in the hands of the English, she had been examined and inspected upon her integrity, they could experience or infer nothing else of her, save that she kept her virginal cloister inviolate. She herself excused the habit and garment of a man’s dress, asserting that the commandment of assuming and using it and arms had been divinely made to her, lest she should draw the men, among whom she had to be conversant day and night in warlike expeditions, to illicit concupiscence of her, had she worn a woman’s garb, which could hardly indeed have been inhibited. But certainly, whatsoever simulacrum or specimen of virtue might have shone out in her, there was hardly a way she could have justified herself before those who held her, since they sought nothing more fervently or eagerly than that she should be destroyed and extinguished. For the one sentence and common voice of all the English was that they could never fight happily with the French, or report victory over them, so long as that Maid, whom they defamed as a sorceress and witch, should live in human form. Yet how could secure innocence escape, or what avail, amid the hands of so many most bitter enemies and calumniators, such as were to the said Maid the English themselves, and very many others who more strenuously defended their party and sat in the judgement, who with all their effort, by whatsoever way, wished her to be destroyed? Now when upon those apparitions of the holy virgins which she affirmed had been made to her, she perseveringly remained in one and the same confession; while she was also wearied by manifoldly repeated examinations, and at the same time wasted and worn by the squalor and want of her long prison (in which she was guarded by English soldiers, both within the prison and without, ever keeping watch beside the door), they say that, the judges promising her impunity and liberation if she should do it, at one time she abjured having had true apparitions or divine revelations of this kind; being at last induced to this, that before those sitting in judgement she abjured that she would say or assert those things further. And when this had been so done, yet she was no less on this account released from the hardness and asperity of the prison, some days having passed, it was noised abroad that she had said she had been gravely reproached therefor, because she had abjured having had such apparitions and revelations, and that again the same Saints had appeared to her in the prison, who had dreadfully rebuked her for this.

Chap. XVI. — The condemnation of Joan the Maid, who was consumed by fire at Rouen.

Now when this thing had been brought to the judges, she, again publicly exhibited to judgement, as relapsed into the abjured heresy, was judged, and, as such, left to the arm of the secular power. Whom forthwith the executioners and the whole band of English, who in great number were then with their King Henry at Rouen, seized; an almost innumerable multitude of peoples beholding, both of the city itself and of the fields and neighbouring towns (for very many had flocked to the same city as to a public spectacle on this account), the same Joan, ever invoking God her helper and the glorious Mother of our Lord Jesus Christ, was consumed by fire. All the ashes also, which the fire had left as well of the wood as of her body and bones, were gathered and cast from the bridge into the Seine, lest aught of her relics might by some superstition be taken away and preserved. And such indeed was the end of this transitory life of Joan.

The reader of this history will perhaps expect our judgement of this Maid’s deeds; of whom throughout all Gaul in that season the fame was most renowned. We indeed, as we do not presume rashly to assert that the revelations and apparitions which she said she had were from God, whose signs of her mission she is said to have told to King Charles alone we have in no wise learnt; so we boldly say and affirm that, from the process made against her, which we ourselves saw and examined after the English had been cast out and Normandy had returned as by postliminium under Charles’s sway, it does not sufficiently appear that she was bound by the assertion of any erroneous dogma contrary to the truth of Catholic doctrine, or had unjustly confessed it; and thereby the foundation of heresy and relapse manifestly enough fails. Although also, besides this, such a process could be argued vicious on many heads, being made and held before her capital enemies, often by her recused, all counsel being also denied her, who was a simple Maid: as from the little book which thereupon, at the same Charles’s request for our counsel, we published, if it shall come to the hands of any who has leisure to read it, may more amply appear. For when the English had been driven from Normandy, the same Charles caused the aforesaid process to be diligently examined and discussed by several prelates of his kingdom and men learned in divine and human law; and on that matter several wrote him little books, which, exhibited before certain judges delegated by the apostolic see to take cognisance and judge of such matter, and maturely considered by the same judges, it came down to the sentence we have said, and the sentence given against her under the English dominion was cassated and revoked.

Someone will perhaps wonder, if she was sent by God, how she could thus be taken and brought to punishment; but none can reasonably wonder, who without any hesitation believes that the holy Lord and Saviour of the holy ones, the holy prophets and apostles sent by God for the doctrine of salvation and faith and God’s will to be insinuated to men and evangelised, were afflicted with divers torments and punishments and ended this mortal life by triumphal martyrdom: since we also read in the Old Testament that the Israelite people, commanded by God to exterminate the nations of the Canaanites and to fight against their foes and idolaters, both for their own sins, or for even one of them, their foes at times prevailing, fell and were overthrown. For who has known the mind of the Lord, or who has been his counsellor? Yet we do not so say these things as to wish to equal the same Joan, in the manner we have said snatched beforehand from this miserable life, to the merits of the apostles or holy martyrs; but we deem it in no wise repugnant or incompatible, both that the said Joan was sent by God to succour the kingdom and people of the French against their foes the English, who then most grievously oppressed the kingdom itself, to crush the pride of the same French and English, and lest any should put the flesh his arm, but that none should glory save in God and in his own strengths alone; and nonetheless that God suffered her to be taken by the foes and thus afflicted with punishment, whether for the demerits of the King or of the people of the French, as being ungrateful for so great benefits as God had wonderfully conferred on them by her, not rendering the due thanks to the divinity, or attributing the victories granted them not to God’s grace but to their own merits or strengths (which merits indeed were then none save evil, since manners were most corrupt), or for some other cause, just indeed, since there is no iniquity with God, albeit least known to us, withdrawing the grace he had freely given to the undeserving from the unworthy and ungrateful. For often what divine goodness gave freely, it took away from the ungrateful; but that God through women sometimes with arms, sometimes without arms, conferred on his own succour and consolations of victories over the foes, the histories of Deborah, Judith and Esther are witnesses, which are inserted in the canon of the divine scriptures.

Having then recounted such things of Joan the Maid, of whose mission and apparitions and revelations asserted by her we take away from none the liberty of judging as he will, this or otherwise, according to his capacity and choice: let us return to pursue the course of our narration.

LIFE OF GUILLAUME DE GAMACHES. #

This work must figure here at least for memory, forasmuch as it has been cited by commendable historians of Joan of Arc, such as MM. Le Brun de Charmettes and Jollois. It was printed in 1790 in a collection entitled: la France illustre ou le Plutarque français, by M. Turpin, citizen of Saint-Malo. This M. Turpin did in effect receive letters of burgess-ship of the Malouins for having written the life of Duguay-Trouin, but he was born at Caen. He crawled before all powers, made homages to the ministers of Louis XV, to those of Louis XVI, to Marie-Antoinette and to the Convention. The life of Guillaume de Gamaches has all the air of a speculation on the vanity of the heirs of the name. It is a tissue of false genealogical information and of pretended extracts of chronicle, luckily forged with a clumsiness which at once reveals the cheat.

Guillaume de Gamaches, according to M. Turpin, would have been the man by whom France was saved. He makes him assist at the councils of war held within Orléans in 1429, and puts him there in open struggle with Joan of Arc. On this matter he lets his chronicle speak, of which here is a sample:

Riotte is moved, so that he could not rein his ire, saying: Since it is thus, knights, that the advice of a little wench of low place is held better than that of a knight such as I am, I should still rebuff against it. I should make my sword speak in time and place and should perhaps be slain; but so I will it, for the King and my honour, and never since this day have I unfurled my banner and am no more but a poor squire; forasmuch as I like better a noble man for master than a woman who was perhaps — who knows.

Thereupon Guillaume de Gamaches folds his banner and returns it to Dunois; but the other captains by dint of prayers end by calming his anger and by making him kiss the Maid on the cheek: which the two did with a wry face.

Nothing of all this deserves discussion either for the substance or for the form. It suffices to have called attention to this gross pastiche, to spare oneself the trouble of resorting to the book, which is hard enough to meet with.

ENGUERRAND DE MONSTRELET. #

After a celebrated academic memoir, due to M. Dacier, Monstrelet would deserve the reputation of an impartial historian. If that be so, it is not in speaking of Joan of Arc that he has shown it. His testimony on her breathes from one end to the other the prejudice of an enemy. It is just to add that this enemy is a sincere man; but in him the love of truth silences neither interest nor passion.

Enguerrand de Monstrelet was a bastard of a good house, native of the county of Boulogne. All his life he found himself in the dependence of the lords of the house of Luxembourg, and all his life he served them with his sword and his pen. It has been pretended, it is true, that he had never borne arms; but that is an opinion which was ruined some time ago by the discovery of a remission granted in 1424 to Enguerrand de Monstrelet, captain of the castle of Frencq in the pay of the Count of Saint-Pol, guilty of having taken part in a robbery upon peaceful merchants of Abbeville.

Invested one knows not with what office in 1430, Monstrelet found himself at the camp of Compiègne. He says he saw the Maid there after her capture, and even heard the conversation which the Duke of Burgundy had with her when she was brought to him. About 1440 he was called to the provostship of Cambrai, doubtless by the protection of John of Luxembourg, who had all credit in that imperial city. From that moment until his death, which befell in 1453, he laboured at the redaction of his chronicle. He made of this work the register of John of Luxembourg’s exploits. The least actions of that lord occupy chapters, and all have their place in it. When I say all, I am wrong: the sale of Joan of Arc to the English is not there. It is even plain that the author used a subterfuge to dispense himself from writing that ugly page of the history of his master. Having begun by promising that he would speak later of the Maid’s captivity (see below, p. 402), he arrives at the chapter of the execution without having said a word of it. Of the trial itself he dares not open his mouth. He contents himself with intercalating in his text the apologetic relation which the English government caused to be carried through all Europe after the execution of the sentence. Such is his impartiality.

The text to be read is not that of the Monstrelet of the modern editions, which has been corrected, paraphrased, disfigured by Denis Sauvage. It is taken from a good manuscript of the Royal Library (no. 8346 French), a manuscript executed in the novelty of the work, and in which is found again the Picard orthography, which was the author’s.

OF THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED AND TWENTY-EIGHT.

Chap. LVII. — How a maid, named Joan, came before King Charles, at Chinon, where he held himself; and how the said King Charles retained her with him.

In the year aforesaid, there came before King Charles of France, at Chinon where he held himself a great part of the time, a maid, a young girl aged twenty years or thereabout, named Joan, who was clothed and clad in man’s guise; and she was born of the parts between Burgundy and Lorraine, of a town named Domremy, fairly near Vaucouleurs; which Joan was for a great space of time a servant in a hostelry, and was hardy to ride horses, and lead them to drink (1), and also to do feats and other exploits that young girls are not wont to do.

(1) A marginal note of Ms. 8346, written in the time of Charles VII or of Louis XI, thus rectifies this assertion: All her life she was a shepherdess keeping the sheep until she was led before the King; nor had she ever seen a horse, at least to mount upon.

And she was put on the way and sent before the King by a knight named Messire Robert de Baudricourt, captain, on the said King’s behalf, of Vaucouleurs, who gave her horses and four or six companions. And she said she was a maid inspired by divine grace, and that she was sent before the said King to set him back in the possession of his kingdom, whence he was chased and thrust out wrongfully; and he was in a right poor estate. And she was about two months in the hostel of the King aforesaid, whom, several times, she admonished by her words to give her people and aid, and she would thrust back his enemies, and exalt his lordship.

During which time neither the King nor his council adjoined any great faith to her, nor to aught she could say, and she was held as a madwoman strayed from her wits; for, to so great princes and other noble men, such or like words are much doubtful and perilous to believe, as well for the praise of Our Lord principally, as for the blasphemy that might be had of it from the speeches of the world. Nevertheless, after she had been in the estate aforesaid a space, she was aided and people and war-harness were given her; and she raised a standard where she had the representation of our Creator painted. And all her words were of God’s name. Wherefore a great part of those who saw her and heard her speak had great credence and variation whether she were inspired of God, as she said she was. And she was several times examined by notable clerks and other wise men of great authority, to know more at large her intention; but ever she held to her purpose, saying that if the King would believe her, she would set him back in his lordship. And since that time she did certain businesses whereof she acquired great renown, of which more at large will be declared hereafter. And when she came before the King, there was the Duke of Alençon, the King’s Marshal, and several other captains, for the King had held a great council for the business of the siege of Orléans; and thence he went to Poitiers, and the said Maid with him.

And shortly following, it was ordained that the said Marshal should lead victuals and other necessary things to the said place of Orléans, in strength. And Joan the Maid wished to go with him, and made request that harness be given her to arm and clad herself, which was given her. And soon after she raised her standard and went to Blois, where the assembly was made, and thence to Orléans with the others. And she was ever armed in full harness; and, on that same journey, several men of war put themselves under her. And when she was come into the said city of Orléans, she was made very great cheer, and many folk rejoiced at her coming, as you shall hear recorded more at large right shortly.

OF THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED AND TWENTY-NINE.

Chap. LIX. — How the Maid Joan and several French captains refreshed the city of Orléans with victuals and men-at-arms, and afterwards raised the siege.

After the captains of the English aforesaid with their people had, for the space of seven months or thereabout, continued their siege around the city of Orléans, and much oppressed and travailled the same, both by their engines and by the fortifications and bastilles they had made in several places, to the number of sixty, the besieged, seeing that by the said continuance they were in peril of being put in the servitude and obedience of their enemies, concluded and disposed themselves to resist it with all their power, and to remedy it in all the manners that could be done. So they sent to King Charles, to have aid of people and victuals. There were sent them from four to five hundred fighting men or thereabout; and afterwards there came some seven thousand with certain victuals, which were in vessels conducted along the water of Loire by the said men-at-arms; and with them came Joan the Maid, of whom mention is made above, and until that day had still done little whereof there was great renown.

And then those of the host endeavoured to conquer the said victuals; but they were well defended by the said Maid and those who were with her; so they were put to safety: whereat those of the city made good cheer, and were right joyful, both for the coming of the said Maid and for the victuals aforesaid. And on the morrow, which was a Thursday, Joan the Maid arose fairly early, and speaking to several captains of the city and other men of war, she induced and admonished them most strongly by her words to arm themselves and follow her, for she wished to go, so said she, to assail and fight the enemies, saying moreover that she well knew without fail they would be vanquished.

Which captains and other men of war were all marvelled at her words; whereof the greater part put themselves in arms, and went with her to assail the bastille of Saint-Loup, which was very strong, and had within from three to four hundred English or thereabout. Who were fairly soon conquered, slain and taken, and put to great mischief; and the said fortification was wholly demolished and set on fire and in flame. So the said Maid Joan returned, with her men-at-arms, into the city of Orléans, where she was most greatly and by all folk honoured and feasted. And the morrow, which was the Friday, the said Maid Joan issued again out of the city, with a certain number of fighting men, and went to assail the second bastille full of English, which, like the first, was gained and vanquished, and those within slain and put to the sword. And after the said Maid Joan had had the said second bastille burned and consumed, she returned into the city of Orléans, where she was more than before exalted and honoured by all its inhabitants. And on the Saturday following she assailed with great valiance and great will the so-strong bastille of the bridge-end, which was marvellously and mightily fortified, and within was the flower of the best men of war of England, and right men-at-arms of the élite, who very long and prudently defended themselves; but it availed them little, for by sheer force and prowess of fighting they were taken and conquered, and the greater part put to the sword. Among whom there was slain a most renowned and valiant English captain, called Glasdale, and with him the lord of Moulins, the Bailiff of Évreux, and several other noble men of great estate.

After which conquest Joan the Maid and the French returned into the city, with small loss of their people. And notwithstanding that in these three assaults the aforesaid Maid bore away the common renown of having been the conductress, nevertheless all the captains were there, or at least the greater part, who, during the said siege, had been within the said city of Orléans, of whom mention is made above, at the said assaults. And each governed himself in his place so valiantly as men of war ought in such case, so that in these three bastilles there were, both slain and taken, from six to eight hundred (1) fighting men, and the French lost only about one hundred men of all estates.

On the Sunday following, the English captains, to wit the Earl of Suffolk, Talbot, the lord of Scales and certain others, seeing the taking of their bastilles and the destruction of their people, took conclusion together that they would assemble and put themselves all in one single battle order, forsaking their lodgings and fortification; and, in case the French would fight them, they would await them, or if not, they would depart in good order and return to the good towns and fortresses of their party.

Which conclusion, as they had advised it, they maintained. For on that Sunday, very early, they abandoned all their other bastilles, thrusting fires into some; then put themselves in battle order, as is said, where they held themselves a good space, awaiting that the French should go fight them; which French had no will to do it,

(1) City in the editions.

by the Maid’s exhortation. And then the English, who saw their power in nowise weakened and too much diminished, and also that it was impossible for them to remain there longer, unless they would do worse, set themselves upon the way, and returned in order to the towns and places holding their party. Then was made in all the city of Orléans great joy and great revelling, when they thus saw themselves delivered from their enemies, and the remnant in the air to their confusion, who for a long time had greatly held them in danger. Several men of war were sent into the said bastilles, where they found certain victuals and other goods most abundantly, which were forthwith carried to safety by them. And they made good cheer thereof, for it had cost them little. And the said bastilles were quickly burned and demolished to the ground, so that no men of war could lodge in them any more.

Chap. LX. — How the King of France, at the request of the Maid and of the other captains being at Orléans, sent them a great force of men-at-arms, to go upon his enemies.

Thereafter the French being within Orléans, to wit the captains with Joan the Maid, all of one common accord, sent their messengers to the King of France, to several, to recount to him the victorious deeds they had done, and how the English his enemies had departed and returned into their garrisons, admonishing the said King that without delay he send them the most men of war he could find, with certain great lords, so that they might pursue their enemies, who were all afeared for the loss they had made; and also that he himself in his person should draw forward in the march. Which tidings were to the King and his council most greatly pleasing; and with good reason. So there were forthwith summoned to come before him the Constable, the Duke of Alençon, Charles, lord of Albret, and several other great lords, of whom the greater part were sent to Orléans.

And on the other part, a certain space of time after, the King drew to Gien, and with him a very great number of fighting men. And the said captains who before were at Orléans, and the princes and great lords who were newly come thither, held great councils all together one with the other, to have advice whether they should pursue the English, in which councils the first called was Joan the Maid, who for that time was in great reign.

Finally the French, about mid-May, the siege having been raised at the entrance of that month, put themselves in the field to the number of five to six thousand fighting men, with carriage and war-harness, and took their way straight towards Jargeau, where was the Earl of Suffolk and his brothers, who already before had sent several messengers to Paris, to the Duke of Bedford, to announce to him the loss and ill adventure which had befallen them before Orléans, requiring him that he would quickly send them succour, or else they were in peril of being thrust back, and of losing several towns and fortresses they held in the country of Beauce and on the river Loire. Which Duke of Bedford, hearing these ill tidings, was much annoyed and displeased; nevertheless, he considering that it behoved to provide for the more necessary things, hastily summoned folk of all the countries in his obedience, and had from four to five thousand of them assembled, whom he had put upon the way, to draw straight towards the Orléans country, under the conduct of Messire Thomas de Rampston, of the Bastard of Thian and certain others; to whom he promised that shortly following he would go after them with a greater power, which he had summoned in England.

Chap. LXI. — How the Maid, the Constable of France, and the Duke of Alençon and their companies conquered the town of Jargeau; and the battle of Patay, where the French discomfited the English.

Now it is truth that the Constable of France, the Duke of Alençon, Joan the Maid, and the other French captains being all together in the field, as is said above, rode so far by certain days’ journeys that they came before Jargeau, where was the aforesaid Earl of Suffolk, and from three to four hundred of his people with the inhabitants of the town, who forthwith with all diligence put themselves in order of defence; but in brief they were soon enough environed on all parts by the said French. And in fact they began in several places to assail them most sharply; which assault lasted a good space, terrible and most marvellous. Nevertheless the said French continued so sharply in the said assault that, maugre their adversaries, by force of arms they entered within the town, and by prowess conquered it. At which entry there were slain three hundred English fighting men, of whom one was of the brothers of the Earl of Suffolk; which Earl, with his other brother, the lord de la Pole, were made prisoners, and of their other people to the number of sixty men or thereabouts.

Thus then this town and castle of Jargeau being conquered and subjugated, as is said, the said French refreshed themselves wholly at their ease in it, and afterwards, departing thence, they went to Meung, which forthwith made them obedience; and on the other part the English fled, who held La Ferté-Hubert, and thrust themselves all together into Beaugency (1); as far as which place they were chased and pursued by the French, who lodged themselves before them in several places, and ever Joan the Maid in the front before, with her standard. And then, through all the marches thereabout, there was no greater noise or renown than there was of her, and of no other man of war.

And then the principal English captains, who were within the said town of Beaugency, seeing by the renown of the said Maid that fortune was thus wholly turned against them, and that several towns and fortresses were already put in the obedience of their enemies, some by valiance of arms and force of assault, and others by treaty, and also that their people, for the greater part, were much astonished and afeared, and they found them not of such purpose of prudence as they had been wont, but were most desirous to withdraw upon the marches of Normandy: they knew not what to do, nor what counsel to choose, for they could not be certified or assured of shortly having succour. And therefore, having all

(1) Beaugency.

considered the businesses aforesaid, they treated with the French that they would go away with their goods, saving their bodies and their lives, on condition that they would render the place into the obedience of King Charles or of his deputies. Which treaty thus made, the said English departed, taking their way through Beauce, drawing towards Paris. And the French entered joyously into Beaugency, and took conclusion by the exhortation of Joan the Maid, that they would go to meet the English, who were coming from the parts towards Paris to fight them, as had been given them to understand: which thing was true. So they put themselves again into the open field; and there came to them each day new people from several marches. And there were then ordained the Constable, the Marshal de Boussac, La Hire, Poton and certain other captains to make the vanguard; and the rest, as the Duke of Alençon, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal de Rais, were conductors of the battle, which followed the said vanguard fairly near, and they could be from six to eight thousand (1) fighting men. And it was asked of Joan the Maid, by certain of the princes there being, what thing it was to do and what seemed her good to ordain; who answered that she well knew for truth that their ancient adversaries the English were coming to fight them; saying moreover that, in God’s name, they should go hardily against them, and that without fail they would be vanquished. And certain asked her where they would find them; and she said: Ride hardily, we shall have good conduct.

(1) The editions read from eight to nine thousand.

Then all the men-at-arms put themselves in battle order, and in good order took their way, having some of the most expert men of war mounted on the flower of coursers, going before to discover their enemies, to the number of sixty or eighty men-at-arms. And thus riding for a certain long space, they came on a Saturday to a great half-league from a large village named Patay; on which march the aforesaid French runners saw a stag issue from before them, which addressed its way straight to go to the battle of the English, who had already put themselves all together, to wit those coming from Paris, of whom mention is made above, and the others who had departed from Beaugency and the marches of Orléans. At whose coming, which stag plunged, as is said, through the said battle, a very great cry was raised by the said English; and they did not yet know that their enemies were so near them. By which cry the aforesaid French runners were certified that it was the English, for they saw them then quite plainly; and for this they sent back certain of them to their captains, to advertise them of what they had found, and made them know that in good order they should ride forward, and that it was time to do business. Who quickly repaired themselves in all points, and rode well and hardily, so far that they perceived and saw quite plainly their enemies. Who, knowing likewise the coming of the French, prepared themselves diligently to fight them, and would descend to foot near a hedge which was fairly near them, so that from behind they could not be surprised by the

French; but certain of the captains were not well content with this, and said they would find a more advantageous place.

Wherefore they set themselves on the way, turning their backs to their enemies, and rode to another place, about a little half quarter of a league from the first, which was fairly strong with hedges and bushes; where, because the French pursued them very near, they put foot to ground, and the greater part of them descended from their horses. And then the vanguard of the French, which was desirous and ardent in courage to assemble with the English, because for a little while past they had essayed them and found them of fairly ill defence, flung themselves with full charge into the said English, and with a hardy courage and great will invaded them so vigorously and so suddenly, before they could be put wholly in order, that even Messire John Fastolf and the Bastard of Thian, knight, with a great number of their people, did not put themselves to foot with the others, but departed fleeing at full course to save their lives. And meanwhile the others, who had descended to foot, were forthwith environed on all parts and fought by the said French, for they had no leisure to fortify themselves with sharpened stakes, in the manner they had been wont to do. And therefore, without their doing great damage to the French, they were in a fairly short term and lightly thrown down, discomfited and wholly vanquished. And there were dead upon the place, of the said English, about eighteen hundred, and there were prisoners from a hundred to six score; of whom the principals were the lords of Scales, of Talbot, of Hungerford, Messire Thomas de Rampston, and several others of the most notable, to the number aforesaid. And of those who were there slain, the principals were, to wit… (1); and the others were all people of small and mean estate, such as they are wont to bring from their country to die in France.

After which business, which was about two o’clock after midday, all the French captains reassembled together, devoutly and humbly thanking their Creator. And they made great joy one with the other for their victory and good fortune; and they lodged that night in the said town of Patay, which sits at two leagues from Yenville, in Beauce; of which town this day bears the name everlastingly. And on the morrow the said French returned with all their prisoners, and the rich spoils of the English who were dead. And thus they entered into the city of Orléans, and the others of their people into the marches round about, where they were greatly rejoiced by all the people. And especially Joan the Maid acquired in these businesses so great praise and renown, that it seemed to all folk that the King’s enemies had no more power to resist against her, and that shortly, by her means, the King must be set back and restored wholly in his kingdom. So she went with the other princes and captains before the King, who was right rejoiced

(1) Lacuna in the manuscripts and in the editions.

at their return, and made to all a most honourable reception.

After which, shortly following, it was taken by the said King, with those of his council, the conclusion to summon from all the countries of his obedience the most men of war he could find, so that he might thrust himself forward in the march, and pursue his enemies.

Item, at the day of the battle of Patay, before the English knew the coming of their enemies, Messire John Fastolf, who was one of the principal captains, and who had fled without striking a blow, assembled in counsel with the others, and made several remonstrances: to wit, how they knew the loss they had made of their people before Orléans, at Yenville, and in certain other places: for which they had the worse; and their people were much astonished and afeared, and their enemies, on the contrary, were much emboldened and revigoured. Wherefore he counselled that they should withdraw into the castles and places holding their party thereabouts, and that they should not fight their enemies in such haste, until they were better reassured; and also until their people had come from England, whom the Regent was to send shortly. Which remonstrances were not well agreeable to certain of the captains, and especially to Messire John Talbot; and he said that if his enemies came, he would fight them. And because, as is said, the said Fastolf fled from the battle without striking a blow, he was for this cause greatly reproached when he came before the Duke of Bedford, his lord; and, in conclusion, there was taken from him the order of the white Garter, which he wore around the leg. But since then, both in part for the above-said remonstrances he had made, which seemed reasonable enough, and for several other excuses he put forward, the said order of the Garter was rendered him by sentence of his peers, albeit there sprang up a great debate afterwards between the said Fastolf and Sir John Talbot, when he was returned from being a prisoner of the aforesaid battle.

At this business there were made knights, on the French part, Jacques de Milly, Gille de Saint-Simon, Louis de Marchongnet, Jean de la Haye, and several other valiant men.

Chap. LXIII. — How Charles, King of France, put himself in the field with a great store of chivalry and men-at-arms; on which journey he put several towns and cities into his obedience.

Item, during the time aforesaid, Charles, King of France, assembled at Bourges in Berry a very great multitude of men-at-arms and of shot; among whom were the Duke of Alençon, Charles de Bourbon, Count of Clermont, and Arthur, Constable of France, Count of Richemont, Charles of Anjou his brother-in-law, and brother to King René of Sicily, the Bastard of Orléans and the cadet of Armagnac, Charles, lord of Albret, and several other high men and puissant barons of the duchies and counties of Aquitaine, of Gascony, of Poitou, of Berry, and several other good countries. With all whom he put himself in the field, and thence came to Gien-sur-Loire; ever Joan the Maid with him, and in her company a preacher named Brother Richard, of the order of Saint Augustine, who not long before had been thrust out of the city of Paris and of other places, where he had made several preachings, in the obedience of the English, because in them he showed himself too plainly to be favourable and to be of the French party.

From which place of Gien he took his way coming towards Auxerre. Nevertheless the Constable, with a certain number of men-at-arms, went into Normandy towards Évreux, to hinder the garrisons of the country from being able to assemble with the Duke of Bedford. And on the other part, the cadet of Armagnac was sent back and commissioned to guard the duchy of Aquitaine and of the Bordelais. On which way, the said King put into his obedience two small good towns that held King Henry’s party, to wit Saint-Florentin and Saint-Fargeau (1): the same promising to do henceforth to the above-said King and to his deputies all that good and loyal subjects must do to their sovereign lord; taking also of the said King surety and promise that he would have them governed and maintained in good justice, and according to their ancient customs.

And thence he came to the said place of Auxerre; and sent to summon those of the city that they would be pleased to receive him as their natural and rightful lord; who at doing this were not content of full accord. Nevertheless several ambassadors were sent from one side and the other. So in the end a treaty was made between the parties; and those of the said city of Auxerre promised that they would make the King such and like obedience as those of the

(1) Saint-Fargeau.

towns of Troyes, Châlons and Reims would make. And, by so, administering to the King’s people victuals and other wares for their money, they remained peaceable; and the King held them excused for this time.

And thence the King came to Troyes, in Champagne, and lodged all round about; and he was there three days before those of the city would receive him for lord. At the end of which, by means of certain promises that were made them, they made him plain opening; and they put him and his people within their city, where he heard mass. And, after the accustomed oaths made on the one part to the other, the above-said King returned to his lodging in the fields, and had it published several times, both in his host and in the city, on pain of the halter, that no man, of whatsoever estate he were, should do any misdeed to those of the city of Troyes, or to the others who had put themselves in his obedience. And on this same journey the two Marshals of France made the vanguard, to wit Boussac and the lord of Rais, with whom were La Hire, Poton de Saintrailles, and certain other captains. During which journey there rendered themselves into the obedience of the said King Charles a very great number of good towns and castles, round the marches where he passed. Of which surrenders to declare each apart, I pass over it for briefness’ cause.

Chap. LXIV. — How King Charles of France, with great and noble chivalry, and with a great number of men-at-arms, came to the city of Reims, where he was consecrated.

Item, Charles, King of France, being at Troyes in Champagne, as is said above, there came before him certain deputies of Châlons in Champagne, who brought him the keys of their town and city, promising him, on its behalf, to do all obedience. After whose coming the said King came to the said place of Châlons, where he was benignly and in great humility received by the inhabitants. And there likewise were brought him the keys of the city of Reims, promising him, as above, to do all obedience, and to receive him as their natural lord.

In which city of Reims there had lately been the lord of Saveuse, on the Duke of Burgundy’s behalf, with a certain number of men-at-arms, to hold the said town in the obedience of King Henry and of the said Duke of Burgundy. Which lord of Saveuse, being come to Reims, was promised by the governor and great number of the inhabitants to maintain themselves in the party and quarrel of King Henry and of the said Duke, unto death; but, notwithstanding this, for the fear they had of the Maid, who did great marvels, as was given them to understand, they rendered themselves into the obedience of King Charles, albeit the lord of Châtillon and the lord of Saveuse, who were their captains, remonstrated to them and would give them to understand the contrary. Which two lords, seeing their will and affection, departed from the said city of Reims; for to their remonstrances those of the said city had been in nowise willing to hearken, but had made them hard and fairly strange answers. Which heard, the said lords of Saveuse and of Châtillon returned to Château-Thierry.

And the said men of Reims had then taken conclusion, one with the other, to receive the said

King Charles. Which thing they did, as is said above, as well by the means of the Archbishop of the said city of Reims, who was King Charles’s Chancellor, as by certain others. And the King entered into the said city of Reims on Friday, the sixteenth day of July (1), with a very great number of his chivalry; and on the Sunday following he was, by the said Archbishop, consecrated and crowned King, within Our Lady’s church of Reims, his princes and prelates being present, and all the baronage and chivalry who were there.

There were the Duke of Alençon, the Count of Clermont, the lord of La Trémoïlle, who was his principal governor, the lord of Beaumanoir, a Breton, the lord of Mailly in Touraine (2): who were in royal habits, representing the noble peers of France, who were not at the making of the noble unction and coronation aforesaid. And the said absent peers had been summoned and called before the high altar of the said church by the King-of-arms of France, thus and in the manner that is wont to be done.

After which unction made and accomplished, the King went to dine in the archbishop’s episcopal hostel, the lords and prelates in his company. And at his table sat the said Archbishop of Reims; and there served the King at his dinner the Duke of Alençon and the Count of Clermont, with several other great lords. And the King made, the

(1) And not the sixth, as in the editions, which has given rise to endless dissertations by the critics of the last centuries.

(2) That is, Mathieu.

day of his unction, three knights within the church, of whom the damoiseau de Coumardis was one. And at his departure he left in the city of Reims, for captain, Antoine de Hellande, the said archbishop’s nephew. And on the morrow he departed from the said city, and went on pilgrimage to Corbeny, to visit Saint-Marcoul. To which place there came to make him obedience those of the city of Laon, as the other good towns and cities aforesaid had done. From which place of Corbeny the King went to Soissons and to Provins, which, without contradiction, made him plain opening; and he then constituted La Hire new Bailiff of Vermandois, in place of Messire Colart de Mailly, who before was commissioned there on behalf of King Henry of England.

And afterwards the King and his people came before Château-Thierry, where there were within the lord of Châtillon, Jean de Croy, Jean de Brimeu, and certain other nobles of the Duke of Burgundy’s party, with four hundred fighting men or thereabout: who, both because they felt the commonalty of the town incline to make obedience to King Charles, and because they did not expect succour shortly, and were not provided to their pleasure, surrendered the said strong town and castle into the obedience of King Charles, and departed from it safely with their goods. And they went to Paris, to the Duke of Bedford, who was then making a great assembly of men-at-arms to come fight King Charles and his power.

Chap. LXV. — How the Duke of Bedford made a very great assembly of men-at-arms to go fight King Charles; and how he sent him letters.

At this same time the Duke of Bedford, Regent, with ten thousand fighting men or thereabout, whom he had assembled from England, from Normandy, and from certain other marches of France, drew from Rouen to Paris; and thence, by several days’ journeys, tending to encounter King Charles to deliver him battle, went through the country of Brie to Montereau-fault-Yonne; from which place he sent his messengers to the said King, bearing his letters sealed with his seal, the tenor whereof follows.

We, John of Lancaster, Regent of France and Duke of Bedford, make known to you, Charles of Valois, who used to call yourself Dauphin of Viennois, and now, without cause, say yourself King; forasmuch as you have basely and newly undertaken against the crown and lordship of the most high and excellent prince, and my sovereign lord, Henry, by the grace of God, true, natural and rightful King of France and of England, by giving the simple people to understand that you come to give them peace and surety: which is not, nor can be, by the means you have held and hold, who make the ignorant people be seduced and abused, and aid yourself more with superstitious and reprobate folk, as with a disorderly and defamed woman, being in man’s habit and of dissolute behaviour, and also of a mendicant friar, apostate and seditious, as we are informed; both, according to Holy Scripture, abominable to God; who, by that way and puissance of arms, have occupied, in the country of Champagne and elsewhere, certain cities, towns and castles belonging to my said lord the King, and constrained and induced the subjects dwelling in them to disloyalty and perjury, in making them break and violate the final peace of the kingdoms of France and England, solemnly sworn by the Kings of France and England who then lived, and the great lords, peers, prelates, barons, and the three estates of this kingdom:

We, to guard and defend the true right of my said lord the King, and to thrust you and your power back from his countries and lordships, by the aid of the Almighty, have put ourselves up, and hold the field in our person and in the power God has given us; and as you have well known and know, we have pursued and pursue you from place to place to try to find or encounter you: which we have not yet been able to do for the avoidances you have made and make.

Wherefore we, who with all our heart desire the abridgement of the war, summon and require you that, if you are such a prince as seeks honour, and have pity and compassion on the poor Christian people, who so long for your cause has been inhumanly treated and trodden and oppressed, and that it may shortly be out of these afflictions and sorrows, without continuing the war further: take, in the country of Brie, where we and you are, or in the Isle of France which is right nigh to us and you, some convenable and reasonable place in the field, with a brief and competent day, and such as the nearness of the places where we and you are at present may suffer and demand; at which day and place, if you will appear in your person, with the conduct of the defamed woman and apostate aforesaid, and all the perjured, and such other power as you will and can have, we, at Our Lord’s pleasure, will there appear, we for my lord the King in our person. And then, if you will offer or put forward aught regarding the good of peace, we will hear it, and will do all that a good Catholic prince must and can do, and ever are and shall be inclined and willing to all good ways of peace, not feigned, corrupted, dissembled, violated or perjured, as was at Montereau-fault-Yonne, that which, by your fault and consent, was followed by the terrible, detestable and cruel murder committed against the law and honour of chivalry, in the person of the late our most dear and most beloved father, Duke John of Burgundy, whom God pardon. By the means of which peace by you infringed, violated and perjured, there remain and shall remain for ever all nobles and other subjects of this kingdom and elsewhere, quit and exempt of you and your lordship, to whatsoever estate you may have come and may come; and all oaths of fealty and subjection you have absolved and acquitted, as by your letters patent signed with your hand and your seal may clearly appear.

Nevertheless, if, for the iniquity and malice of men, we cannot profit to the good of peace, each of us may well guard and defend with the sword his cause and his quarrel, as God, who is the sole judge and to whom, and to no other, my said lord has to answer, shall give him grace: whom we humbly beseech, as Him who knows and recognises the true right and legitimate quarrel of my said lord, that He dispose thereof at His pleasure; and thereby the people of this kingdom, without such tramplings and oppressions, may dwell in long peace and sure repose, which all kings and Christian princes who have governance must seek and ask.

And let us know hastily, and without delaying or passing time by writings or arguments, what you will do; for if, by your default, greater evils, mischiefs, continuations of war, pillagings, and ransomings and slayings of people, and depopulations of countries befall, we take God to witness, and protest before Him and men, that we shall not be in cause thereof, and that we have done and do our duty, and we put ourselves and will put ourselves in all terms of reason and honour, be it beforehand by the way of peace, or by a day of battle, of right prince, when otherwise between puissant and great parties it cannot be done.

In witness whereof we have caused these presents to be sealed with our seal.

Given at the said place of Montereau-fault-Yonne, the seventh day of August, in the year of grace one thousand four hundred and twenty-nine.

Thus signed: By Monseigneur the Regent of the kingdom of France, Duke of Bedford.

Chap. LXVI. — How King Charles of France and the Duke of Bedford, and their powers, met each other near Mont Épilloy.

Item, after the businesses aforesaid, the Duke of Bedford, seeing he could not encounter King Charles and his power to his advantage, and that several towns and fortresses were rendering to him without striking a blow or making any resistance, withdrew with all his power upon the marches of the Isle of France, to obviate that the principal towns should not turn against him, as the others had done. And on the other part, King Charles, who had already come to Crépy, where he had been received and obeyed as sovereign, drew, with all his power, through the country of Brie, approaching Senlis: in which place the two powers aforesaid, to wit of King Charles and of the Duke of Bedford, found each other fairly near Mont Épilloy, beside a town named Le Bar (1).

And great preparations were made on each part, to find advantage to fight one against the other, and the Duke of Bedford took his place in a fairly strong spot; and they backed certain places, behind and on the side, with strong hedges of thorns; and at the front before were set the archers in order all on foot, each having before him sharpened stakes fixed before them; and the said Regent with his lordship and other nobles were fairly near the said archers in one single battle order, where among other ensigns there were two banners, one of France and the other of England. And there was with

(1) That is, Baron.

them the standard of Saint George: which banner bore for that day Jean de Villiers, knight, lord of L’Isle-Adam. And there were then with the said Duke of Bedford from six to eight hundred fighting men of the Duke of Burgundy’s people, of whom the principals were: the lord of L’Isle-Adam, Jean de Croy, Jean de Créqui, Antoine de Béthune, Jean de Fosseux, the lord of Saveuse, Messire Hue de Lannoy, Jean de Brimeu, Jean de Lannoy, Messire Simon de Lalain, Jean, Bastard of Saint-Pol, and several other men of war, of whom certain were on that same day made new knights. And the said Bastard of Saint-Pol was made by the hand of the Duke of Bedford; and the others, as Jean de Croy, Jean de Créqui, Antoine de Béthune, Jean de Fosseux, the Liégeois de Humières, by the hands of certain other notable knights.

After which businesses thus put in array, to wit the English and those of their nation were all together on the side of the said battle, on the left hand, and the Picards and others of the French nation were on the other side. And they held themselves thus in battle order, as is said, for a very long space; and they were set so advantageously that their enemies could not assail them from behind, save at too great damage and danger; and therewith they were provided and refreshed with victuals and other necessaries from the good town of Senlis, whereof they were fairly near.

On the other part, King Charles, with his princes and captains, had his battles ordained. And in his vanguard was the greater part of the most valiant and most expert men of war of his company; and the others remained in his battle, except certain who were set on the rear on the side towards Paris, by manner of a rear-guard. And with the said King there was a very great multitude of people, far more without comparison than was in the English company. And there was Joan the Maid, ever having divers opinions, once willing to fight her enemies, and another time not. Nevertheless the two parties, as is said, being one before the other ready to fight, remained thus, without disordering themselves, for the space of two days and two nights or thereabout. During which time there were several great skirmishes and assaults, which to recount each apart would be too long a thing; but among the others there was one, hard and bloody, on the side towards the Picards, which lasted well the space of an hour and a half. And there were, on King Charles’s side, a great part of Scots, and other folk in very great number, who most strongly and sharply fought; and especially the archers of the said parties shot their shot most courageously and in very great number one against the other.

And certain of the most knowing of the said parties, seeing the business thus multiply, thought that they should not depart one from the other until one of the parties were discomfited and vanquished. Nevertheless, they drew back one from the other; but not without there remaining of each part dead and wounded abundantly. For which skirmish the Duke of Bedford was greatly content with the Picards, because that time they had borne themselves valiantly. And after they had withdrawn, the said Duke of Bedford came the length of their battle, thanking them in several places most humbly, saying: My friends, you are very good folk, and have sustained great burden for us, whereof we thank you most greatly, and pray you, if any business comes to you, that you persevere in your valiance and hardiness. In which days the said parties were in great hatred one against the other; and there was no man, of whatsoever estate he were, who was taken for ransom; but they put to death without pity or mercy what they could attain one of the other. And, as I was informed, in all these skirmishes there were dead about three hundred men of the two parties, but I know not on which side there were the more. At the end of which two days aforesaid or thereabout, the two parties dislodged one from before the other, without doing aught more.

Chap. LXIX. — How the town of Compiègne surrendered to King Charles, and of the return of the ambassadors of France, who had gone to the Duke of Burgundy.

Item, after King Charles of France had returned from the day of Senlis, where he and the Duke of Bedford had been in power one against the other, as is said above, and he was come back to Crépy-en-Valois, there were brought him tidings that those of the town of Compiègne wished to make him obedience; and therefore, without any delay, he went to the said place of Compiègne, where he was received by the inhabitants in great joy, and lodged in his royal hostel.

To which place there returned before him his Chancellor and his other ambassadors (1), whom he had before sent to the Duke of Burgundy; with whom and those of his council they had held several parlous parliaments. Nevertheless they had agreed nothing; but in conclusion they had been accorded that the said Duke would send his legation to King Charles, to have, as to the rest, advice and entertainment. And I was then informed (2) that the greater part of the principal councillors of the Duke of Burgundy had a great desire and affection that the said two parties should be reconciled one with the other. Nevertheless Master Jehan de Thoisy, Bishop of Tournay, and Messire Hue de Lannoy, who were newly come from the Duke of Bedford, and had charge from him to make certain remonstrances to the said Duke of Burgundy, admonishing him to cause the oath he had made to King Henry to be kept, were not well content that the said treaty should be made. At whose word the business was tarried, and another day was taken for sending legation to King Charles, as is said. To make which were commissioned Messire John of Luxembourg, the Bishop of Arras, Messire David de Brimeu and certain other notable and discreet persons.

(1) Christophe de Harcourt, the lord of Dampierre, the lord of Fontaines and Raoul de Gaucourt. The journey of these ambassadors to Arras is recounted in chapter LXVII of Monstrelet, which we do not report here.

(2) The editions read: si furent alors informés. The reading of our manuscript gives more weight to this passage, since it is Monstrelet himself who speaks on his own authority of the benevolent dispositions of the Burgundian council towards Charles VII.

Chap. LXX. — How the King of France had the city of Paris assaulted.

Item, King Charles of France, being at Compiègne, was brought certain tidings that the Duke of Bedford, Regent, with all his power, was going into Normandy to fight the Constable, who towards Évreux sorely travailled the country. And therefore the said King Charles, after he had been within the city of Compiègne twelve days or thereabout, departed thence, and left Guillaume de Flavy captain of it; and with all his host went to Senlis, which city surrendered to the King by treaty. And he lodged within it with a great part of his people, and the others lodged in the villages around. In which days also there made obedience to the aforesaid King several towns and fortresses, to wit Beauvais, Creil, Pont-Sainte-Maxence, Choisy, Gournay-sur-Aronde, Remy, La Neuville-en-Hez; and on the other side, Mognay, Chantilly, Saintines and several others. Also the lords of Montmorency and of Moy made him oath. And in truth, had he, with all his power, come to Saint-Quentin, Corbie, Amiens, Abbeville, and several other strong towns and strong castles, the greater part of their inhabitants were all ready to receive him for lord, and desired nothing in the world save to make him obedience and plain opening. Nevertheless he was not counselled to draw so far upon the Duke of Burgundy’s marches, both because he felt him strong in men-at-arms, and for the hope he had that some good treaty might be made between them.

And after King Charles had sojourned certain few days within Senlis, he departed thence and went with all his host to lodge at Saint-Denis, which he found as it were abandoned; and its people had fled to Paris, to wit all the greatest burgesses and inhabitants of the said town. And his people lodged at Aubervilliers, at Montmartre, and in the villages around fairly near Paris. And there was then with the said King Joan the Maid, who had very great renown; who every day induced the King and his princes to have the city of Paris assaulted. So it was concluded that on Monday, the twelfth (1) day of September, the said assault should be delivered.

After which conclusion taken, all men of war were made ready, and on the very Monday aforesaid King Charles put himself in battle order between Paris and Montmartre, his princes with him. And the said Maid with him, those of the vanguard in very great number, went with her standard to the Porte Saint-Honoré, having carried with her several ladders, fascines and other harness of assault. In which place she had several of her people enter the moats all on foot, and began the assault at ten o’clock or thereabout, most hard, sharp and cruel, which lasted continuing four to five hours, or more; but the Parisians, who were within their city, accompanied by Louis of Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne and Chancellor of France for King Henry, and by certain other notable knights whom the Duke of Burgundy had sent them, as the lord of

(1) Error of figure. It was on the 8th that the assault of Paris took place.

Créquy, the lord of L’Isle-Adam, Messire Simon de Lalain, Messire Waleran de Beauval, and certain other notable men, accompanied by four hundred fighting men, defended themselves vigorously and with great courage. And before the said assault they had ordained by captaincies to each his guard in the propitious and convenable places.

During which assault several of the said French were reversed and abated; and there was a very great number of dead and wounded by the cannon, culverins and other shot that the said Parisians cast at them. Among whom Joan the Maid was very sorely wounded, and remained all the day in the moats, behind a dodenne (1), until evening, when Guichard de Thienbronne and others went to fetch her. And on the other part there were several of the defenders wounded. Finally, the French captains, seeing their people in such peril, considering it was a thing impossible for them to conquer the city by force, seeing that the said Parisians had a common will to defend themselves without having division, had the retreat suddenly sounded; and carrying back the said dead and wounded, they returned to their lodgings. And on the morrow King Charles, sad and doleful for the loss of his people, went to Senlis to heal and medicate the wounded; and the said Parisians, more than before, reconfirmed themselves one with the other, promising that with all their power they would resist unto death against the said King Charles, who wished, as they said,

(1) This word designates the glacis raised before the moats.

to destroy them utterly. And it may well be that they believed it, as folk who greatly felt themselves to have offended towards him, having thrust him out of the said city; and they had put to death several of his faithful servants, as is more at large declared elsewhere.

Chap. LXXII. — How King Charles of France returned into Touraine and into Berry.

Item, Charles, King of France, seeing that the city of Paris, which was the head of his kingdom, would not put itself in his obedience, disposed himself and concluded with those of his council to leave governors and captains on his behalf in all the good towns, cities and castles that were in his obedience, and that he would return to the countries of Touraine and Berry. Which thing concluded, as is said, he constituted principal chief over the parts of the Isle of France and of the Beauvaisis, Charles de Bourbon, Count of Clermont, and, with him, the Count of Vendôme and the Chancellor; which Count of Clermont and Chancellor aforesaid held themselves mostly in the city of Beauvais, and the Count of Vendôme at Senlis; Guillaume de Flavy at Compiègne, Messire Jacques de Chabannes at Creil. And the aforesaid King, with the great lords who had accompanied him at the coming, went from Senlis to Crépy, and thence, by way of Sens in Burgundy, returned to the countries aforesaid. Nevertheless the truces were confirmed between the Burgundians and the French until Easter Day following; and therewith the passage of the Pont Sainte-Maxence, which the French held, was put back into the hand of Renaud de Longueval, to hold it (1).

So the march of France and of the Beauvaisis remained in great tribulation, because those who were in the fortresses and garrisons, both of the French and of the English, rode each day one against the other. On the occasion of which ridings the villages thereabouts began to be depopulated, and the good folk and inhabitants to withdraw into the good towns.

OF THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED AND THIRTY.

Chap. LXXXII. — How the Duke of Burgundy, with all his power, went to lodge before Gournay-sur-Aronde.

At the beginning of this year the Duke of Burgundy, departing from Montdidier, went to lodge at Gournay-sur-Aronde and before its fortress, belonging to Charles de Bourbon, Count of Clermont, his brother-in-law. At which place he had Tristran de Magneles, who was captain of it, summoned to render him the said fortress, or, if not, he would have it assaulted. Which Tristran, seeing he could not well resist against the power of the said Duke of Burgundy, made treaty with his deputies, on condition that he would render him the said fortress on the first of August next coming, if by that day he were not fought by King Charles or those of his party; and therewith promised that, during the time aforesaid, neither he nor his would make any

(1) After this word there is in the ms. comme, and the rest of the line blank.

war upon those holding the said Duke’s party; and thus he remained peaceable until the said day.

And this composition was made so hastily because to the said Duke of Burgundy and to Messire John of Luxembourg there came certain tidings that the Damoiseau de Commarchis, Yvon du Puis and other captains, with a great number of fighting men, had besieged the fortress of Montagu, which thing was true; for the aforesaid Commarchis, to whom the said fortress of Montagu belonged, had secretly brought thither a great number of fighting men, with bombards, veuglaires and other war-harness, tending to reduce the same, by sudden assault or otherwise by force, into his obedience. Nevertheless it was vigorously defended by those whom Messire John of Luxembourg had commissioned there, in whose government it was.

Among whom there were commissioned by him for the guard of it, as principal captains, two men-at-arms, of whom one was of England, and the other named George de la Croix. And they were several times summoned and required to render the fortress: whereof they had no will to do; for they were in no doubt that within a few days they would not be succoured. Finally, the said besiegers, fearing the coming of the said Duke of Burgundy, of which they were already advertised, and that they would be fought, departed from the said place of Montagu as afeared, leaving bombards, cannon and other war-harness; and they departed at midnight or thereabout, and withdrew into their garrisons. Which departure thus made, the said besieged made known hastily to the aforesaid Duke of Burgundy and Messire John of Luxembourg, who in great diligence were preparing to go fight the aforesaid besiegers. After which departure come to their knowledge, the said Duke of Burgundy went to Noyon with all his army.

Chap. LXXXIII. — How the Duke of Burgundy went to lay the siege before the castle of Choisy, which he conquered.

Item, after the Duke of Burgundy had sojourned in the city of Noyon eight days or thereabout, he went to lay the siege before the castle of Choisy-sur-Aisne, within which fortress was Louis de Flavy, who held it on behalf of Messire Guillaume de Flavy; and the said Duke had several of his engines raised there, to confound and abate the said castle. And it was much travailled by the said engines, until in conclusion the said besieged made treaty with the deputies of the aforesaid Duke of Burgundy, such that they departed, saving their bodies and their goods, rendering the said fortress, which, without delay, after they had departed from it, was forthwith demolished and razed. And the said Duke had a bridge made over the water of Oise, for himself and his people to pass towards Compiègne, on the side towards Montdidier. During which time there had been commissioned the lord of Saveuse and Jean de Brimeu, to guard the suburbs of Noyon, with their people, with the lord of Montgomery and other English captains, who were lodged at Pont-l’Évêque, so that those of Compiègne should not hinder the victuals that went to the said Duke’s host.

And it befell, on a certain day, that the aforesaid men of

Compiègne, to wit Joan the Maid, Messire Jacques de Chabannes, Messire Théolde de Valperghe, Messire Rigault de Fontaines, Poton de Saintrailles, and certain other French captains, accompanied by two thousand fighting men or thereabout, came to the said place of Pont-l’Évêque, between daybreak and sunrise, where the aforesaid English were lodged; whom they invaded with great courage, and there was a most hard and sharp skirmish, at which there came hastily to the succour of the said English the aforesaid lords of Saveuse and Jean de Brimeu, with their people. At which succour the aforesaid English took great courage in themselves all together. So they thrust back their enemies by force, who were already well advanced into the said lodgings. Finally, of the said English there were, both dead and wounded, about thirty; and likewise of the French, who, after this business, withdrew to Compiègne, whence they had come. And the aforesaid English, from that day forward, fortified their lodgings all round about in great diligence.

And certain few days following, Jean de Brimeu going, with a hundred fighting men or thereabout, to the Duke of Burgundy, in passing through the wood, on the side towards Crépy-en-Valois, was suddenly invaded by certain French, who for this cause had come from Athies in that march, to find adventure; and in brief, without great defence, he was taken and carried off prisoner. And the cause of his said taking was that he and his people rode in a string, and could not assemble until they heard the alarm. Of which taking the said Jean de Brimeu was afterwards kept in the hands of Poton de Saintrailles, who at last delivered him on payment of a great ransom.

Item, after the Duke of Burgundy had had the fortress of Choisy wholly demolished, as is said, he went to lodge in the fortress of Coudun, at a league from Compiègne; and Messire John of Luxembourg lodged at Clairoix. And Messire Baude de Noyelle was ordained, with a certain number of people, to lodge at Margny on the causeway; and the lord of Montgomery, an Englishman, and his people, were lodged at Venette, along the meadow. And there came then to the said Duke people from several parts of his countries; and he had the intention to besiege the said town of Compiègne, and to reduce it into the obedience of King Henry of England.

Chap. LXXXIV. — How Joan the Maid overthrew Franquet d’Arras, and had his head cut off.

At the beginning of the month of May there was overthrown and taken a valiant man-at-arms, named Franquet d’Arras, holding the Duke of Burgundy’s party, who had gone to ride upon his enemies’ marches towards Lagny-sur-Marne, with three hundred fighting men or thereabout; but on his return he was met by Joan the Maid, who had with her four hundred French. And he assailed most courageously and vigorously, the said Franquet and his people, several times; for, by means of his archers (that is, of the said Franquet) which he had, who by very good order had put themselves on foot, they defended themselves all together so valiantly that, at the first and second assault, the said Maid and her people gained nothing upon them. But in conclusion she summoned all the garrisons of Lagny and other fortresses of King Charles’s obedience, who came thither in great number, with culverins, arbalests and other war-harness. And finally the aforesaid holders of the Burgundy party, after they had much damaged their enemies in men and horses, were all vanquished and discomfited, and the greater part put to the sword. And especially the said Maid had the head of the said Franquet cut off, who was greatly mourned by those of his party, forasmuch as in arms he was a man of valiant conduct.

Chap. LXXXVI. — How Joan the Maid was taken by the Burgundians before Compiègne.

Item, during the time that the said Duke of Burgundy was lodged at Coudun, as is said, and his men-at-arms in the other villages nigh to Coudun and to Compiègne, it befell, on the eve of the Ascension, at five o’clock after midday, that Joan the Maid, Poton, and other French captains, with them five to six hundred fighting men, sallied out, all armed on foot and on horse, out of the said town of Compiègne, by the bridge-gate, towards Montdidier; and they had the intention to fight and overthrow the lodging of Messire Baude de Noyelle, which was at Margny, at the end of the causeway, as is said elsewhere. And at that hour Messire John of Luxembourg was, with him the lord of Créquy, and eight or ten gentlemen, all come on horseback, having with them but few, from his lodging towards Messire Baude’s lodging; and he was looking in what manner the said town of Compiègne might be besieged. And then the said French, as is said, began most strongly to approach the said lodging of Margny, in which the greater part were all unarmed.

Nevertheless in a fairly short term they assembled, and the skirmish began very great, during which the cry to arms was raised in several places, both of the Burgundy party and of the English; and the aforesaid English put themselves in battle order against the French, on the meadow outside Venette, where they were lodged; and they were about five hundred fighting men. And on the other side, the people of Messire John of Luxembourg, who were lodged at Clairoix, knowing this alarm, came, certain of them hastily, to succour their lord and captain, who sustained the said skirmish, and to whom, for the most part, the others rallied: in which the said lord of Créquy was very sorely wounded in the face. Finally, after the said skirmish had lasted a fairly long space, the said French, seeing their enemies multiply in great number, withdrew towards their city, ever the Maid with them, upon the rear, making great show of keeping her people together, and bringing them back without loss; but those of the Burgundy party, considering that from all parts they would shortly have succour, approached them vigorously, and flung themselves upon them with full charge. So, in conclusion, as I was informed, the aforesaid Maid was dragged down from her horse by an archer, beside whom was the Bastard of Wandonne (1),

(1) The editions read Vendôme, and their testimony was the only one I knew when I discussed this name in my first volume (p. 13, note).

to whom she surrendered and gave her faith; and he without delay carried her off prisoner to Margny, where she was put in good guard. With whom Poton the Burgundian was taken, and certain others, not in great number. And the aforesaid French re-entered Compiègne, doleful and angered at their loss; and especially they had very great displeasure for the taking of the said Maid. And, on the opposite side, those of the Burgundy party and the English were right joyful at it, more than if they had taken five hundred fighting men: for they dreaded and feared no captain or other chief of war so much as they had ever done, until this present day, the said Maid.

And there came, soon after, the Duke of Burgundy, with all his power, from his lodging of Coudun, where he was lodged, into the meadow before Compiègne. And there the English assembled, the said Duke, and those of the other lodgings, in very great number, making one with the other great cries and revellings, for the taking of the said Maid: whom the said Duke went to see in the lodging where she was, and spoke to her certain words, of which I am not well mindful, albeit I was there present. After which the said Duke and all other folk withdrew, each to his lodging, for that night. And the Maid remained in the guard and governance of Messire John of Luxembourg. Who, within a few days following, sent her under good conduct to the castle of Beaulieu, and thence to Beaurevoir, where she was a prisoner for a long time, as will be declared more at large hereafter.

OF THE YEAR ONE THOUSAND FOUR HUNDRED AND THIRTY-ONE.

Chap. CV. — How Joan the Maid was condemned to be burned and put to death within the city of Rouen.

There follows the condemnation which was made in the city of Rouen against Joan the Maid, as may appear by letters sent on behalf of King Henry of England to the Duke of Burgundy, the copy whereof follows:

Most dear and most beloved uncle, the fervent dilection that we know you have, as a true Catholic prince, to our mother Holy Church and the exaltation of our holy faith, reasonably exhorts and admonishes us to signify and write to you what, to the honour of our said mother Holy Church, fortification of our faith and extirpation of pestilential errors, has been, in this our city of Rouen, lately solemnly done.

It is a sufficiently common renown, now as it were divulged everywhere, how that woman, who called herself Joan the Maid, etc., etc. (1).

And she was led, by the said lay justice, to the Vieil-Marché within Rouen, and there publicly was burned in the sight of all the people.

(1) The remainder is absolutely conformable to the circular printed after the Trial of Condemnation, vol. I, p. 489; save the last paragraph, which in the circular was a dogmatic and moral summary of the trial, and which has been replaced in the letter to the Duke by the brief mention of the execution reported above.

Which thing thus done, the aforesaid King of England signified by letters, as is said, to the aforesaid Duke of Burgundy, so that the said execution of justice might be published by him, as by the other princes, in several places, and that their people and subjects might henceforth be surer and better advertised not to have credence in such or like errors, which had reigned on the occasion of the said Maid.

JEAN DE WAVRIN DU FORESTEL. #

Here is the deposition of a soldier who fought with the English against the Maid. Jean de Wavrin, knight, lord of Le Forestel near Lille, was a natural son of Robert de Wavrin, whom he saw slain beside him at the battle of Agincourt. From that time Jean de Wavrin was a consummate man of war and high in renown in the Burgundian armies. Later he became chief of a company of soldiers, with which he served now the Duke of Burgundy, now the King of England. Sent by the latter to intercept a French convoy during the siege of Orléans, he failed in his enterprise, came to Paris, and there renewed his engagement with the English. He was then incorporated in the army which went to be beaten at Patay. As he had been placed under Sir John Fastolf’s command, he took part in the retreat which was so dearly paid for by that valiant captain.

Jean de Wavrin has left curious memoirs, but under a form which has withdrawn them until now from publicity. Instead of making of them a separate book, he has disseminated them in a vast compilation formed by him with the principal chroniclers of his century, such as Froissart, Monstrelet and Matthieu de Coussy. A good number of these additions concerning England, because of the author’s predilection for that power, he gave his work the title of Chroniques d’Angleterre. He executed it in great part from 1455 to 1460, for the instruction of a nephew of his, legitimate heir, though indirect, of the name of Wavrin.

As an addition to Monstrelet’s testimony on Joan of Arc, the narrative of the campaign of June 1429 is the most interesting thing the Chroniques d’Angleterre offer. There are seen openly both the perplexity of the English government, and the faults of its generals, and the superiority of intelligence with which, on the contrary, the French army was directed at that moment. It is regrettable that the lucid and impartial spirit to which we owe this piece let itself be led astray in other places by the spirit of party. Thus Wavrin is the first among all writers to have represented Joan of Arc as the instrument of a political manœuvre: he makes her be indoctrinated by Baudricourt and appear before the King of France instructed in what she had to do. Further on he treats as fools those who believed in her: which he does by means of a little incision slipped into Monstrelet’s text; and by another interpolation he envenoms the already so little favourable conclusion of the same author, adding the epithet of monstrous woman, where his predecessor had put quite simply the said Maid.

The fragments printed below represent all that Wavrin has added of importance to Monstrelet’s relation. There will not be found the passages simply interpolated, because, with the exception of the two phrases just pointed out, the differences between the one and the other text bear only on details of form. These pieces were furnished me by manuscript no. 6757 (French fonds) of the Royal Library. In publishing them, I make it a duty to announce that a person exercised in the reproduction of ancient texts and who has already rendered services to history, Mademoiselle Émilie Dupont, will shortly bring out Wavrin’s additions to the fifteenth-century chroniclers, gathered by her into a single body of work.

Chap. VIII (LVII of Monstrelet). — How Joan the Maid came before the King of France at Chinon in poor estate, and of her deception.

In that year, which was then counted 1428, the siege being at Orléans, there came before King Charles of France at Chinon, where he then held himself, a young girl who said she was a maid, aged twenty years or thereabout. Who was sent before the King of France by a knight named Messire Robert de Baudricourt, captain of the place of Vaucouleurs, commissioned on the said King Charles’s behalf, which Messire Robert gave her horses and five or six companions. And he introduced and taught her what she must say and do, and the manner she had to hold, calling herself a maid inspired by divine Providence; and that she was sent before the said King Charles to restore and set him back in the possession of all his kingdom generally, whence he was, as she said, chased and thrust out to such a point. And the said maid was in a fairly poor estate at her coming. And she was about two months in the hostel of the King aforesaid, whom several times she admonished by her words, as she was instructed, that he should give her people and aid, and she would thrust back and chase his enemies and exalt his name, amplifying his lordships; certifying that of this she had had sufficient revelation (1).

And when she came before the King, there were at court the Duke of Alençon, the Marshal de Rais and several other great lords and captains, with whom the King had held counsel, touching the business of the siege of Orléans. And the said Maid went soon after with him from Chinon to Poitiers, where he ordained that the said Marshal should lead victuals and artillery and other necessary things to the said place of Orléans in power. With whom Joan the Maid would go, etc., etc.

When the said Maid was come within the city of Orléans, she was made very great cheer. And certain were right joyful to see her be in their company. And when the French men of war, who had brought the victuals into Orléans, returned before the

(1) The rest as Monstrelet.

King, the Maid remained there. And she was required to go to the skirmishes with the others by La Hire and certain captains; but she answered that she would not go unless the men-at-arms who had brought her were also with her. Who were sent for back from Blois and the other places whither they had already withdrawn. And they returned to Orléans, where they were joyously received by the said Maid. And she went to meet them to welcome them, saying that she had well seen and advised the English government, and that, if they would believe her, she would make them all rich.

And she began that very day to issue out of the city and went most keenly to assail one of the English bastilles, which she took by force. And afterwards, continuing, she did things most marvellous, whereof mention will be made hereafter in its order (1).

(1) This paragraph, like the preceding, is not in its place here, perhaps by a copyist’s error charged with intercalating Wavrin’s additions in Monstrelet’s text, although the last words dont cy aprez sera fait mention may make the fault imputable to Wavrin himself. What is certain is that in transposing these two paragraphs after the narrative of the boats’ entry into the port of Orléans (see p. 410), the narration goes on as well as possible, and the author is spared a double anachronism.

Chap. X (LIX of Monstrelet). — How Joan the Maid was the cause of the siege raised from before Orléans, and of the army which was made by the Duke of Bedford to bring succour to the English.

The companions of Orléans then, seeing themselves most strongly oppressed by the besiegers’ diligence, both by their engines and by the bastilles they had made around the city to the number of twenty-two (2), and that by the said continuance they were in peril of being

(2) Twelve is what must be read, and even so counting in that number the boulevards, which were only enclosures closed with palisades and moats.

put into the servitude and obedience of their enemies the English, disposed themselves to all perils and concluded to resist with all their power and by all the manners they well could; so that, to remedy it the best, they sent to King Charles to have aid of people and victuals. There were then sent them from four to five hundred fighting men, and afterwards there were sent them a good six thousand with certain boats charged with victuals, coming along the river, under the guide and conduct of the said men-at-arms. In which company was Joan the Maid, of whom mention is made above, who had not yet done things for which she was much commended.

Then the English captains holding the siege, knowing the coming of the said boats and of those who guided them, quickly and hastily endeavoured in force to resist, to defend them from landing in the city of Orléans. And on the other part the French strove to thrust them in by force of arms. At the landing of the vessels to pass, there was many a lance broken, many an arrow shot and many an engine-blow cast; and there was so great a noise made, both by the besieged and by the besiegers, and defenders and assailants, that it was a horror to hear them; but whatever force or resistance the English could make there, maugre them all, the French put their boats to safety within the city. Whereof the said English were much troubled and the French joyful at their good adventure. And they also entered into the said city where they were welcome, as well for the victuals they brought as for the Maid whom they had brought back with them; making on all parts most joyous cheer for the fair succour which King Charles sent them: in which they plainly perceived the benevolence he had towards them, whereat the inhabitants of the city greatly rejoiced, making such glee that they were plainly heard by the besiegers (1).

Then when the morrow came, which was a Thursday (2), when every one was reassured, the Maid Joan, risen fairly early, spoke in counsel to certain captains and chamber-chiefs (3), to whom she showed by lively reasons how they were truly come thither to defend this city against the ancient enemies of the kingdom of France, who sorely oppressed it; and so much that she saw it in great danger, if good provision were not shortly administered to it. And she admonished them to go arm themselves, and did so much by her words that she induced them to do it. And she told them that, if they would follow her, she doubted not that she would bring them such damage that it would be remembered for ever, and the enemies would curse the day of her coming.

So much the Maid preached to them that they all went to arm themselves with her. And they issued out of the city in most fair order; and at the departing she said to the captains: Lords, take courage and good hope. Before four days are past, your enemies will be vanquished. And the captains and

(1) See above, p. 408 note 1, the transposition proposed to form the transition from the present paragraph to the next.

(2) It is sufficiently established by the other testimonies that on the Thursday, which was Ascension day, there was no sortie.

(3) The chamber-chiefs were the inferior officers in the companies. They had some twenty men under their command. Nothing is rarer than to find mention of this grade in the authors.

men of war who were there could not marvel enough at her words, etc., etc.

Soon after the siege of Orléans was raised, the said French being within Orléans, especially the captains and Joan the Maid; all of one common accord sent their messengers to King Charles to announce to him the victorious businesses by them achieved; and how at last the English, his enemies, had shamefully abandoned the siege from before Orléans; and had withdrawn into their garrisons.

At these tidings King Charles was right joyful; and he humbly thanked his Creator for them. And then soon after, the said captains being at the said place of Orléans, wrote to the King conjointly by their letters, that the greatest number of men-at-arms and of shot that he could find, he should send diligently to them, and with them certain great lords to conduct them, so that they might grieve their enemies, who at this hour sorely dreaded them; especially by the rumour of the Maid, of whom there was already great renown throughout the country; and even in the King’s chamber great discourses were made of her, certain saying that the whole exploit was done by her counsels and enterprises. And the wisest knew not what to think of her. And the said captains wrote to the King, besides all this, that he himself in person should draw forward into the country, saying that his presence, to attract the people, would be worth a great number of other men.

About mid-May, the siege having been raised from before the city of Orléans at the entering of the said month, the French put themselves in the field, about five to six thousand good fighting men, all chosen folk most expert and practised in the deed of war; who all together drew towards Beaugency, seated at two leagues from Meung-sur-Loire; and there they laid the siege. In which place were in garrison a Gascon Englishman (1), named Mathago, Messire Richard Guettin and another ancient English knight. There might be there in garrison about five or six hundred Englishmen, who let themselves be besieged and enclosed there: where they were sorely molested and their walls hard beaten by cannon and stone-engines which, night and day, ceased not to bound. And likewise they were served with other divers engines of war and subtle harness, such that it was impossible for them to last long without having succour. And they thrust out of the place, at a sally they made upon their enemies, a messenger, who by great diligence of riding did so much that he came to the lord of Talbot, to whom he carried letters of credence. And he exposed to him the charge he had on behalf of the besieged. Who, hearing the messenger speak, told him he would provide for it the soonest he could, and that he should commend him to the companions who sent him; saying that they should make good cheer and do their devoir to defend themselves, and that they should shortly have good tidings of him, for in truth he much desired to succour them, as well was right, since they were of his people.

(1) Wavrin’s error; Matthew Gough was a Welshman.

The lord of Talbot then, as soon as he could, announced these tidings to the Duke of Bedford, Regent, who promptly had people made ready in the parts holding King Henry’s quarrel. And those who were summoned came thither. And I myself, the aforesaid author, who at that time was newly returned with Philippe d’Aigreville from the marches of the Orléanais, whither by the Regent’s commandment we had gone to divert victuals from those of Orléans, which the Duke of Bourbon and the lord of La Fayette would bring them during the siege the English held there: in which journey we made a fairly small exploit, because of the commons of the country who rose against us to hinder our passages. So we had to return without doing anything, and the lord of Aigreville and I went to Nemours, of which he was captain, and thence I came to Paris to the Regent, with about six hundred fighting men; who then retained me in all points in King Henry’s service, under Messire John Fastolf, grand master of the said Regent’s household, whom he ordained to go into the country of Beauce to bring succour to the aforesaid besieged within Beaugency.

And we departed in the said Fastolf’s company at that time, about five thousand fighting men, as well chosen as I had ever seen in the country of France. In which brigade were Messire Thomas de Rameston, an Englishman, and several other knights and esquires natives of the kingdom of England; who all together departed from Paris and went to lie at Étampes, where we were three days; then we departed on the fourth day and rode through Beauce, until we came to Janville, which is a fairly good little town, wherein is a great tower after the manner of a keep; which tower had, not long before, been taken by the Earl of Salisbury (1). Within which town we were four days still awaiting a greater power which was to be sent us by the Duke of Bedford, for in England, in Normandy and on all sides he had summoned succour and aid.

(1) On 29 August 1428.

Chap. XII. — How the English being at Janville were advertised of the taking of Jargeau and of Meung and of the coming of the lord of Talbot.

The English captains above named being at Janville were advertised that the French, with great power of arms, had newly taken by assault the town of Jargeau, and put the town of Meung in their obedience, still holding their siege before Beaugency. Which tidings were to them a most great displeasure, but they could not amend it for the present. So they put themselves in counsel to have advice all together on what they had to do. And as they were in this counsel, the lord of Talbot entered the town, with about forty lances and two hundred archers; at whose coming the English were right joyful. It was reason, for he was held at that time to be the wisest and most valiant knight of the kingdom of England.

When the said lord of Talbot was come down to his hostel, Messire John Fastolf, Messire Thomas Rameston and the other English lords went to welcome and reverence him, asking him for his tidings; who told them how it was, then they all went to dine together. And when the tables were removed, they entered into a chamber in counsel, where many things were told and debated; for Messire John Fastolf, who was held a most wise and valiant knight, made many remonstrances to the lord of Talbot and to the others, saying how they well knew the loss of their people from before Orléans, Jargeau and other places; for which things those of their party were much dismayed and affrayed, and their enemies on the contrary much rejoiced, exalted and strengthened; wherefore he counselled not to go further forward and to let the besieged of Beaugency do, taking the best treaty they could have from the French; and they should withdraw themselves into the towns, castles and fortresses holding their party, and should not fight their enemies so hastily until they were more assured, and also until their people had come to them, whom the Duke of Bedford, Regent, was to send them.

Which remonstrances made in the said council by the said Messire John Fastolf were not well agreeable to certain of the other captains; especially to the lord of Talbot, who said that had he only his people and those who would follow him, he would go fight them with the aid of God and of my lord Saint George.

Then Messire John Fastolf, seeing that no excuse or remonstrances availed there, nor his words had place there, rose from the council. So did all the others, and went each to his lodging. And the captains and squadron-chiefs were commanded that on the morrow morning they should all be ready to put themselves in the field, and go where their sovereigns would ordain them. And so that night passed; then in the morning all issued out of the gate, and put themselves in the open fields, standards, pennons and guidons. And then, after all were issued out of the said town in order, all the captains drew together again in a troop amid the field, and there Messire John Fastolf spoke to them again, saying and remonstrating several reasons tending to the end of not passing further forward; setting before their understandings all the fears of the dangerous perils they might well incur, according to his imagination; and also they were but a handful of men in regard of the French, certifying that, if fortune turned evil upon them, all that the late King Henry had conquered in France with great labour and long term would be on the way to perdition: wherefore it were worth better to refrain a little, and await their power to be reinforced.

These remonstrances were not yet agreeable to the lord of Talbot, nor also to certain other chiefs of the said army. Wherefore Messire John Fastolf, seeing that no remonstrance whatever he could make could profit to withdraw his said companions from their enterprise, willing to persevere, he commanded the standards to take the right way towards Meung. Then you would have seen on all parts through that Beauce, which is ample and large, the English riding in most fair order; then, when they came to about a league from Meung and fairly near Beaugency, the French, advertised of their coming, being about six thousand fighting men, whose chiefs were Joan the Maid, the Duke of Alençon, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal de La Fayette, La Hire, Poton and other captains, ranged themselves and put themselves in battle order on a little hill, the better to see and truly the countenance of the English. Who, plainly perceiving that the French were ranged in manner of battle, thinking they must indeed come fight them, express commandment was promptly made on behalf of King Henry of England that every one should put himself on foot, and that all archers should have their stakes fixed (1) before them, as they are wont to do when they think to be fought. Then they sent two heralds to the said French, when they saw that they moved not from their places, saying that there were three knights who would fight them if they had hardihood to come down the hill and come towards them. To whom answer was made on behalf of the Maid’s people: Go lodge yourselves for today, for it is late enough; but tomorrow, at the pleasure of God and Our Lady, we shall see you from nearer.

Then the English lords, seeing they would not be fought, departed from that place, and rode towards Meung, where they lodged that night, for they found no resistance in the town, save only that the bridge was held for the French. And it was concluded there by the English captains that they would have the said bridge beaten that night by their engines, cannon and veuglaires, to have passage on the other side of the river. And so did the English who had proposed it that night, which they lay at Meung until the morrow.

(1) That is, their stakes set in rest, presenting the point to the enemy.

Now let us return to the French who were before Beaugency; and we will speak of the English when place and time shall be.

Chap. XIII (LXI of Monstrelet). — How the French had by composition the castle of Beaugency, which the English held, and of the day the English lost at Patay against the French.

As you have heard, the English were lodged at Meung, and the French before Beaugency at siege, where they sorely constrained the garrison within, giving them to understand that the succour they awaited would not come; giving them to understand also that they had returned towards Paris. Which thing seeing and hearing, the said besieged, with other several like words the French said to them, knew not well in which part of counsel to stay themselves for the best and most profitable; considering that by the renown of Joan the Maid the English courages were sorely altered and failed. And they saw, so it seemed to them, fortune turn her wheel rudely against them (for they had already lost several towns and fortresses which had put themselves back into the obedience of the King of France, principally by the enterprises of the said Maid, some by force, the others by treaty); and they saw their people dismayed, and found them not now of such or so firm a purpose of prudence as they were wont; but they were all, so it seemed to them, most desirous to withdraw upon the marches of Normandy, abandoning what they held in the Isle of France and thereabout.

All these things considered, and several others which arose in their imaginations, they knew not what counsel to choose, for they were not ascertained of shortly having succour; but had they known it was so near them, they would not have surrendered so soon. Nevertheless finally, all the fears they admitted in their affair considered, they made treaty with the French the best they could, on condition that they should go away safely and carry off all their goods, and the place should remain in the obedience of King Charles and of his deputies.

Which treaty thus made, on the Saturday morning the English departed, taking the way towards Paris right through Beauce, and the French entered into Beaugency. Then they took conclusion, at the Maid Joan’s exhortation, that they would then go seeking the English until they had found them in open Beauce, to their advantage, and that there they would fight them; for there was no doubt that the English, when they should know the surrender of Beaugency, would return through Beauce towards Paris, where it seemed to them they would have good market of it.

Now then the said French, to attain their enterprise, put themselves in the open fields. And people new from divers places flowed to them and came to them each day. And there were then ordained the Constable of France, the Marshal de Boussac, La Hire, Poton and other captains, to make the vanguard; and the surplus, as the Duke of Alençon, the Bastard of Orléans, the Marshal de Rais, were the conductors of the battle and followed the said vanguard fairly near. And the said French might be in all from twelve to thirteen thousand fighting men. And the Maid was then asked by certain of the princes and principal captains there present, what thing seemed to her at present good to do. Who answered that she was certain and knew verily that the English, their enemies, awaited them to fight them; saying moreover that, in God’s name, they should ride forward against them, and that they would be vanquished. Certain asked her where they would find them: to whom she made answer that they should ride surely and they would have good guidance. So the French battles put themselves on the way in good order, having the most expert, mounted on the flower of horses, to sixty or seventy men, set before to discover. And thus riding a long space that Saturday, they were fairly near their enemies the English, as you may hear hereafter.

When then the English who had lodged at Meung, as has been said above, with the intention of winning the bridge, to refresh the garrison of Beaugency with victuals, who from the evening before had surrendered to the French (whereof the said English knew nothing, for that Saturday, about eight o’clock in the morning when the captains had heard mass, it was cried and published through the host that every one should prepare and put himself in order, garnished with pavises, doors and fire ready, with other necessary harness, to assail the said bridge which the night before had been rudely beaten by our engines): so it befell, as we were all garnished with what we needed for the assault and ready to depart to begin, that right at that hour there arrived a pursuivant, who came straight from Beaugency. And he told the lords, our captains, that the said town and castle of Beaugency were in the hand of the

French, and that, from the moment he departed, they were putting themselves in the field to come fight them.

Then commandment was promptly made in all quarters by the English captains, that all manner of men should leave the assault; and draw to the fields; and that, as they issued to the fields out of the town, every one should put himself in order of fair battle. Which thing was done most agreeably. The vanguard first put itself on the way, which was conducted by an English knight who bore a white standard; then between the vanguard and the battle were put the artillery, victuals and merchants of all estates. After came the battle, whose conductors were Messire John Fastolf, the lord of Talbot, Messire Thomas Rameston and others. Then rode the rear-guard, which was of pure Englishmen. When this company was in the open fields, the way was taken, riding in fair order, towards Patay, until they came within a league of it; and there they stayed, for they were in truth advertised by the runners of their rear-guard that they had seen great numbers of men coming after them, whom they hoped to be French. And then, to know the truth of it, the English lords sent certain of their people riding; who soon returned and made relation to the said lords that the French were coming after them, riding hard, a very great power: as soon after they were seen to come. And it was ordained by our captains that those of the vanguard, the merchants, the victuals and the artillery should go before to take place all along the hedges which were near Patay. Which thing was done so. Then the battle marched until they came between two strong hedges by which the French must pass. And then the lord of Talbot, seeing the said place fairly advantageous, said he would dismount on foot with five hundred chosen archers, and there he would hold himself, keeping the passage against the French, until the battle and the rear-guard should be joined. And the said Talbot took place at the hedges of Patay, with the vanguard which awaited them there. And so the lord of Talbot, keeping this narrow passage against the enemies, hoped to come back and join with the battle by skirting the said hedges, would the French or no; but it fell out altogether otherwise.

Most swiftly came the French after their enemies, whom still they could not descry, nor knew the place where they were, until by adventure the fore-runners saw a stag start out of the woods, which took its way towards Patay and went to plunge amid the English battle: whereat they raised a most high cry, not knowing their enemies were so near them. Hearing which cry the aforesaid French runners, they were ascertained it was the English, and also saw them soon after quite plainly. So they sent certain companions to announce to their captains what they had seen and found, letting them know that in good order they should ride forward, and that it was time to do the work. Who promptly prepared themselves in all points and rode until they saw the said English quite plainly.

When then the said English saw the French approach them so near, they hastened the most they could, to join themselves at the hedges before their coming; but they could not so far exploit that, before they were joined together at the said hedges to their vanguard, the French had flung themselves upon the narrow passage where the lord of Talbot was. And then Messire John Fastolf drawing and riding towards the vanguard to join with them, those of the said vanguard thought all was lost and that the battles were fleeing. Wherefore the said captain of the vanguard, thinking in truth it was so, with his white standard, he and his people took to flight and abandoned the hedge.

Then Messire John Fastolf, seeing the danger of the flight, knowing all went most ill, took counsel to save himself. And he was told, I the author being present, that he should look to his person, for the battle was lost for them. Who in all ways would have re-entered the battle and there awaited such adventure as Our Lord would send him; saying he would liefer be dead or taken than shamefully flee and so abandon his people. And before he would depart, the French had overthrown the lord of Talbot, taken him prisoner and slain all his people. And the said French were already so far into the battle that they could at their will take or slay whom they thought good. And finally the English were discomfited there with little loss to the French. And there died of the said English party a good two thousand men, and two hundred prisoners.

As you hear went this business. Which thing seeing, Messire John Fastolf departed thence most unwillingly and with most small company, making the greatest dole I ever saw made by man. And in truth he would have thrust back into the battle, had it not been for those who were with him, especially Messire John, Bastard of Thian, and others who hindered him from it. So he took his way towards Étampes, and I followed him as my captain, whom the Duke of Bedford had commanded me to obey and even to serve his person. So we came about midnight to Étampes, where we lay, and on the morrow at Corbeil.

As you hear, the French obtained the victory at the said place of Patay where they lay that night, thanking Our Lord for their fair adventure. And on the morrow they dislodged from the said place of Patay, which stands at two leagues from Janville; for which place thus called, this battle shall perpetually bear the name, the day of Patay. And thence they went with all their prey and prisoners to Orléans, where they were generally feted by all the people.

After this fair victory, all the French captains who were there went, with them Joan the Maid, before King Charles, who much feted them and greatly thanked them for their good service and diligence. Who told him that, above all, he owed thanks for it to the said Maid, who from that hour was retained of the King’s privy council. And there it was concluded to assemble the greatest number of men of war that could be found through the countries obeying the said King, so that he might thrust forward into the country and pursue his enemies.

THE CLERK OF THE CHAMBER OF ACCOUNTS OF BRABANT. #

The Maid, questioned by her judges on the wound she received at Orléans, answered that she had had revelation of it long beforehand and that she had told it to Charles VII (Trial of Condemnation, vol. I, p. 79). If this prediction, despite the respectable authority under which it presents itself, could still be the object of a doubt, here is what may set it among the best-proved facts. It was consigned in a register of the Chamber of Accounts of Brabant, by the clerk of the court, as a piece of information extracted from a letter which had been written at Lyons on 22 April 1429, fifteen days before the event.

To the summary of this letter, sent to Brussels by a chargé d’affaires who had conversed at Lyons itself with an officer of the house of Bourbon, the Brabant clerk has joined a subsequent note to advertise that the announced facts had been accomplished. He has moreover introduced into his register a relation in French of the last days of Joan of Arc’s life, a relation written after her judgement and her execution. M. Le Brun de Charmettes knew and cited this testimony after the extracts, today deposited at the Royal Library, of the Registres noirs of the Chamber of Accounts of Brabant (Collection d’Esnans, vol. I, p. 110 and 116). From the same source I have taken the text printed here for the first time.

Sequitur incidens de Puella. — There follows an incident concerning the Maid.

Item, it is true that the aforesaid lord of Rotselaer, being in the city of Lyons upon the Rhone, on the relation made to him by a certain knight, councillor and master of the household of the lord Charles de Bourbon, wrote to certain lords of the council of the aforesaid lord Duke of Brabant (1), for news, that the King of the Franks with the aforesaid lord Charles and his other princes and friends made a great gathering of people, who were to meet together on the last day of the month of April of the present year 1429, with the mind and intention of setting out towards the city of Orléans, to deliver it from the English siege. He wrote further, on the same knight’s relation, that a certain Maid born in Lorraine, aged eighteen years or thereabout, is with the aforesaid King; who said to him that she will save the Orléanais and put to flight the English from the siege, and that she will be wounded by a dart before Orléans in the conflict, but will not die of it; and that the King himself will be crowned in the coming summer in the city of Reims; and many other things which the King keeps secret with himself. Which Maid indeed rides armed daily with lance in fist, like the other men-at-arms being beside the King. In the same Maid indeed the aforesaid King and his friends have great confidence, as is more fully contained in the letter of the aforesaid lord of Rotselaer, which was written at Lyons upon the Rhone, on the twenty-second day of the aforesaid month of April (2).

(1) Philip, then Duke of Brabant, was first cousin to the Duke of Burgundy Philip the Good, who succeeded him after his death, which befell on 15 August 1430.

(2) This whole paragraph, translated into French by M. Le Brun de Charmettes, forms part of his Histoire de Jeanne d’Arc, vol. I, p. 424.

And whatever is said of the aforesaid Maid, the things she foretold came to pass so; for the siege before Orléans was raised and the English there were either taken, or slain, or put to flight; the King was crowned at Reims and well-nigh all the cities, castles, towns and fortresses of that region, the English being put to flight, he reduced to his obedience in the summer aforesaid. Whence of the same Maid there are the following verses:

Virgo puellares artus induta virili Veste, Dei monitu, properat relevare jacentem, etc., etc. (1)

How the aforesaid Maid came to her end, the reader may see in the following schedule, whose tenor is such:

True it is that one named Joan, calling herself the Maid, who for two years past had come into the company of the Armagnacs and of those who held the Dauphin’s party; in whom the said Dauphin and those of his said party adjoined great faith, and made the people understand that God had sent her to them for the recovery of the kingdom of France; and howbeit the said Joan the Maid bore arms and all war-harness like the boldest and best knights of the company, and that she slew and struck with the sword the men-at-arms and others: notwithstanding this, the greater part of the people of France and other folk of estate believed and adjoined full faith and credence in the said Maid, thinking and firmly maintaining it was a thing from God; and so much that she was captain and chief of war of the greater part of the greatest lords and other chiefs of war of the said Dauphin’s company; and with them she made several armies for the space of a year and a half or thereabout. Finally my lord the Duke of Burgundy with all power went, in the month of May, in the year fourteen

(1) It is still the same piece, given by Thomassin, above, p. 305.

hundred and thirty, to besiege the town of Compiègne, in which town the said Maid was with several other captains holding the said Dauphin’s party; and as the said siege was being set and laid before the said town of Compiègne, the said Maid, mounted and notably armed, with a huke of scarlet velvet over her harness, accompanied by several men-at-arms and shot of her party, sallied out of the said town of Compiègne to skirmish against the vanguard of my said lord, which was lodged before the said town, thinking to overthrow the said vanguard; but the business fared so that the said Maid was taken by the people of my said lord of Burgundy, who, after several questionings, gave her in guard to Messire John of Luxembourg, lord of Beaurevoir. And a little time after, the King of France and of England sent to my said lord ambassadors to have the said Maid, to send her to Paris, to make her trial there by the University of Paris. Which thing my said lord of Burgundy liberally did.

LEFÈVRE DE SAINT-REMI. #

Jean Le Fèvre, a native of Abbeville, councillor of the Duke of Burgundy and king of arms of the Order of the Golden Fleece, was sixty-seven years old in 1460, when he set himself to write what it is agreed to call his Memoirs. It is properly speaking a chronicle, a succinct chronicle, and one which, from the Burgundian point of view, represents exactly what Berry’s is for the French party. There are found in it on the Maid pieces of information that can only emanate from an eyewitness. The relation of the sortie from Compiègne is one of the most complete and best there is. As for the captivity, the same lacuna in Jean Le Fèvre as in Monstrelet. Of the judgement there is likewise no question, and one may believe the chronicler would not have spoken at all of Joan of Arc’s death, had he not needed, in one place, a transition to bring on the narrative of a new reverse of the French. Here indeed is the wholly incidental form under which he mentions this fact, at the beginning of his 172nd chapter: You have well heard tell how certain folk of light and idle credence thrust themselves to believe that the Maid’s deeds were miraculous things permitted by God, and right many were inclined to believe it. Now it befell after the death of the said Joan the Maid, that, etc., etc.

We owe to M. Buchon the part of Jean Le Fèvre’s memoirs which corresponds to the first fourteen years of the reign of Charles VII, that in which Joan of Arc is spoken of. He gave its text for the first time in his Collection des chroniques nationales, after manuscript 9369-3 of the Royal Library.

Chap. CLI. — How the Maid Joan came into renown and was brought to the siege of Orléans. How she sallied with the French upon the English and the siege was abandoned.

Now it behoves to speak of an adventure which befell in France, the like whereof, as I believe, never befell there. True it is that in a village on the marches of Lorraine there was a man and a woman, married together, who had several children, among whom they had a daughter who, from the age of seven to eight years, was set to keep the sheep in the fields and long did that craft. Now it is true that she could say, from the time she had or might have eighteen or twenty years, that she often had revelation from God, and that there came to her the glorious Virgin Mary accompanied by several angels, saints and sainted women, among whom she named my lady Saint Katherine and David the prophet (1), with his harp, which he played marvellously; and finally she said that among the other things she had revelation from God, by the mouth of the Virgin Mary, that she should set herself up in arms, and that by her Charles, Dauphin of Vienne, should be restored to his land and lordship, and that she would lead him to be consecrated and crowned at Reims.

These tidings came to a gentleman of the march, who armed and mounted her and led her to the siege of Orléans, against the English who held the siege. And he had the Bastard of Orléans and several

(1) The chronicler’s error. There is no question of this either in the trial or in the French authors, any more than of the apparition of the Virgin Mary mentioned above.

other captains assemble, to whom he recounted what the said girl named Joan the Maid said. And in fact she was questioned by several sound and valiant men, who put themselves in faith to believe her and adjoined in her so great faith that they abandoned and put their bodies in all adventure with her. And it is true that one day she told them she would fight the English, and assembled her people and set herself to assail the English by the strongest bastille they held, which was guarded by a knight of England named Cassedag (1). The said bastille was by the said Maid and the valiant men assailed and taken by fair assault, and there Cassedag was slain: which seemed a miraculous thing, seeing the strength of the bastille and the people who guarded it.

The rumour ran through the English host of the taking of the said bastille, and finally, when they heard tell that the said Maid had done this enterprise, they were much afeared at it; and they said among themselves that they had a prophecy which contained that a Maid must thrust them out of France and in all points undo them. So they raised their siege and withdrew into certain places of their obedience about the said city of Orléans. Among which English, the Earl of Suffolk and the lord of La Pole, his brother, held themselves at Jargeau; but they were scarcely there before the said town was taken by assault, and there the said lord of La Pole was slain, and several English. The powers of the aforesaid English assembled to return to Paris to the Regent; but they were so closely

(1) He whom the French chroniclers call Classidas.

followed by the Dauphinois that they found themselves in battle one before the other near a village in Beauce, which is called Patay. Now it befell that they thought to take a more advantageous place than that where they were, and departed from their place. But the Dauphinois struck into them so that they undid them and in all points discomfited them. There were taken the Earl of Suffolk, the lord of Talbot and all the captains, save Messire John Fastolf, who went away: whereof he afterwards had great reproach because he was a knight of the Garter. Nevertheless, he excused himself much, saying that had they been willing to believe him, the thing would not have befallen so on their part. Thus were the English discomfited, and the said battle was named the battle of Patay.

Chap. CLII. — How the Dauphin was crowned King of France at Reims. Of several towns which rendered to him. How the Duke of Bedford went to meet him and presented battle. Of the deeds of the Maid who led the King before Paris.

You have heard how Joan the Maid was in such renown among the men of war that really they believed she was a woman sent from God, by whom the English should be thrust out of the kingdom. The said Maid was led before the Dauphin, who willingly saw her and who, like the others, adjoined great faith in her and made a great summons where there were a great number of princes of his blood, to wit the Dukes of Bourbon, of Alençon and of Bar, Arthur, Constable of France, the Counts of Armagnac, of Pardiac, and Vendôme, the lord of Albret, the Bastard of Orléans, the lord of La Trémoille and several great lords of France and of Scotland. And the Dauphin’s power was right great, with which all he drew straight to Troyes in Champagne; and the town was promptly rendered to him, and they made him obedience; so did those of Châlons and of Reims. In which town of Reims he was consecrated, anointed and crowned King of France. Thus was Charles, seventh of that name, consecrated at Reims as you have heard.

After the King had sojourned a little time in the town of Reims, he went to an abbey where Saint Marcoul is adored, named Corbeny, where it is said he takes the dignity and privilege of healing the king’s evil. These things done, he passed the river Marne and found himself at Crépy-en-Valois. When the Regent knew that the King had been consecrated at Reims and that he marched in the country to draw straight to Paris, he assembled a great company of English and Picards, among whom were Messire John of Créquy, Messire John of Croy, the Bastard of Saint-Pol, Messire Hue de Lannoy, a wise and valiant knight, Jean de Brimeu and others, who found themselves in great power in a village named Mitry in France, and the French and their power were in another village named (1), two leagues from Crépy-en-Valois, and there were the Duke of Alençon, the said Maid and several other captains. The Regent who desired battle against the French approached them as far as an abbey which is called La Victoire, which is not far from a tower called

(1) Lacuna of the manuscript. Supply Thieux after Berry.

Montépilloy, and there arrived about mid-August in the year fourteen hundred and twenty-nine.

The King heard mass at Crépy, then mounted on horseback armed with a brigandine and drew to the fields, where he found a fair and great company which awaited him. Nevertheless the Duke of Alençon and the Maid were already forward and found themselves right near the English, before the King came. And when the King was arrived, he and his people ordained a fair great battle on horseback, and with that two other companies in manner of two wings; and therewith there was a great number of foot. And as for the English, they made but one battle and all on foot, save the Bastard of Saint-Pol, Messire John of Croy and certain others in small number, who, when they saw the French, who as for men-at-arms did not dismount to foot, mounted on horseback, as is said.

That day it was great heat and marvellously great dust. Now it befell that at one of the ends of the English battle, the French had most of their shot shoot with a company of horse and assailed the English. And there were many arrows shot there, both on one side and the other. And to reinforce the people where the battle had begun, the Regent sent a company thither, without the battles ever leaving their order, neither French nor English. And when the French saw that the English and Picards held foot and valiantly fought, they withdrew, and never thenceforward approached together one against the other, save by skirmishes. And, as I heard say, he of all who shewed himself that day the most a man-at-arms and who broke most lances there, was the Bastard of Saint-Pol. Messire John of Croy was there crippled in a foot, so that all his life he remained crippled. The said day passed thus as you have heard, without doing other thing. And when it came towards sunset, the King withdrew into the town of Crépy, and the others withdrew into the villages thereabout.

Now must we speak of the English. True it is that certain saw well the French retreat; and certain would have pursued them; but the Regent would not suffer it for the fear of ambushes; for, as I heard the French counted, they were from five to six thousand harnois de jambes (1). When the French were thus departed, the English lodged in an abbey thereabout and sent to fetch victuals from Senlis. On the morrow the King and all his power put themselves in fair order near the town of Crépy, with them all carts and baggage; and these things done, he put himself in the fields and turned his back on the English, and went into the town of Compiègne, which then held the English party; but, without any contradiction, they made opening to the King and received him with great joy. And there the King sojourned five days and there held counsel of what he had to do. And when the Regent knew that the King had entered Compiègne without contradiction, he much doubted that several towns which were then in their obedience would not turn to the King’s party: for which cause, with his power he returned

(1) By this phrase, the author designates only the knights and men-at-arms equipped at all points.

to Paris, and there left Louis of Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne and Chancellor of France for the English, the lord of L’Isle-Adam, then Marshal of France, and also several lords of England, to whom he gave the said city of Paris in guard, and went into Normandy to provide for the guards of the good towns and fortresses. When the King had sojourned at Compiègne, as is said, he took his way with all his power to come straight to Paris; for the Maid had promised him she would put him within, and that of this he should not doubt. Nevertheless she failed there, as you shall hear.

At departing from Compiègne the King drew straight to Senlis, which town made him obedience, then to Saint-Denis, and entered within. And afterwards it was ordained, by the remonstrances the Maid made, that the city of Paris should be assaulted. When it came to the day of the assault, the Maid armed and arrayed, with her standard, was among the first assailants, and went so near that she was wounded by shot. But the English defended the city so well that the French could do nothing there, and withdrew into the city of Saint-Denis. After the King had been in the city of Saint-Denis several days, seeing that the city of Paris was too strongly guarded, he retired beyond the river Seine, and gave leave to the most part of his people; who put themselves in garrison in several towns, both at Beauvais, Senlis, Compiègne, Soissons, Crépy and several other towns this side of Seine, towards Picardy; who made sore war both upon the English and upon the Duke’s people.

And so that year (1) passed, as you have heard, with several other things which would be too long to recount.

(1) Shapeless abbreviation of the Royal Library manuscript, which is only a sixteenth-century copy. M. Buchon read aventure. It is rather année that should be conjectured.

Chap. CLVIII. — How the Duke of Burgundy besieged the town of Compiègne, where the Maid Joan was taken by a sally she made, and of several other deeds of war.

In the month of May 1430, the Duke laid the siege before a fortress seated on the river Aisne, near the town of Compiègne, named Pont-à-Choisy, and one must pass a great river named Oise, and it was passed at a village named Pont-l’Évêque, fairly near the city of Noyon; and the said passage was guarded by two valiant knights of England. And at the said place the Duke’s adversaries had assembled in great number to fight the Duke; and there was Joan the Maid, who was as chief of the war of the King, for the time the Duke’s adversary; and the adversaries believed she would bring the wars to an end, for she said it was revealed to her by the mouth of God and of certain Saints. And the said adversaries concluded to go overthrow those who guarded the said bridge; and in fact they went to assail them most swiftly; but the knights aforesaid defended themselves so valiantly that the enemies could not grieve them. And also the lord of Saveuse and others of the Duke’s people came to aid and succour them in all diligence; and there was great plenty of wounded on one side and the other; and the said adversaries did nothing else for the hour; but each returned to their towns and fortresses, and the knights remained guarding the said bridge until the Duke was before the said Pont-à-Choisy, where he was ten days; and those of the said place fled away. And soon after the Duke had taken the said Pont-à-Choisy, he repassed the said bridge and river, and lodged at a league from Compiègne, and his host in the villages near the said town. And as the Duke was ordaining his people to lay his siege before the said town of Compiègne, which is a fat and great town, with a great tower, and enclosed in part by two rivers, Oise and Aisne, which assemble before the said town or fairly near (and the captain of the said town of Compiègne was an esquire named Guillaume de Flavy, who did great evils in the Duke’s countries): then the Maid came into the town of Compiègne by night and was there two nights and a day; and on the second day she said she had had revelation from God that she would put the Burgundians to discomfiture. So she had the gates of the said town closed, and assembled her people and those of the town and told them the revelation made to her, as she said; to wit that God had had Saint Katherine tell her she should issue out that day against her enemies and she would discomfit the Duke; and he would be taken in his person and all his people taken, slain and put to flight; and that of this there was no doubt. Now it is true that, by the credence the people of her party had in her, they believed her. And that day the gates were closed until about two hours after midday, when the Maid issued out, mounted on a most fair courser, most well armed in full harness and over it a rich huke of cloth of gold of scarlet; and after her her standard and all the men of war being in the town of Compiègne; and they went in most fair order to assail the people of the Duke’s first lodgings.

There was a valiant knight, named Bauldot de Noyelle, who was afterwards knight of the Order of the Golden Fleece; who, he and his people, defended themselves most valiantly, notwithstanding they were surprised. And during the assault, the Count of Ligny, in his company the lord of Créquy, both knights of the Order of the Golden Fleece, with right few people, set themselves to approach the Maid and her people; who, for the resistance she had found at the said Bauldot de Noyelle’s lodging, and also for the great number of the Duke’s people who from all parts arrived where the noise was, began to withdraw. So the Burgundians struck into them so most rudely that several of them were taken, slain and drowned. And the Maid thus sustained all the last the burden of her adversaries; and was taken there by one of the Count of Ligny’s people; and the Maid’s brother and her master of household. Which Maid was led with great joy before the Duke, who was coming in all diligence to the aid and succour of his people. Who was right joyful at her taking for the great name she had; for it did not seem to several of his party that her works were other than miraculous.

GEORGES CHASTELLAIN. #

In the prologue of his memoirs, Jean Le Fèvre says that after having finished their redaction, he sent them, by way of information, to the noble orator Georges Chastellain, to employ them in some wise at his good pleasure and according to his discretion in the noble histories and chronicles that he makes. What remains to us of Chastellain’s testimony on Joan of Arc proves that he used largely the communication of the old herald of the Golden Fleece. His narrative of the sortie from Compiègne is the same, save certain additions, borrowed most of them from Monstrelet. It is further to be noted that his chapter on Joan of Arc’s death is the repetition of Monstrelet’s, that is to say a pure and simple reproduction of the manifesto launched by the Duke of Bedford. Thus although Chastellain followed the wars of the Maid’s time, although he had occasion to see her herself several times, as is attested by Pontus Heuterus, it is demonstrated today that what he could know of particular on her did not concern the last year of her life.

Georges Chastellain, although born in the county of Alost, in the depth of Flanders, was none the less considered in his time as the most skilful writer who had ever handled the French tongue. Philip the Good, with whom he had been brought up, attached him to the service of his person by divers offices of court, to which he added the charge of historiographer or indiciaire, a new word which was created expressly for Georges Chastellain, the consecrated title of chronicler having appeared unworthy of his talent. Only shreds remain of the colossal history the illustrious Burgundian writer composed in the exercise of his literary functions. The sole reign of Duke Philip the Good occupied six great volumes. All of it is lost, save about two hundred chapters which belonged to the beginning and the end of the work. M. Buchon collected them and gave them to the public in the Panthéon littéraire in 1838. Since then I found at the library of Arras and made known by extracts a new manuscript fragment (no. 256 of the Arras manuscripts) of which the Laurentian library of Florence possesses the duplicate (no. 176). It is from this fragment that the piece reproduced here is drawn conformably to the Arras text.

Now, as I tell you, the Duke was come to lodge at Coudun, the Count of Ligny at Clairoix, Messire Baude de Noyelle at Margny on the causeway, and the lord of Montgomery with his English at Venette, at the end of the meadow, there where the people of divers nations, Burgundians, Flemings, Picards, Germans, Hainaulters, came to render themselves to this Duke in reinforcement of his power: who were all received and welcomed there, howbeit there was largely lordship there and people of great deed, as the Count of Ligny and the lord of Croy, Messire John, his brother, the lord of Créquy, the lord of Santes, the lord of Comines, the lord of Mamines, the three brothers, Messire Jacques, Messire David and Messire Florimond de Brimeu, Messire le Bègue de Lannoy, all knights of the Order, without the others, great number, whose names are not set down, and of whom it is good to think there was largesse with such a prince, sovereignly in such a place where they were to shew his power and effort.

And I now remember how a little before the Maid had come to the succour of Compiègne, one day a gentleman-at-arms, named Franquet d’Arras, holding the Burgundian party, had gone riding towards Lagny-sur-Marne, well accompanied by good men-at-arms and archers, to the number of three hundred or thereabout. So his adventure would have it that this Maid, of whom the French made their idol, met him on his return; and she had with her four hundred good fighting French; who, when they both espied each other, there was none who could or would for honour flee the battle, except that the Maid’s name was already so great and so famous that every one looked askance at her as a thing of which one knew not how to judge, neither in good nor in ill; but she had already done and brought to a head so many businesses that her enemies dreaded her, and those of her party adored her, principally for the siege of Orléans, where she wrought marvels; likewise for the journey of Reims, where she led the King to be crowned, and elsewhere in other great affairs, whereof she predicted the adventures and the events.

Now this Franquet was a courageous man and dismayed at nothing he saw, forasmuch as remedy might be put to it by fighting, and the Maid on the other side was ill-famed against the Burgundians, and ever sought only to incite the French to battle against them. So the two parties struck into each other and fought together a long while, without the French carrying off anything from the Burgundians, who were not so strong (1) however as the others, but of great valour and good defence, because of the archers they had with them, who had put foot to ground.

(1) The French chroniclers say the contrary; but here Chastellain seems to have conformed rather to Monstrelet’s testimony.

Which thing when the Maid saw, that nothing was being done and still they had no greater power with them, she hastily summoned to Lagny all the garrison. So did she of all the places thereabout, to come aid to overthrow this little handful of people of whom she could not be master. Who, come in haste, took up the third battle against Franquet, and there, not seeking to save himself by flight, but ever hoping to escape and save his people by valiance, he was finally taken, and all his people slain for the most part and discomfited; and he, led prisoner, was afterwards beheaded by the cruelty of this woman who desired his death: whereof complaint enough was made in his party, for a valiant man he was and a good warrior (1).

Now I return to the Duke’s lodging, principal of our matter, where he was at Coudun, pushing ever his approaches nearer and nearer, to set his siege close and stayed as appertained; in which he put sense and understanding, all to do it well and convenably and most to his honour. Now it is true that the Maid, of whom so much mention is made above, had entered Compiègne by night. Who, after having rested there two nights, the second day after gave to know several foolish phantom-fancies; and put forward and said she had received certain divine revelations and announcements of great cases to come: whereby, making a general assembly of the people and of the men of war, who had very foolishly put credence and faith in her, she had

(1) Cf. Monstrelet’s narrative, above, p. 399.

all the gates kept closed from the morning until well after dinner, and told them how Saint Katherine had appeared to her, sent by God, to signify to her that on that very day He would have her set herself in arms, and that she should issue out against the King’s enemies, English and Burgundians; and that without doubt she would have victory and would discomfit them, and the Duke of Burgundy would be taken in person, and all his people, the greater part, slain and discomfited.

And the French adjoined faith to her sayings, and the people of light credence to her foolish delusions, because in like case they had sometimes found truth in her sayings, which however had no foundation of certain goodness, but rather the appearance of the Enemy’s deception, as appeared in the end. Now all manner of folk of the party yonder were thrust into the opinion that this woman here was a holy creature, a divine and miraculous thing, sent for the relieving of the French king; wherefore now, in this town of Compiègne, putting forward such high terms as to discomfit the Burgundian duke and carry him off prisoner, even in proper person, there was none who in so high a business as this would not gladly be found, and who would not willingly thrust himself all joyful into so high a recovery whereby they would be above all their enemies. Wherefore all, of one common assent, and at the said woman’s request, recurred to their arms all of them, and making joy of that whereof they found the contrary, offered her ready following when she would.

So she mounted on horseback, armed as a man would be, and over her harness clad in a huke of rich cloth of gold of scarlet. She rode a grey courser, most fair and most proud, and bore herself in her harness and in her manners as a captain leading a great host would have done; and in this estate, with her standard raised high and fluttering in the air of the wind, and well accompanied by many noble men, about four o’clock after midday, she sallied out of the town, which had been closed all day, to make this enterprise, on an eve of the Ascension. And she brought with her all that could bear staves, on foot and on horse, to the number of five hundred armed; and she concluded to come strike upon the lodging which Messire Baude de Noyelle held, a right hardy and valiant knight and chosen (for his high deeds he has since been a brother of the Order); which lodging, as you have heard, was at Margny, at the end of the causeway.

Now adventure so gave it that the Count of Ligny, the lord of Créquy and several other knights of the Order had departed from their lodging, which they held at Clairoix, intending to come to Messire Baude’s lodging. And they came all unarmed, not advised to have anything to do with their bodies, as captains often go from one lodging to another. Who, as they came devising, saw a right great cry and noise at the lodging whither they tended to go; for the Maid was already entered within and began to slay and cast people to the ground fiercely, as if all had already been hers. So the said lords sent hastily to fetch their harness, and, to give succour to Messire Baude, summoned their people to come, and with those of Margny, who were moreover unarmed and unprovided, began to make all sharp and proud resistance against their enemies. Whereof sometimes the assailants were stiffly thrust back, sometimes also the assailed compressed to suffer right hard, because they were surprised, scattered and unarmed. But the rumour which rose everywhere and the great noise of crying voices made folk come from all sides, and succour flow towards them more than was needed. Even the Duke and those of his lodging who were far from it perceived it soon enough and put themselves in readiness to come to the said Margny, and in fact came there; but before the Duke could ever arrive there with his people, the Burgundians had already thrust the French well back from their lodging, and the French with their Maid began to withdraw quite softly, as folk who found no advantage over their enemies, but rather peril and damage.

Whereat the Burgundians seeing this, and moved to blood, and not content only to have chased them out by defence, unless they brought them greater grief by pursuing them close, struck into them valiantly on foot and on horse, and brought much damage to the French. Whereat the Maid, passing woman’s nature, sustained a great burden, and put much pain to save her company from loss, remaining behind as chief and as the most valiant of the flock; where fortune permitted, for the end of her glory and for her last time, that never more should she bear arms: for an archer, a rough man and right sour, having great despite that a woman of whom he had heard so much talk should be the repulser of so many valiant men, as she had undertaken, took her from the side by her huke of cloth of gold, and dragged her off the horse all flat to the ground, who could never find rescue or succour in her people, for the pains they put to it, that she might be remounted. But a man-at-arms, named the Bastard of Wandonne, who came up as she let herself fall, so pressed her with threats that she gave him her faith, because he said he was a nobleman. Who, more joyful than if he had a king in his hands, brought her hastily to Margny, and there kept her in his guard until the end of the business. And there was taken after her also Poton the Burgundian, a gentleman-at-arms of the French party, the Maid’s brother, her master of household, and certain others in small number, who were led to Margny and put in good guards.

Whereat the French, seeing the day against them and their adventure of small gain, withdrew the best they could, doleful and confounded. The Burgundians and English, joyful on the other side at their taking, returned to the lodging of Margny, where now the Duke arrived with all his people, thinking to come in time to the slaughter, when all was already done and brought to a head that could be done of it. Then they told him the gain that had been made there, and how the Maid was a prisoner with certain other captains; whereat who was right joyful? It was he. And he went to see and visit her, and had with her certain speeches which have not come down to me: so I enquire no further into it; then he left her there, and put her in the guard of Messire John of Luxembourg, who sent her to his castle of Beaurevoir, where she long remained a prisoner.

PONTUS HEUTERUS. #

Pontus Heuterus (Heviter), a Hollander born at Delft in 1535, author of a Latin history of the Dukes of Burgundy which appeared only in 1583 (Rerum Burgundicarum libri VI), figures here only to complete Georges Chastellain’s testimony, whose work he declares he had before his eyes. His book, unfortunately too succinct, presents only the skeleton of Joan of Arc’s history. We reproduce the single passage where he appears to have used the anecdotal part of Chastellain’s narrative. This passage has moreover the merit of containing a description of the first monument that was raised at Orléans in the Maid’s honour. Pontus Heuterus speaks of it from having seen it on a journey he made into France to perfect his instruction, in 1560.

There are those who deem what we write of the Maid Joan a fable; but besides that the memorial is recent and the books of all the writers who then lived make famous mention of her, I saw with my own eyes, on the Orléans bridge built across the Loire, an erect bronze image of this Maid, her hair flowing comely down her back, leaning on both knees before a bronze image of Christ crucified, with an inscription, set up at that time by the work and cost of the maidens and matrons of Orléans in memory of the city delivered by her from the English siege (1). Moreover I had, while I wrote these things, a history written by hand in the French tongue by Georges Chastellain, who elegantly and exactly wrote the life of Philip the Good, and testifies in several places that he lived at this time and saw the Maid Joan; who, from an unknown and rustic girl, arrived by warlike deeds so far that King Charles furnished her expenses whereby she equalled a count’s household, lest she should grow cheap among the men of war for want’s sake. For there were seen in her train, besides noble maidens, a steward of the house, a master of the stable, noble young lads for the hands, the feet, the chambers; and she was worshipped by the King; and she was held by the nobles and especially by the people like a goddess.

(1) This monument was destroyed almost entirely by the Calvinists in 1567. Symphorien Guyon affirms that it had been erected under the reign of Charles VII, a little time after the rehabilitation sentence. The words hoc tempore which Pontus Heuterus uses are perhaps the sole foundation of this assertion, which has been repeated by all the historians of Orléans. There is ground to call it in doubt after the circumstance of the long hair the sculptor had given the Maid. Besides, it is only at the end of Louis XI’s reign that the art of casting raised statues began to be practised in France. It would therefore be wiser to refer to that reign the execution of the bronze raised in memory of Joan of Arc by the ladies of Orléans. Let us note however that this work must have been in place before the end of the fifteenth century; this results from the form of the armour on the undestroyed parts which were employed in the restoration of the monument in 1570. Paulus Aemilius, who wrote under Louis XII, as is known, says, without indication of date: Aurelianenses Puellae statuam posuere (De rebus gestis Francorum, lib. 10). That is the earliest text we have on this object.

CLÉMENT DE FAUQUEMBERQUE. #

No one has yet named Clément de Fauquemberque among the authors to consult on Joan of Arc; but his testimony has been invoked more than once. Clerk of the Parliament of Paris during the English domination, this personage consigned on one of the registers entrusted to his care historical notes which, independently of the extreme merit of having been written under the very impression of the events, have still that of furnishing us with most particular details on divers points and notably on Joan’s execution. To gather these fragments seemed to me a useful thing. Without confining myself exclusively to the articles where the Maid is named, I have collected the mention of all the facts which seemed to me capable of shewing the anguish of the English government during Charles VII’s journey to Reims. There will be found right strong strokes to add to the picture already traced in the Journal of a Bourgeois of Paris.

The author’s character shews itself bare in one of the protocols of the register kept by him. Here are his own words: Per quem reges regnant et justi conditores justa decernunt, invocato nomine, incipit registrum conciliorum causarum civilium parlamenti inceptum nona die mensis decembris anno millesimo quadringentesimo tricesimo ab incarnatione Domini, et anno XV° quo ego, Clemens de Fauquemberque, in utroque jure licentiatus, ecclesiae Ambianensis decanus, regis protonotarius, dicti parlamenti grapharius, hujusmodi officium exercui, intermisso jus dicentis officio, juxta illud

Virgilii: Maluit et mutas agitare inglorius artes.

To prefer to remain a simple clerk rather than aspire, when one could by one’s position and one’s degrees, to the high offices of the magistrature, is to give proof of a wise spirit assuredly. In effect, the opinion that Master Clément lets be glimpsed in his notes is that of a moderate. More than once he softens, by reflections in Latin, the official harshness of his redaction. His last word on Joan of Arc is a prayer for her salvation.

Clément de Fauquemberque’s register belongs today to the judicial section of the Archives of the kingdom (Conseil no. 15). It is famous for containing what it has pleased some to call a portrait of the Maid. It is a little sketch of a woman half-length, seen in profile, holding a sword in one hand and in the other a banner with the monogram of Jesus. Nothing less deserves the name of portrait than this fancy escaped from the clerk’s pen on the day he registered the news of the deliverance of Orléans. The gown and the long hair he has given his personage prove to what point he was still ill-informed at that moment.

Tuesday the 10th day of May, it was reported and said publicly at Paris, that on Sunday last past, the Dauphin’s people in great number, after several assaults continually maintained by force of arms, had entered into the bastide which William Glasdale and other captains and English men-at-arms held on the King’s behalf, with the tower of the issue of the bridge of Orléans beyond Loire; and that that day the other captains and men-at-arms holding the siege and the bastides on this side of Loire, before the city of Orléans, had departed from the said bastides, and had raised their siege to go comfort the said Glasdale and his companions, and to fight the enemies who had in their company a maid, alone bearing a banner among the said enemies, as was said. Quis eventus fuerit, novit Deus bellorum dux et princeps potentissimus in praelio (1).

(1) The clerk afterwards added the following note: Vide infra in re-

— Tuesday the 13th day of this month [of June], the Dauphin’s men-at-arms, after several continual assaults maintained since the preceding Saturday, recovered by force of arms and took the town of Jargeau on Loire, into which had withdrawn in guard and garrison the Earl of Suffolk and other English men of war, who were taken by assault at the enemies’ will, who had had in their company a maid bearing a banner, as was said; who had been present to make the men-at-arms then in the bastides before Orléans rise.

— This day [18th of June] Messire John Fastolf, the lord of Scales, Messire Thomas de Rampston and other captains, men-at-arms and English archers, who had assembled to conduct victuals and bring succour to the lord of Talbot and other captains and English men-at-arms, being lately in the guard and garrison of the towns and fortresses of Meung and of Beaugency on Loire, were met in the fields between Janville and Beaugency, and by mischance were discomfited by the enemies being in almost equal number. In whose company was the Maid who had been with them, on the 10th day of May, to raise the siege before Orléans and on the 13th day of this month at the taking and recovery of Jargeau by the said enemies; who, at the meeting aforesaid, took among the others their prisoners the said Talbot, Rampston and Scales, as was said. And the said Fastolf withdrew and returned to the Duke of Bedford being then at Corbeil. Et tunc succubuerunt Anglici absque defensione, ut fertur.

gistro xxv. dicii maii sequentis, de captione hujus puellae per gentem ducis Burgundiae. — This piece was printed by M. De l’Averdy, Notices et extraits des manuscrits, vol. III, p. 324.

— This day [19th of July] it was said publicly at Paris for news, that Messire Charles de Valois, on Sunday last past, the 17th day of this month, had been consecrated in the church of Reims, in the manner that his father and the other Kings of France have been consecrated heretofore.

— Monday, the 25th day of July, the Cardinal of Exeter, who was newly passed the sea with great number of men-at-arms and archers of England, to the number of five thousand or thereabout, intending to go against the Bohemians and other heretics, came and entered Paris with the Duke of Bedford, his nephew, Regent, accompanied by the said men-at-arms and archers and others; awaiting the coming, aid or assistance of the Duke of Burgundy, who had made and was making great summons of men-at-arms, his subjects and allies, intending to resist and fight Messire Charles de Valois and his men-at-arms who had lately been received at Troyes, at Châlons, at Reims, at Laon and in several other towns of this kingdom, lately disobedient to him, as was said. De intentione judicet Deus.

— This day [mid-August], the Cardinal of Exeter departed from Paris, accompanied only by his familiars and domestics, to go and be at Rouen. And he left at Paris a great number of men-at-arms and of shot, whom he had lately brought to Paris, who on the morrow departed with the Duke of Bedford, the said Cardinal’s nephew, Regent, to accompany him and to fight the enemies who were in the country of Brie and thereabout, in several towns and fortresses which they had newly recovered, and there had found ready enough obedience, without making assault or effort of arms or of war there.

— Friday, the 26th day of August, Messire Louis of Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne and Chancellor of France, came into the parliament chamber where were the presidents and councillors of the three chambers of the said parliament, the masters of requests of the household, the Bishop of Paris, the provost of Paris, the masters and clerks of accounts, the advocates and procurators of this place, the Abbot of Châtillon, the Prior of Corbeil, Master J. Chuffart, Master Pasquier de Vaulx (1), the Dean of Saint-Marcel, the Commander of Saint-Antoine, the Treasurer of Saint-Jacques de l’Hôpital, the Prior of Sainte-Katherine, the Prior of the Jacobins (2), the Prior of the Carmelites, the Prior of the Celestines, the curate of Saint-Nicolas-des-Champs, the curate of Saint-Médard, the curate of Sainte-Croix, the farmers of the cure of Saint-André-des-Arts, the curate of Saint-Laurent, etc., and several others. Who, following what had been sworn

(1) One of the assessors at the trial of condemnation.

(2) He who excused himself from taking part in the trial and delegated Jean Vayistri in his place. His name was Graverent or Le Graverent, as has been seen by the trial of condemnation (vol. I, p. 2).

by several inhabitants of this city of Paris, in the presence of the Dukes of Bedford, Regent, and of Burgundy, being then in the hall of this place on Seine, one day before the last departure of the Duke of Burgundy from this city of Paris (1); and what since had been sworn by several of the said inhabitants in the presence of the said Bedford, before his last departure from Paris: made oath in effect to live in peace and union in this city, under the obedience of the King of France and of England, according to the treaty of the peace (2).

This day, the said Chancellor, in the presence of the people of the King’s council being then in the said parliament chamber, commissioned Master Philippe de Rully, treasurer of the Sainte-Chapelle and master of requests of the household, and Master Marc de Foras, archdeacon of Thérache, master of the King’s accounts, to receive the like oaths, as is said, of the churchmen of Paris, secular and regular. And on the morrow and the days following, the said deputies went to the chapters, convents and churches of this city, to do what is said. And since, the court has been vacant for several sessions and the presidents and councillors have not been assembled here to hear the pleadings nor to attend to the despatch of causes and trials, in the accustomed manner; but only certain of them have come into the parliament chamber to hear requests of urgent and necessary causes, and to provide for the cases

(1) The ceremony here in question took place on 14 July. It is described by the Bourgeois of Paris.

(2) The treaty of Troyes.

arising on the occasion of the men-at-arms of Messire Charles de Valois, being in several towns and cities around Paris (1).

— Wednesday, the 7th day of September, the relation of Messire Philippe de Morvillier and of Messire Richard de Chancey, presidents, being heard, it was appointed that the sum of eleven hundred livres parisis, put in deposit in the hands of Master Jean Coletier by Jaquet Vivian, should be delivered to the receiver of Paris commissioned to receive deposits, etc., as is more at large contained in the register of the pleadings. And it is true that then all deposits were being taken and levied on the King’s behalf and loans made to the churches and ecclesiastical persons, burgesses and inhabitants of the city of Paris, to pay and maintain the men-at-arms being at Paris to guard the city and its inhabitants, against the men-at-arms of Messire Charles de Valois being at Saint-Denis and in several places around Paris (2).

— Thursday, the 8th day of September 1429, feast of the Nativity of the Mother of God, the men-at-arms of Messire Charles de Valois, assembled in great number close to the walls of Paris, towards the Porte Saint-Honoré, hoping by commotion of people to grieve and damage the city and the inhabitants of Paris, more than by power or force of arms; about two

(1) This article was printed by M. Le Brun de Charmettes, Hist, de Jeanne d’Arc, vol. II, p. 395.

(2) Printed by M. Le Brun de Charmettes, ibid., p. 404.

hours after midday, began to make show of wishing to assault the said city of Paris. And hastily several of them being on the Place aux Pourceaux and thereabout near the said gate, carrying long faggots and bundles, descended and thrust themselves into the first moats, in which there was no water, and cast the said faggots and bundles into the other moat next to the walls, in which was great water. And at that hour there were within Paris folk affected or corrupted, who raised a cry in all parts of the city on this side and beyond the bridges, crying that all was lost, and that the enemies had entered into Paris and that every one should withdraw and make diligence to save himself. And at that cry, at the very hour of the said enemies’ approach, all the people then at the sermons departed from the churches of Paris, and were much afeared, and most withdrew into their houses, and shut their doors. But for all that there was no other commotion in fact among the said inhabitants of Paris. And there remained at the guard and defence of the gates and of the walls of the said city those who were deputed, and to their aid there came up several others of the said inhabitants who made very good and strong resistance to the people of the said Messire Charles de Valois, who held themselves within the said first moat and outside on the said Place aux Pourceaux and thereabout, until ten or eleven o’clock at night, when they departed to their damage. And of them there were several slain and wounded by shot and by cannon. And among the others there was wounded in the leg, by shot, a woman called the Maid, who conducted the army with the other captains of the said Messire Charles de Valois, who looked to grieve Paris more by the said commotion than by assault or force of arms; for, had they had for each man they then had, four or more, as well armed as they were, they would not have taken the said city of Paris by assault or by siege, so long as there should be victuals within the city, which was then well provided with them for a long time; and the inhabitants were well united with the men-at-arms of the said city to resist the aforesaid assault and enterprise. And especially because it had been said and was said publicly at Paris, that the said Messire Charles de Valois, son of the King Charles VI last deceased, whom God pardon, had abandoned to his people the said city of Paris and its inhabitants, great and small, of all estates, men and women, and quod erat sua intentio redigendi ad aratrum urbem Parisiensem, christianissimis civibus habitatam; quod non erat facile credendum (1).

— Thursday the 25th day of this month [of May 1430], Messire Louis of Luxembourg, Bishop of Thérouanne, Chancellor of France, received letters from Messire John of Luxembourg, knight, his brother, making among other things mention that, on Tuesday last past, at a sally made by the captains and men-at-arms of Messire Charles de Valois, being then in the town of Compiègne, against the people of the Duke of Burgundy who had lodged and approached the said town intending to besiege it, the people of the said Valois were so constrained to return that several

(1) Piece printed by Félibien, Histoire de Paris, vol. IV, p. 590.

of them had no leisure to re-enter the town. And certain of them thrust themselves into the river adjoining the walls, in peril of their life; the others remained prisoners of the said Messire John of Luxembourg and of the said Duke of Burgundy’s people who, among the others, took and hold prisoner the woman whom the said Messire Charles’s people called the Maid, who had chevance in arms with them and had been present at the assault and discomfiture of the English who held the bastides before Orléans, and who held the town of Jargeau and other towns and fortresses, ut supra in registro x diei mensis maii m cccc xxix (1).

— The thirtieth day of May 1431, by trial of the Church, Joan, who called herself the Maid, who had been taken at a sally of the town of Compiègne by the people of Messire John of Luxembourg being with others at the siege of the said town, ut in registro xxvae diei mensis maii m cccc xxx, was burned and burnt in the said city of Rouen. And there was written on the mitre she had on her head the words which follow: Heretic, relapsed, apostate, idolatress. And on a board before the scaffold where the said Joan was, were written these words: Joan who has had herself named the Maid, liar, pernicious, abuser of people, divineress, superstitious, blasphemeress of God, presumptuous, miscreant of the faith of Jesus Christ, boasteress, idolatress,

(1) Piece printed by De l’Averdy, Notices et extraits des manuscrits, vol. III, p. 342.

cruel, dissolute, invokeress of devils, apostate, schismatic and heretic. And the sentence was pronounced by Messire Pierre Cauchon, Bishop of Beauvais, in whose diocese the said Joan had been taken, as is said. And he called to make the said trial several notable churchmen of the duchy of Normandy, graduated in science, and several theologians and jurists of the University of Paris, as is said to be more at large contained in the said trial. De gestis hujus Johannae vide supra in registro diei decimae maii m cccc xxix, etc. Et fertur quod in extremis, postquam fuit relapsa, ad ignem applicata, poenituit lacrimabiliter, et in ea apparuerunt signa poenitentiae. Deus suae animae sit propitius et misericors (1).

(1) This article has never been printed entire; but the historians of Joan of Arc have known and cited the inscriptions of the mitre and of the attachment-post; notably M. Le Brun de Charmettes, vol. IV, p. 202.

THE ALLEGED BOURGEOIS OF PARIS. #

Usage obstinately persists in designating by the quality of burgess a man who says of himself somewhere, speaking of a learned stranger: He disputed among us, at the College of Navarre, who were more than fifty of the most perfect clerks of the University of Paris. The learned, it is true, gave birth to the usage. Fragments of a Parisian journal of Charles VI’s time having fallen into Denys Godefroy’s hands, that editor believed he recognised in them the work of a burgess and gave them to the public under that attribution. Later De la Barre published in his Mémoires pour l’Histoire de Bourgogne another copy of the same journal which embraced, besides the reign of Charles VI, that of Charles VII until the year 1449. In the new part was found the passage reported above, and De la Barre saw it well; but this passage destroyed Godefroy’s hypothesis as to the author, and De la Barre would not admit it. To accord things, he had recourse to the desperate means of distinction, gave two authors to the chronicle: one, a burgess who would have kept a register of events until the year 1432; the other, a creature of the University, and continuator of the work from 1432. That is not tenable. The Paris Journal has but one style, one spirit and one author. This author, he must be believed when he declares himself a member of the University, and above all one must not, like De la Barre, take in mockery what he says of the eminent rank he occupied in science. It is possible that one day, his name being discovered, he will be recognised as one of the famous revolutionaries of the fifteenth century. His trivial, coloured style, full of whimsies and strokes, rare for a clerk escumant latin, betrays the habit of popular assemblies. As a political man, his persistence in his opinions is no less significant. Attached to the party which was vanquished in 1414, he detests all the regimes that have been in vigour since that of the butchers, though the English are less odious to him than the Armagnacs.

It is not astonishing that the testimony of such a man on Joan of Arc should be hostile, the most hostile that remains to us from the fifteenth century; yet nothing will be found in it approaching the calumnies imagined in modern times. The grievances alleged reduce to a paraphrase of the famous twelve articles transmitted by Pierre Cauchon to the University of Paris. Moreover, though the author may well avail himself both of the Faculty’s conclusions and of the recitals preached to the Parisians by the inquisitor of the faith, beneath the party man’s hatred the theologian’s fear shows through. He is much less sure of his case than he strives to appear concerning ceste chose en forme de femme; and he lets himself go so far as to say at last that she was burned, quelque mawaiseté ou bonté qu’elle eust faite.

The original of the Paris Journal passes for being at Rome among the manuscripts of the Queen of Sweden; we have in France only modern copies, and De la Barre’s edition which has been reproduced in all the collections of Memoirs.

1429. — Item. In this time there was a Maid, as was said, on the river Loire, who said she was a prophet, and said: Such a thing will come to pass for true. And she was contrary to the Regent of France and to his aiders. And it was said that, maugre all those who held the siege before Orléans, she entered the city with great plenty of Armagnacs and great quantity of victuals, without those of the host meddling with them; and they saw them pass within a bowshot or two of them; and they had such great need of victuals that a man would have well eaten three blancs’ worth of bread at his dinner. And several other things of her recounted those who liked the Armagnacs better than the Burgundians, or than the Regent of France. They affirmed that, when she was quite little, she kept the sheep, that the birds of the woods and fields, when she called them, came to eat their bread in her lap as tame things. In veritate apocryphum est.

Item, in this time the Armagnacs raised the siege, and made the English depart by force from before Orléans, but they went before Vendôme, and took it, as was said (1). And everywhere went this Maid armed with the Armagnacs, and bore her standard, whereon was only written Jesus. And it was said she had told an English captain to depart from the siege with his company, or ill and shame would come to them all; who defamed her much with language, calling her ribald and whore; and she told him that maugre them all they would depart quite soon; but he should never see it, and so should a great part of his people be slain. And so it befell, for he drowned the day before the slaughter was done; and afterwards he was fished up and cut in quarters, and boiled and embalmed, and brought to Saint-Méry; and he was eight or ten days in the chapel before the cellar, and night and day four tapers or torches burned before his body; and afterwards he was carried into his country for burial (2).

Item, the first week of September, the year fourteen hundred and twenty-nine, the wardens, each in his quarter, began to fortify Paris at the gates with boulevards; on the houses which were on the walls, to mount cannon and queues (3) full of stones

(1) They took only the castle, which was taken from them again almost at once.

(2) In all this it is William Glasdale who is in question.

(3) Cadi, vats or barrels. One still says a queue of brandy.

on the walls, to redress the moats outside the city and to make barriers outside the city and within. And in that time the Armagnacs had letters written sealed with the Count of Alençon’s seal; and the letters said: To you, provost of Paris and provost of the merchants and aldermen (1); and named them by their names, and sent them greeting in fair language at large, to hope to move the people one against the other and against them; but their malice was well perceived, and they were answered to cast their paper no more for that purpose, and no account was taken of it.

Item, on the eve of the Nativity of Our Lady in September, the Armagnacs came to assault the walls of Paris, and thought to take it by assault; but little they conquered there, if it were not pain, shame and mischief; for several of them were wounded for all their life, who before the assault were all whole; but a fool believes nothing until he takes it. For them I say it, who were full of such great misfortune and such ill credence. And I say it for a creature which was in form of woman with them, whom they called the Maid. What it was, God knows.

On the day of the Nativity of Our Lady, they made a conjuration, all of one accord, to assault Paris that day, and assembled a good twelve thousand or more; and

(1) The provost of the merchants then in office was called Guillaume Sanguin; the aldermen were Imbert des Champs, mercer and upholsterer, Colin de Neuville, fishmonger, Jean de Dampierre, mercer, Remon Marc, draper. These magistrates were created revolutionarily by the Burgundian faction in the first days of July, when Charles VII’s departure for Reims was learned. The city body they replaced was suspect to the Duke of Bedford. Have recourse for more details to the very editions of the Journal.

came about high-mass time, between eleven and twelve, their Maid with them, and very great plenty of wains, carts and horses, all charged with great faggots in threes (1), to fill the moats of Paris. And they began to assault between the Porte Saint-Honoré and the Porte Saint-Denis; and the assault was very cruel; and in assaulting they said many villainous words to those of Paris. And there was their Maid, with her standard, on the verges of the moats, who said to those of Paris: Surrender, in Jesus’ name, to us quickly; for if you do not surrender before it be night, we shall enter by force, will you or no, and you shall all be put to death without mercy. — Indeed, said one, harlot! ribald! And shot his arbalest straight at her, and pierced her leg right through, and she fled away. Another pierced right through the foot of him who bore her standard. When he felt himself wounded, he lifted his visor to see to draw the quarrel from his foot, and another shot him, and struck him between the two eyes, and wounded him to death: whereof the Maid and the Duke of Alençon afterwards swore they would liefer have lost forty of the best men-at-arms of their company.

The assault was most cruel on one side and the other, and lasted until about four hours after dinner, without it being known who had the better. A little after four o’clock, those of Paris took heart in themselves; and so they larded them with cannon and other shot, that perforce they had to draw back and leave their assault, and go away. He who could best get away was the

(1) Faggots of three bands.

luckiest; for those of Paris had great cannon which cast from the Porte Saint-Denis to beyond Saint-Ladre at large, which they cast at their backs; whereat they were much afeared. Thus were they put to flight; but no man issued from Paris to follow them, for fear of their ambushes.

They going away, thrust fire into the barn of the Mathurins, near the Porcherons; and put into the said fire great plenty of their people who were dead at the assault, which they had trussed on their horses, as the pagans did at Rome of old; and they cursed their Maid much, who had promised them that without any fault they would win at that assault the city of Paris by force, and that she would lie there that night, and all of them, and that they would all be enriched with the goods of the city, and that all who should put any defence would be put to the sword, or burned in his house. But God, who changed the great enterprise of Holofernes by a woman named Judith, ordained by His pity otherwise than they thought; for the next day they came to fetch their dead by safe-conduct, and the herald who came with them was asked by the captain of Paris how many of their people had been wounded; who swore they were a good fifteen hundred, of whom a good five hundred or more were dead or wounded to death. And it is true that in this assault there were as it were no men-at-arms, save about forty or fifty English, who did their devoir there right well, for the greatest part of their waggonry, in which they had brought their faggots, those of Paris took from them; for it was not fitting good should come to them for wishing to make such slaughter on the day of the holy Nativity of Our Lady.

1430. — On the twenty-third day of May, there was taken before Compiègne Dame Joan, the Armagnacs’ Maid, by Messire John of Luxembourg and his people, and a good thousand English who were coming to Paris; and there were a good four hundred of the Maid’s men, both slain and drowned.

Item, the third day of September, on a Sunday, there were preached at the Puits Notre-Dame two women, who, about half a year before, had been taken at Corbeil and brought to Paris; of whom the elder, Pierronne (and she was of Brittany, Breton-speaking), said and held true proposition that Dame Joan, who went to war with the Armagnacs, was good, and what she did was well done and according to God.

Item, she confessed to have twice received the precious body of Our Lord in one day.

Item, she affirmed and swore that God often appeared to her in humanity, and spoke to her as friend does to friend, and that the last time she had seen Him, He was long clad in a white robe, and had a scarlet huke underneath: which is as it were blasphemy. And she would never revoke from affirming in her proposition that she saw God often clad thus; wherefore, the said day, she was judged to be burned, and died in that proposition the said Sunday. And the other was delivered for that hour.

1431. — On the eve of the Blessed Sacrament in that year, which was the thirtieth day of May of the said year fourteen hundred and thirty-one, Dame Joan, who had been taken before Compiègne, whom they called the Maid, on the said day a preaching was made at Rouen, she being on a scaffold where every one could see her right clearly, clad in man’s habit; and there were shewn to her the great dolorous evils which by her had befallen Christendom, especially in the kingdom of France, as every one knows; and how on the day of the holy Nativity of Our Lady she had come to assault the city of Paris with fire and blood, and several great enormous sins she had done and had done; and how at Senlis and elsewhere she had made the simple folk idolise, for, by her false hypocrisy, they followed her as a holy maid; for she gave them to understand that the glorious archangel Saint Michael, Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret, and several other saints and sainted women appeared to her often, and spoke to her as friend does to friend, and not as God has sometimes done to His friends by revelations, but bodily and mouth to mouth, as one friend to another.

Item, true it is that she said she was aged about twenty-seven years (1), without shame that in despite of father and mother and kinsfolk and friends, she often went to a fair fountain in the country of Lorraine, which she named the Good Fountain of the Fairies of Our Lord; and in that place, those of the country, when they had fever, went to recover healing; and there the said Joan the Maid often went, under a great tree which shaded the fountain; and Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret appeared to her, who told her to go to a captain whom they named to her; who went there without taking leave of father or mother.

(1) An error of transcription no doubt. Correct: seventeen.

Which captain clad her in man’s guise, and girt the sword on her, and gave her an esquire and four valets, and in that state was mounted on a good horse; and in that state she came to the King of France, and told him that by his commandment she was come to him, and that she would make him be the greatest lord of the world, and that it should be ordained that all who should disobey him should be slain without mercy; and that Saint Michael and several angels had given him a right rich crown for him; and she had a sword in the earth also for him; but she would not render it to him until his war was ended. And every day she rode with the King, with great plenty of men-at-arms, without any woman, clad, laced and armed in man’s guise, a great staff in her hand; and when any of her people did ill, she struck great blows upon him with her staff, in manner of a right cruel woman.

Item, she said she is certain of being in paradise at the end of her days.

Item, she said she is all certain that it is Saint Michael, Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret who speak to her often, and when she wills, and that she has very often seen them have crowns of gold on their heads; and that all she does is by God’s commandment; and more strongly, she said she knows a great part of things to come.

Item, several times she took the precious sacrament of the altar all armed, clad in man’s guise, her hair rounded, a slashed hood, a jupon, scarlet hose laced with plenty of points. Whereat certain great lords and ladies told her, reproaching her for the derision of her vesture, that it was to prize Our Lord little to receive Him in such habit, woman that she was; who answered them promptly that for nothing would she do otherwise, and that she would liefer die than leave the man’s habit for any prohibition; and that if she would, she could make it thunder and other marvels; and that once they would have done her body displeasure, but she leapt from a high tower to the ground, without hurting herself in any way.

Item, in several places she had men and women slain, all in battle, as of voluntary vengeance; for who did not obey the letters she made, she had them die forthwith without pity when she had power of it. And she said and affirmed that she did nothing at all save by the commandment that God sent her right often by the archangel Saint Michael, Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret, who had her do this, and not as Our Lord did to Moses on the mount of Sinai, but properly they told her secret things to come, and they had ordained and did ordain all the things she did, whether in her habit or otherwise.

Such false errors and worse had Dame Joan enough; and they were all declared to her before all the people: who had right great horror, when they heard recounted the great errors she had had against our faith, and still had; for whatever shewing was made to her of her great misdeeds and errors, she was not affrayed or dismayed at it, but answered boldly to the articles proposed before her, as one who was all full of the enemy of hell. And it well appeared, for she saw the clerks of the University of Paris, who so humbly prayed her to repent and revoke from that ill error, and all would be pardoned her by penitence, or if not, she would be burned before all the people, and her soul damned in the depth of hell; and there was shewn her the ordinance and the place where the fire must be made to burn her soon, if she did not revoke.

When she saw it was for certain, she cried mercy, and revoked by mouth; and her robe was taken off, and she was clad in woman’s habit; but as soon as she saw herself in that estate, she began her error again as before, demanding her man’s habit. And forthwith she was judged by all to die; and she was bound to a stake which was on the scaffold, which was made of plaster, and the fire upon her; and there she was soon extinct and her robe all burned, and then the fire was drawn back; and she was seen by all the people all naked, and all the secrets that can be or must be in a woman, to take away the people’s doubts. And when they had seen her enough to their liking all dead bound to the stake, the executioner put the great fire again on her poor carcass, which was soon all consumed, and bone and flesh put to ash. There were enough there and elsewhere who said she was a martyr and for her right lord; others said no, and that he had done ill who had kept her so long. So said the people; but whatever evil or good she had done, she was burned that day.

Item, on the day of Saint-Martin-le-Bouillant (1) a general procession was made at Saint-Martin-des-Champs; and a preaching was made; and it was made by a brother of the order

(1) The 4th of July.

of Saint Dominic, who was inquisitor of the faith (1), master in theology; and he pronounced anew all the deeds of Joan the Maid. And he said she had said she was daughter of right poor folk, and that about the age of fourteen she had so kept herself in man’s guise, and that her father and mother would fain have had her die from then, if they could without hurting conscience; and therefore she departed from them accompanied by the enemy of hell; and afterwards she lived a homicide of Christendom, full of fire and blood, until she was burned. And he said that had she revoked, penance would have been given her, to wit four years in prison on bread and water: whereof she never made a day; but had herself served in the prison like a lady; and the enemy appeared to her a third time, to wit Saint Michael, Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret, as she said, who had right great fear lest she be lost, to wit the said enemy or enemies in the form of those three saints, and said to her: Wicked creature, who for fear hast left thy habit, have no fear, we shall keep thee right well from all. Wherefore, without waiting, she stripped herself, and clad herself again in all her robes she wore when she rode, which she had thrust into the stuffing (2) of her bed; and she trusted in the enemy so that she said she repented of having ever left her habit. When the University, or those on its behalf, saw this, and that she was so obstinate

(1) No doubt it was Master Jean Graverend, who had found means to absent himself for the trial, delegating Jean Lemaitre in his place.

(2) In the palliasse.

, she was delivered to the lay justice to die. When she saw herself at that point, she called the enemies who appeared to her in guise of saints; but never, after she was judged, did any appear to her for any invocation she could make. Then she bethought herself, but it was too late.

He said further in his sermon that they were four, of whom three had been taken; to wit this Maid, and Peronne and her companion, and one who is with the Armagnacs, named Katherine de la Rochelle (1); who says that, when the precious body of Our Lord is consecrated, she sees marvels of the high secret of Our Lord God. And he said that

(1) To the information given on this woman in the Trial of Condemnation (vol. I, p. 106), I add the following fact, consigned in the register of Accounts and ridings of the town of Tours, for the year 1430. I owe the communication of it to M. Vallet de Viriville: To a religious and honest man, Brother Jean Bourget, of the order of St Augustine, the sum of ten livres tournois which is due him and which by deliberation of the churchmen, burgesses and inhabitants of the said town has been ordained him for his pains and salary and expenses of having gone from this town to Sens, to the King our lord, the Queen of Sicily, my lord the Bishop of Seez and my lord of Trêves, principal councillors of the King our said lord, to bring them letters making mention of certain words charging the good and honour of the churchmen, burgesses and inhabitants of this said town and of the town of Angers, which had been said and sown by a woman of devotion named Katherine, who is of La Rochelle; which words were that, in this said town there were carpenters who carpentered not for lodging, and, unless watch were kept, the said town was on the way to take shortly an ill end, and that in the said town there were folk who knew it well. Which letters he carried and presented, and thereon brought back letters of answer of the lords above named, to which these presents are attached; and they make mention that of this they had in no wise heard speak, nor the King either, to whom they spoke of it; that the King trusts well in the said churchmen, burgesses and inhabitants of the said town. Which journey the said brother made in the month of August last past, and for this here he must have the said sum of x l. t. This sum was paid on 10 September 1430.

all these four poor women, Brother Richart the Cordelier, who afterwards had so great a following when he preached at Paris at the Innocents and elsewhere, had thus governed them all, for he was their beau-père (1); and that on Christmas Day, in the town of Jargeau, he gave to this Dame Joan the Maid three times the body of Our Lord: whereof he was much to be blamed; and had given it to Peronne that day twice, by the witness of their confession and of certain who were present at the hours when he gave them the precious sacrament.

1440. — In this time there was right great news of the Maid, of whom mention has been made before, who was burned at Rouen for her demerits; and there were then many persons who were much deceived about her, who firmly believed that by her saintliness she had escaped from the fire, and that another had been burned, thinking it was she. But she was verily burned indeed, and all the ashes of her body were truly cast into the river, for the sorceries which might have ensued (2).

(1) That is to say, their father by affection.

(2) The chronicle adds very great details on the pretended Maid who presented herself in 1440. We shall reproduce them elsewhere.

WILLIAM WYRCESTER. #

There is no English chronicler for the beginnings of Henry VI’s reign. The only one, William Botoner called Wyrcester (or of Worcester), consigned certain chronological notes on that epoch, which was that of his adolescence. The five lines reported below contain all he had to say, not only on Joan of Arc, but on the revolution of which she gave the signal.

Brought up at the University of Oxford by the munificence of Sir John Fastolf, William Wyrcester later wrote his benefactor’s life. This work appears lost, unfortunately for the object which occupies us. The author could not do otherwise than expose at length in it the period over which he has skipped so completely in his notes.

Hearne first published, at the end of the Liber niger scaccarii (2 vols. 12mo, Oxford, 1728), Wyrcester’s chronological notes, which have a great importance for the civil wars of the two roses.

mccccxxx. — This year, on Saint George the martyr’s day, King Henry VI went out of England as far as Calais, with great array, to receive the crown in France. And this year, on the 23rd day of May, a certain woman, called Pucelle de Dieu (1), was taken by the English at the town of Compiègne.

(1) Conformably to this denomination found only in the English historians, Polydore Vergil (Anglica Historia, lib. XXIII) calls Joan Puella Dei vates.

WILLIAM CAXTON. #

William Caxton, celebrated English man of letters and printer, was born in 1412, the same year as Joan of Arc; but he was a mercer in London until the age of thirty, and a resident in trade in Flanders until nearly sixty, consequently very little occupied, during all that time, with things passing outside his sphere. When therefore, having improvised himself a man of letters, he would endow his country with a chronicle in its national tongue, he confined himself to compiling and translating from Latin into English certain bad abridgements made before him. From this may be judged the value of the work entitled The Cronicles of England, which Caxton printed himself in his Westminster workshop in 1480. This book, of excessive rarity, does not appear to exist in France, but its later editions are found easily enough, into which has been fused the work of a monk of Saint Albans, composed in 1483 under the title of Fructus temporum. These amplified editions of Caxton’s chronicles contain on the Maid a passage written perhaps with knowledge of William Wyrcester’s, but much more complete and instructive. Homage is there rendered to Joan’s valour; her chastity itself is not contested; but it is pretended that after having been condemned to the fire, she feigned to be with child to obtain a respite of her execution. Two things are to be noted on this falsehood: first that it was repeated by the little-judicious Polydore Vergil with intent to draw a pathetic effect from it; then that it appears to be one of the thousand rumours put in circulation at the judgement, to justify in the eyes of the English people the slowness of the procedure.

The cronycles of Englonde with the Fruyte of tymes. (London, Wynkyn de Worde, 1528). Pars 7, fol. clij v°, col. 2.

This year, on Saint George’s day, King Henry passed over the sea to Calais towards France. About this time and before, the realm being in great misery and tribulation, the Dauphin with his party began to make war, and won certain places, and made distresses upon Englishmen, by the means of his captains, that is to say, La Hire and Poton de Saintrailles, and especially a maid whom they named la Pucelle de Dieu. This maid rode like a man and was a valiant captain among them, and took upon her many great enterprises, in so much that they had a belief to have recovered all their losses by her. Notwithstanding, at the last, after many great feats, by the help and prowess of Sir John of Luxembourg, who was a noble captain of the Duke of Burgundy’s, and many Englishmen, Picards and Burgundians, who were of our party, before the town of Compiègne, the 23rd day of May, the foresaid Maid was taken in the field, armed like a man, and many other captains with her. And were all brought to Rouen, and there she was put in prison, and there she was judged by the law to be brent. And then she said that she was with child; whereby she was respited a while (1); but in conclusion, it was found that she was not with child, and then she was brent in Rouen. And the other captains were put to ransom and entreated as men of war are accustomed.

(1) Polydore Vergil, in book XXIII of his Historia Anglica: But the unhappy Maid, before she was affected with that punishment, mindful of the humanity inborn in every one, feigned herself to be with child, that she might either break the enemies by mercy or make them ordain a milder punishment. But after she had for that cause been kept nine months for the birth, and the thing appeared vain, none the less she is cremated.

WALTER BOWER. #

This writer, a Scot by nation and graduated in canon law of the University of Paris, was born in 1385. He was Abbot of Saint-Colm from the year 1418. King James I used him on divers occasions for affairs concerning the administration of his finances. He undertook in 1441 to complete and continue Fordun, who at the end of the fourteenth century had begun, under the title of Scotichronicon, a history or general chronicle of his country. Bower carried this work as far as the death of James I (1437), and dedicated it to the lord David Stuart of Rosyth. In his fifteenth book (chap. 36) he speaks of Joan of Arc, on whom he had had information from an eyewitness. This circumstance, the friendly relations of Scotland with France in Charles VII’s time, the knowledge the author had of our country: all this gives value to his words, even where he articulates only errors.

The best editions of the Scotichronicon, augmented by Bower, are those of Oxford by Hearne, 5 vols. 8vo, 1722, and of Edinburgh by Goodall, 2 vols. fol., 1759.

De victrici Puella Franciae et de morte ejus. — Of the victorious Maid of France and of her death.

About the same time there came from Lorraine a certain young maid, Lady Joan, who said she had been sent by the Most High to repel and enervate the English enterprises. Who, having received from the King of France two thousand armed men, drew near to Orléans with victuals, sending before her a herald with a letter and enjoining the besiegers, on the part of Almighty God, to withdraw from the city and from France, else she threatened them with wondrous pains. Who, despising the messenger with deaf ear, deigned to send him no answer. She, bearing manlike arms everywhere, let victuals into the city by boats and conquered the bastille, and slew Glassdale himself with six hundred and more, and entered the city and comforted the citizens humanely.

Thence she withdrew to Tours to the King, and, a greater power gathered, with the Duke of Alençon and the Constable of France returned to Orléans, and raised the siege. Whence the English withdrew to the town of Meung-sur-Loire; whom she followed in the rear, and joined with them in open battle; where there were slain of the English three thousand, and of the French and Scots twenty persons; where the lord of Talbot and the lord of Scales were taken.

Thence she proceeded and besieged the town of Jargeau, and took it by assault; where the Earl of Suffolk was taken with his two brothers. And consequently, by the Maid’s counsel, the King drew near to the city of Reims in Champagne, and there was crowned and anointed with the unction of the ampulla sent by an angel to Charlemagne.

At this time there presided over the church of Orléans the bishop John Kirkmichael (1), a Scot.

Which Maid, leaving garrisons there, drew near to the city of Senlis, which was rendered to her; thence to Saint-Denis, which was rendered to her freely. And there, leaving the King, the Maid drew near to Paris with ten thousand, and assaulted it; where many of the King’s army, by the shooting of slings, arbalests, stones and arrows, died wounded. Where also the Maid

(1) In French, Jean de Saint-Michel. See above, p. 130.

was transfixed through both thighs by the stroke of a garald (1). Which known, the King removed himself to Orléans, and she was carried to the Valois, where, cured, she was translated to Compiègne; and there, betrayed and taken by the English and Burgundians, she was sent to Rouen where, by the judgement of the lord John, the Regent (2), enclosed in a cask (3), she was incinerated. For she conferred many good things on the kingdom of France and struck terror for a time into the English; but by what spirit she presumed the premises, He knows who is ignorant of nothing. For she wore on the finger of her left hand a ring which she was wont to gaze on as it were continually, as he who saw these things related to me (4).

(1) A garot or strong bolt.

(2) Thus in Scotland Bedford passed for the true instigator of Joan of Arc’s death. Polydore Vergil, a much later historian, as is known, also names the Duke of Somerset: in veneficii crimen vocata, primo jubente duce Somersetensi, diligenter examinata est (Hist. Angl. lib. XXIII).

(3) This singular assertion can only be the result of a misunderstanding. I would willingly conjecture that our author had before his eyes a relation of the execution where were the words in dolio vestita, clad in mourning, which he will not have understood. The condemned of the inquisition were in effect dressed in black. As for the word dolium meaning mourning, though Du Cange collected only one example of it belonging to antiquity, since it is from the poet Commodian, it is found used also in the middle ages. Subbatum non illud fuit, sed Saturni dolium, one reads in a song composed on the battle of Fontenay (ap. Bouquet, vol. VII, p. 304).

(4) This is one of the heads of the accusation sustained by the promoter in 1431. See all that was said of it at the trial of condemnation, vol. I, p. 236 and 237.

This is she perchance of whom Merlin in his secrets writes thus, saying:

Gloria sublimis, rutilans ab aggere solis, Megeros ebulliet mersos in Aurelianis. Moeror magnificus Anglorum stigmata terit, Frendens anuli quae magica mira satis, Corruet ab alto, sublimi tacta nitore, Perget et ad pelagus; pace sua perit hic (5).

Of whom also, as is said, it was prophesied thus:

Vis cum vi, culi bis septem se sociabunt; Gallorum pulli tauro nova bella parabunt; Ecce beant bella, portat vexilla Puella. Virgo, puellares artus induta virili Veste, Dei monitu, properat relevare jacentem, etc. (1).

Here Bridget of the Franks, to whom Our Lady appeared, saying: That never will there be so firm and tranquil peace in France that the dwellers in it may in any wise rejoice in full security and concord, before the people of the kingdom have appeased God, my Son, by certain great works of piety and humility, whom by their many sins and offences they have hitherto provoked to indignation and wrath (2).

This Maid was captain at Meung, where three thousand English were slain, and the lords of Talbot, Willoughby and Skelby (3) were taken.

(5) We give this tirade as it stands in the editions, and without making any effort to understand its sense.

(1) The first three of these verses are reported and have already been the object of a remark, vol. III, p. 338. See also at page 323 of the present volume. The two others begin the tirade which is reported in Thomassin’s register, above, p. 305.

(2) See vol. III, p. 129, note 3.

(3) Read Scales.

THE MONK OF DUNFERMLINE. #

Another Scottish monk continued Fordun, at the request of the Abbot of Dunfermline, his superior. This writer, who speaks also of Joan of Arc, has over Walter Bower the advantage of having been in France in her time, of having followed her in all her campaigns, and even of having assisted at her last moments. Unfortunately his testimony has failed me. I can only speak of him after a translation of his chronicle where precisely the chapters devoted to the Maid are wanting. This translation exists in manuscript at the Sainte-Geneviève library (no. 1492, formerly O F, 2). It is seen by the dedication that it was undertaken in 1519 by a certain Gremond Domat, attached to the person of John Stuart, Duke of Albany, Regent of the kingdom of Scotland, who happened to be at the same time, in right of his wife, Count of Auvergne, of Boulogne and of La Marche. A note in modern writing, placed at the head of the manuscript, apprises that the Latin text of the chronicle exists among the manuscripts of the Bodleian library at Oxford; that it is attributed to William Elphinstone, who was Bishop of Aberdeen after having been a monk of Dunfermline; but that it is necessarily the work of another monk of the same abbey, since the author’s words, saying himself contemporary of Joan of Arc, cannot suit William Elphinstone, who was born in 1437 and died in 1514.

I hold from M. Francisque Michel that the dedicatory epistle and prologue of Domat, transcribed by him, have been printed by a Scottish scholar, M. Joseph Stevenson, in a book published in 1837 for the Maitland Club, under the title of The Life and Death of King James the First of Scotland. Not having been able to procure this work, it is after the Sainte-Geneviève manuscript that I reproduce Gremond Domat’s prologue, where is found all I know of the authority of the monk of Dunfermline as a witness on Joan of Arc. The steps I have taken to procure the very text of the Oxford manuscript have not yet come to anything. I hope they will have borne fruit soon enough for me to make the result known in my next volume.

As to the ordinance of the laudable chronicles and deeds, elucidated truth should be favourable, and expressly to new things; and the ears of several hearers, princes and prelates and other famous men, in several arduous conversations and worldly businesses be occupied: which they cannot without great pain tolerate; and that pain engenders weariness in the heart of those who have desire to hear and understand; and because prolixity often wearies: the author’s intention is to take from the great and spacious chronicles the most useful and fruitful matter, and doing it briefly, as the honey-bee which from the flower extracts the good substance, even so the author deliberates, by the aid of the Holy Spirit, to draw the most and the best, and briefly, without great process, which engenders weariness and confusion.

Then, by the good commandment of the high and puissant lord, the most illustrious and magnanimous prince, my lord John Duke of Albany, at present peaceful and well-deserving Regent of Scotland (1), obeying, I have willed, following my noble author, compiler of the Latin, who says thus: By the commandment of the reverend father in God, by divine permission the Abbot of Dunfermline, at present governing and ruling the said monastery, I have deliberated to adjoin several accidents lately come in our time, in the best form and manner I can, and according to truth shall enquire, and all prolixity shall leave to my power. I am also deliberated to insert, says our ancient author, several marvellous deeds which I, the author, have known outside the kingdom, which I have seen and heard. Item lately of a girl worthy of memory, who was the cause of the recovery of the kingdom of France from the hands of Henry, tyrant King of England; whom I have seen and known, and with her have been in her conquests and recoveries, and at her life have ever been present, and at her end.

(1) It was in 1514, during the minority of James V, that John Stuart, though settled in France for several years and married to Anne de La Tour, was called to the honour of governing Scotland. He accepted only by duty, and remained as little as he could beside his pupil. On his return to France, Francis I made him superintendent of his galleys. He died in 1536 at Mirefleur in Auvergne. (Baluze, Histoire de la maison d’Auvergne, vol. I, p. 356.)

EBERHARD DE WINDECKEN. #

M. Guido Görres is the first to have made Eberhard de Windecken figure among the witnesses on the Maid, by introducing, partly in the text, partly in the appendix of his book, Die Jungfrau von Orléans, a curious chapter of the old German chronicler, which the preceding editors had neglected to reproduce as foreign to the history of their country. It is after a manuscript of the Royal Library of Munich that this restitution was made. The text I give here is M. Görres’s own. It will easily be recognised that it has been brought to modern orthography, save in the title.

Eberhard de Windecken, treasurer of the Emperor Sigismund, wrote the history of his master’s reign after the information he had gathered at his court. His chapter on Joan of Arc is the evident reproduction of official relations sent from France to the Emperor. Hence divers circumstances reported by him, which are wanting in our chroniclers and are none the less worthy of faith for that. There is in this regard a right conclusive proof of his authority. Alone of all the contemporaries, he recounts an embassy sent to Joan of Arc by the Duke of Brittany, an embassy of which Dom Lobineau and Dom Morice, who spoke of it, must have found by chance the mention in a document of the Chamber of Accounts of Nantes.

Eberhard de Windecken’s narrative ends almost immediately after the consecration of Charles VII with a conclusion which would give one to believe that the author returns no more to this subject. But how explain that he spoke neither of the trial nor of the execution? M. Görres should have given some elucidation thereon.

The French translation which I join to the German text is the work of one of my friends, who made it seeking to keep as near as possible to the original.

Chapter CCLII. — Here the King of France sends his excellent message to the Maid, who accomplished in France many marvellous things.

In those same times, as the King of France and the English were at war, there arose in Lorraine a young girl who wrought miracles in France; whereby the English were greatly weakened and the King of France greatly succoured to recover his land: as thou wilt hear.

First, when the Maid came to the aforesaid King, she made him promise to do three things: the first, to divest himself of his kingdom, to renounce it and give it back to God from whom he held it; the second, to pardon all those of his who had been against him and had ever done him hurt; the third, that he should so much humble himself that all who should come to him, poor or rich, and ask graces of him, he should receive into grace, be it friend or foe.

The following was given by those whom the King had sent to examine the Maid, whether she should be believed or not, and they were masters of Holy Scripture and others who were judged apt for it (1):

The King, in consideration of his own distress and that of his kingdom, and having regard to the assiduous penitence and prayers of his people to God, must not send back nor reject this girl, but lend her ear, even were her promises only human promises. He should not however believe her too soon nor too lightly;

(1) What follows is a fairly exact translation of the piece printed at the end of the Trial of Rehabilitation, vol. III, p. 391. The reproduction of this piece in the German chronicler’s text establishes the official character of the documents he used.

but, after the precept of Holy Scripture put in the mouth of the apostle Saint Paul: Try the spirits whether they are of God, her manners and works should be examined and with devout prayer a sign be asked of God, whereby may be known what comes from God.

So has the King done in regard of the Maid. First he had the maid examined on her life and her birth, her manners and her being and will, and kept her with him a good six weeks. He had her examined by old, experienced folk, by the learned, clergy and lay, by women and men, openly and secretly. And no evil was found in the aforenamed maid, but all goodness: humility, maidenhood, spirituality, honesty, sobriety; and of her life and her birth many things were said which were held for true. The King also asked a sign of the things she gave herself out to do. Then the Maid answered the King and said: before the city of Orléans she would give a sign and not sooner, because God had so ordained it. When then the King had heard the examinations, as much as was possible, that no evil was found in her, and also heard that she would give a sign before Orléans, and when her constancy was seen and she begged without ceasing that she might be let go before Orléans, there would be seen a sign of the divine help: the King was counselled not to hinder her from going before Orléans with her people and to have her worthily conducted, in hope in God. For if she were driven off or rejected without evil, that would be resistance against the Holy Spirit and one might make oneself unworthy of the help of God (1).

When all this was done, the Maid rode from Chinon from the King and rode to Blois and waited for the stores and the war-power she would lead before Orléans, until Thursday the 28th of April. The maid marched with the banner which was made of white silk, and therein is painted Our Lord God, as He sits upon the rainbow and shews His wounds, and on each side an angel who had a lily in the hand.

And so the maid marched with the banner and led with her the Marshal of Boussac, the lord of Gaucourt, the lord of Rais (2) and many other

(1) M. Görres warns here that he suppresses the translation of the letter to the English, inserted in Eberhard de Windecken’s narrative, a translation, says he, which accords exactly with the French text.

(2) Read Raif or Rais.

lords and captains, with all manner of folk on horse and also on foot, a good three thousand. She also carried all her stores, sixty waggons and four hundred head of cattle. And from Orléans folk came on the water and fetched the stores into ships and as they otherwise could, because the English who lay before it were more than they who came against them.

And when the maid saw that she was being brought along the water and not towards the English who lay before the city, she was thereat right grieved and sad at her guides and began to weep much. Yet she sent back to Blois, to fetch the stores there and bring them also to Orléans. She herself rode in thither in a small company and said to those who rode with her that they should not fear, for no ill would befall them. As also it befell.

When they brought the stores before Orléans, the English assembled, a good fourteen hundred. But they dared not shew themselves. When then they were come with the stores, the maid took her banner in her hand and stormed the bulwark where the English were within. They won it quickly, and a hundred and seventy English remained dead and thirteen hundred were taken, and many guns, and stores and other things needful. It is thought also that the Maid lost no more than two men of her people.

Thereafter on a Friday, the maid took the banner in the hand and made as if she would storm a bulwark. When she saw that the English would put themselves on defence, she drew back, and the English after her, and fell fresh upon her people. When the maid saw that, and her lords, who yet had few people with them, they turned hard against the English and hunted them so sorely that they came not again. There remained of the English a good thirty dead, and there was won a strong bulwark by the Augustins, with many stores. When the English saw that the Maid had won three bulwarks, they all stood to the bulwark before the bridge. There the Maid remained with her friends at night in the field on the same side.

On the Saturday thereafter, the eighth day, in the morning, the maid set herself with her people to storm the bulwark where the English had fled in by night. The bulwark was strong and unassailable, and many English were within, who had well provided for its guard, so that they well meant to keep the bulwark, because they had also much good artillery therein. They defended themselves hard. The Maid stormed the whole day with her people until vesper-time, when she was shot a little under the right breast through the body. She gave but little heed to it, had a little olive-oil put thereon and armed herself again and said to her people: The English have no more power. For she had foretold she would be wounded before Orléans. Then she stepped aside, leaned upon her knees and called on the heavenly Father. Thereafter she turned to her people and shewed them where they should storm. Her people obeyed her with whole faith and good will, and so they won the bulwark that hour. Therein were taken and slain a good five hundred.

There lay dead Classidas, a mighty captain; and so the maid rode in the evening late, joyful with her people, into Orléans, and praised God, and of the maid’s people there remained dead not more than five men and few were wounded. Several would say that two white birds were seen upon her shoulders the while the said storm lasted. The English who were taken said surely that it had seemed to them the maid’s people were much stronger and more than theirs, and so they could make no resistance against them. Of the English some thirty had fled upon a bridge, where they thought to be safe; then a sign from God befell, for the bridge broke, and they all fell into the water and drowned.

On the Sunday early, on the other day, the other English who were on the yonder side drew away, and delivered up the bulwark, since they saw they were so wondrously overcome. Of them there were three thousand fighting men. Then the people would have followed after them and cast them down, which the Maid would not suffer, because it was Sunday, and they also drew away so peaceably.

Thus was Orléans relieved, and the host raised, and all the bulwarks won, with great store, and so the English drew into Normandy and left of their people to lie at Meung (1), at Beaugency and Jargeau (2).

When this was now done, the Maid rode with her people from Tours into Touraine (3); there the King was to come, and the maid was there before the King, and she took her banner in her hand; and rode towards the King, and when they came together, the maid bowed her head towards the King as much as she could, and the King made her rise at once, and it was thought he would have kissed her for the joy he had. This befell on the Wednesday before Whit Sunday (1), and she remained by him until after the 23rd day of May. Then the King went to counsel what he would do; for the maid would ever lead him to Reims and crown him and make him King. Then the King turned, and set himself on the way, and hoped to make Meung and Jargeau subject to him. God would have it so too. When this had befallen,

(1) I correct M. Görres’s text, which gives Melun.

(2) Here ends the extract inserted in the nineteenth chapter of M. Görres’s work. What follows is found relegated to his Appendix.

(3) Copying fault in the Munich manuscript. Is it Tors in Torene that should be conjectured? In any case the sense would require zu instead of von.

(1) This date corresponds to 11 May.

the Duke of Brittany sent his confessor (1) to the maid to learn whether she was come by God’s doing to help the King. Then the maid said: Yea. Then the confessor said: Since it is so, my lord the Duke will gladly come to help the King with his service, and named the Duke his right lord. But with his own body he may not come, for he is in a great sickness; yet he shall send him his eldest son with great power. Then the maid said to the confessor: The Duke of Brittany were not his right lord, for the King were his right lord, and he should rightly not have waited so long to send his people to help him with service.

After that time the English came one day with great power; when the maid saw that, she bade the captains sit on their strong steeds and said to them: Follow, shall we ride against them? Then they asked what they should hunt; then the Maid said: You shall hunt the English, and so they all mounted and rode with the maid and her people. But as soon as the English caught sight of them, they took flight; and the bowmen threw away their bows and arrows, and the most part were slain. Thereafter she set on the way to lead the King to Reims, and the towns which had nothing wherewith to set against the Maid and her people all became obedient to her. And a part brought the King the keys a good two miles to meet him, as Troyes, Châlons and sundry other towns, and so the King came to Reims, and was there consecrated.

(1) It was a monk called Brother Yves Milbeau. Lobineau, Hist. de Bret., vol. I, p. 580.

The maid also thought to bring the King into Paris, and feared no power of the Duke of Burgundy nor of the Regent, for she had said: Our Lord God has more power than they, and He should further her, and should the Duke of Burgundy and the Regent bring more folk against her, more of them shall be slain; which she would thus fain warrant, provided no one took anything from any one nor did violence to the poor folk. There was also victual enough with her, and as long as she rode in this riding, victual did not run dry in the land.

First in the year 1429 the certain tidings came into France, how that a maid was come from Lorraine to the Dauphin of France and had spoken with him, that the English lay with great power, and that the maid drove them thence, with the help of Almighty God and of the Virgin Mary, as thou hast read above, how foresightful she was, and what she did by God’s ordinance.

JEAN NIDER. #

Jean Nider, an Alsatian, doctor of theology of the University of Vienna, was prior of the Dominicans of Nuremberg, then of Basle. The very year he was called into that city, the famous council opened, and he assisted at it. About 1439 he had the honour of reading before the assembly a treatise of discipline bearing the bizarre title of Formicarius, the Ant-hill, which he had composed to direct the religious of his order in confession and in the search for heresy. The Maid is mentioned in this work with little enough favour: which is not surprising, seeing the authorities after whom Jean Nider speaks of her. He alleges in effect the circular sent by the English government to the Emperor Sigismund, and the oral testimony of Nicole Lami, ambassador of the University of Paris to the council. This Nicole Lami, a humanist and distinguished theologian, does not figure in Joan’s trial; but he had been rector of the University at the end of 1429, sufficient proof of his animosity against Charles VII and his adherents. Finally our Alsatian doctor himself was in a sufficiently evil disposition of mind to approach the chapter of Joan of Arc, for he was a rigid inquisitor and had burned quantities of witches, muliercularum quas maleficas vulgus appellat acerrimus investigator, says Abbot Trithemius.

The Formicarius has been published several times and notably at Douai in 1602 (12mo). It is from this edition that the following extract is drawn, found there in chapter VIII of the fifth book.

There was moreover, within the space of ten years, lately in France a certain maid, of whom I have premised (1), Joan by name, illustrious, as was thought, both for prophetic spirit and for power of miracles. For she ever used man’s vesture, nor could she be softened by any persuasions of learned men whomsoever to put off such garments, contenting herself with woman’s, especially as she openly protested herself to be maid and woman. Under this man’s habit, says she, in sign of future victory, that I may preach both by word and by habit, I am sent by God to help the true King of the Franks Charles and to establish him in his kingdom, whence the King of England and the Duke of Burgundy strive to drive him. For then these two joined together pressed France most heavily with slaughters and arms.

Therefore Joan rode continually with her lord as a soldier, foretold many things future and favourable, was present at certain warlike victories and perpetrated other such marvels, whereat not only France but all the kingdoms of the Christians were astonished. At last Joan came to such presumption that, not yet having won France, she already threatened the Bohemians, where there was then a multitude of heretics, by letters (1). Thereupon secular and ecclesiastical, regular and monastic folk doubted by what spirit she was ruled, diabolic or divine. Certain most lettered men accordingly wrote treatises on her behalf, in which they held not only diverse but even adverse opinions of the Maid. But after she had helped King Charles in many things and established him in the kingdom, for certain years, at last by divine will, as is believed, she was taken by an armed band of the English and imprisoned. And a great multitude of masters, both of divine and of human law, being summoned and called,

(1) He spoke of it only to announce her in the paragraph preceding this one.

(1) See this letter in our fifth volume.

she was examined many days. And as I heard from Master Nicole Amici, licentiate in theology, who was ambassador of the University of Paris, at last she confessed she had a familiar angel of God, who by the judgement of the most lettered men was judged to be a malign spirit, from many conjectures and proofs. Through which spirit she being rendered as it were a sorceress, they suffered her to be consumed by fires through public justice, and as the King of England made the history known to our Emperor Sigismund by a writing sufficiently at large.

At the same time two women arose near Paris, saying publicly they had been sent by God to be in aid to the Maid Joan; and as I heard from the aforesaid Master Nicole by the organ of his living voice, they were thereupon taken by the inquisitor of France as it were sorceresses or evil-doers, and examined by several doctors of sacred theology, and at last found deceived by the deliriums of a malign spirit. Whence, when one of the said women perceived herself seduced by an angel of Satan, by the information of the masters she came back from her undertakings, and her error, as she ought, forthwith revoked. The other indeed abiding in pertinacity was consumed by fires (1).

(1) See on these two women the narrative contained in the Journal of a Bourgeois of Paris, above, p. 467.

LORENZO BUONINCONTRO. #

Muratori made known as historian Buonincontro, an author who until then had been cited only because of his works on astrology. He was a Tuscan refugee, who after having served in Francesco Sforza’s armies went to seek an asylum at the court of the King of Naples, Alphonso I. He finished in 1458, at the age of forty-eight, a book entitled De ortu regum Neapolitanorum et eorum inclita gesta. Muratori suppressed the whole part of this history anterior to 1360 and gave the rest under the title of Annales Sanminiateses, because San Miniato was the author’s country. The passage where Joan of Arc is in question has its place here only because Bedford is named in it as the sole author of her death: an opinion which must have been, in all countries, that of the clear-sighted men of that time.

Muratori, Rerum Italicarum Scriptores, vol. XXI, col. 136.

A certain maid Joan, albeit rustic, being in her fourteenth year, said to Charles King of the Franks that she was sent by God to be made princess of the war against the English; which if he did, he would be victorious. The King therefore, according to her petition, constituted her princess of his militia. Who afterwards overcame the English in several wars: for when the war burned most between the Britons and the Gauls, and the Britons’ affairs had hitherto flourished superior, there was stirred up by God the spirit of the Maid, who counselled the King in what manner the war should be administered and the battle arrayed. And she discoursed it with such force of mind and eloquence that the King made her princess. When therefore the Britons besieged the city of Orléans, to possess themselves the more easily of the river Loire, the Earl of Salisbury being stricken by a mural engine which they call a bombard, who was said to be the bravest of all men (and among the Gauls his name was formidable), the Maid with part of the Gauls’ army, attacking the Britons, overcame them. Several captains in that fight were slain or taken. By that victory the city was freed from the siege. Then, under her leadership, several towns were recovered which had been occupied by the Britons. At last after two years, having ever borne herself prosperously, she was taken by a certain man in a tumultuary fight at the town of Compiègne, and at Rouen by the Duke of Bedford was consumed by fire (1).

(1) A testimony almost contemporary with Buonincontro’s and still less instructive is that of Antonino de Forciglioni, a Dominican, who died Archbishop of Florence. However, Edmond Richer, Hordal and other ancient authors have attached importance to his words, because the Church has placed him in the rank of the saints. The opinion he emits reduces to these few words: Multa admiratione digna agebat: quo autem spiritu ducta, vix sciebatur. Credebatur magis Spiritu Dei. Hoc patuit ex operibus suis; nihil enim inhonestum in ea videbatur, nihil superstitiosum, in nullo a veritate fidei discrepabat. (Sancti Antonini Opus Historiarum, pars III, tit. 22, c. 9, sect. 7.)

POPE PIUS II. #

The true author of the Memoirs of the time of Pius II, published under the name of his secretary Jean Gobelin, has been no longer in question for a long time. The Italian critics have established that they are the work of the Pope himself. Without entering here into all the reasons they give for it, let it suffice to refer to Tiraboschi who sums them up (lib. III, cap. I, par. 23). These memoirs, written in a most elegant style, begin with a genealogy of the Piccolomini, of whom was Pius II, retrace the general history of the fifteenth century, and end at the year 1463 with this declaration designedly placed to cover the apostolic person: Haec habuimus quae ad annum sextum pontificatus sui nondum exactum, de rebus ejus scriberemus, in libros digestis XII, quorum ultimus pridie kalendarum januarii finem accepit, anno ab incarnato Verbo MCCCCLXIII.

In the sixth book, which treats of the affairs of France, is reported the history of Joan of Arc. As narrative and as appreciation, this piece may pass for the best that was written abroad in the fifteenth century. The scholastic spirit shews itself nowhere in it. The opinion is that of a man used to affairs, who admits the diversity of sentiments on so extraordinary a fact, but who shews how much those who would reduce it to the proportions of an intrigue are refuted by the greatness of the results. As for the order of events, it is well observed and betrays the author’s care in taking his information. It is even to be remarked that certain circumstances relative to the arrival and sojourn of Charles VII at Reims are met with only there, either that the Pope drew them from a particular relation, or that he gathered them from the mouth of the Archbishop of Reims or another witness, at the conferences for the peace of Arras (1435), where he had assisted as secretary of the legation sent by the council of Basle.

Among the historians and collectors of texts on Joan of Arc, Denys Godefroy is the only one who thought of Pius II’s memoirs.

He reported of them, it is true, only a passage of little enough interest. Those who came after him contented themselves, to allege the same pontiff’s opinion, with a phrase of his State of Europe under Frederick III, which he published in 1458, being still only Cardinal Aeneas Sylvius. This phrase has value only in so far as it is brought near to the corresponding piece of the Memoirs, of which one would say it served as the theme. Here it is: Regnum Franciae nostra aetate Joanna, virgo Lotharingensis, divinitus, ut credunt, admonita, virilibus indumentis et armis induta, Gallicas ducens acies, ex Anglicorum manibus magna ex parte, mirabile dictu, prima inter primos pugnans, eripuit.

Here now is the text of the Memoirs:

The affairs of the Franks being well-nigh desperate, a Maid sixteen years old, Joan by name, daughter of a poor husbandman, in the field of Toul, while she was keeping swine, inspired by a divine spirit, as her deeds demonstrate, leaving the flock and putting her parents second, betook herself to the prefect of the neighbouring town, the only one of that region which had remained in the faith of the Franks, and asked for guides to shew her the way to the Dauphin. The prefect asks the cause of the journey; she says she has divine commands which she must bear to him, salutary to himself and to the kingdom. The prefect laughs, and thinking her mad spurns her. He tries her insistence in many ways; a delay of several days is made, in case the Maid should haply change her purpose, or something unworthy be found in her. But when she was found constant and immutable and conscious of no turpitude: What know I, says the prefect, whether this be God’s will? Often have divine protections saved the kingdom of France; perchance in our days too something is ordained in heaven for our salvation, which may be made manifest through a woman. And choosing three servants of approved faith, he commends the Maid to be led to the Dauphin.

A journey of about ten days had to be made, and through the midst of lands which either the enemy held, or the friend of the enemy. The maid passed all difficulties unharmed, clad in man’s garments, and drew near to the Dauphin sojourning among the Bituriges, who, broken in spirit by so many disasters received, anxious now not for guarding the kingdom but for seeking a place where he might lead a secure life securely. In Spain the King of Castile and Leon had flourishing wealth in that age, and he was joined with the Dauphin both by the bond of consanguinity and of friendship. Him he had determined to ask that, taking on him the care and crown of the kingdom of France, he would grant him some corner of land wherein he might lurk in safety. The Maid met him meditating such things, and the prefect’s letters delivered, asked to be heard. The Dauphin, moved by the novelty of the thing and fearing delusion, commits the Maid to be examined to the Bishop of Castres, his confessor, a man chiefly learned among theologians, and gives her to noble matrons to keep. Questioned on the faith, she answered the things which suit the Christian religion; examined on her manners, she is found chaste and most honest; the examination lasts several days: nothing feigned is found in her, nothing deceitful, nothing excogitated by malign art; on her habit alone the difficulty remains. Asked why she had put on man’s garments forbidden to a woman, She says she is a maid; to a maid either habit suits; it was enjoined her by God to use man’s garments, since man’s arms also were to be handled by her.

So approved, she was rendered again into the Dauphin’s sight: I am come to thee, says she, blood of kings, by God’s command, not by my own counsel. He commands that thou follow me. If thou obeyest, I shall restore to thee thy throne, and at Reims ere long shall set the crown on thy head. The Dauphin said the thing promised was most difficult: The city of Reims, in which kings are wont to be crowned, is most remote, and held by enemies, nor is any way open safe; Orléans, which is a mid-city, is besieged by the English, nor have the French forces whereby succour may be brought to the wretched besieged; much less can pains be taken for a coronation. Moved in nothing by these things, the maid said:

Not vain things do I promise. If thou believest God, believe me also; I come His messenger; I shall minister thee arms divinely and with invisible steel shall open the way. The peoples shall obey whithersoever thou goest, and the nobles shall follow thy banners of their own accord. Nor shalt thou cast the siege of Orléans at me; this I shall before all things dissolve, and shall give the city free; only grant me these horsemen who are here with thee.

The matter was for some time agitated in council with diverse opinions; some thought the Maid taken in mind, others deluded by a demon, others full of the Holy Spirit. And these related that Bethulia and other cities of old had been saved through women, and the kingdom of France often divinely aided; that now also it could be defended through a maid whom God would send; and the Maid was in no wise to be thought mad, whose counsels were full of sense. This opinion prevailed, and they entrusted the province of Orléans to the Maid. The woman was made captain of the war. Arms were brought, horses led; the Maid mounted the fiercer, and burning in arms, brandishing a lance, made the horse leap, run and wheel, no otherwise than the fables tell of Camilla. Every noblest man, taking arms, followed the maid most eagerly; who, all things prepared, committed herself to the journey.

A most difficult approach lay open through the land to

Orléans. The English had foreclosed every way and had set three camps against the three gates of the city, and had fortified them with moat and rampart. The Maid, not ignorant that the Loire river runs beside the city walls, loads ships in a hidden place with corn and enters them with her forces, and the besieged being warned of her coming, using swift rowing and the course of the rapid river, she was seen in sight of the city before the enemies knew she would come. The armed English ran up, and embarking in boats, strove in vain to delay the maid’s entrance, and receiving many wounds turned tail. She, entering the city and received with the utmost alacrity of the citizens, imported stores of every kind to them now perishing of famine. Nor delaying, on the following light she invades with great fury the enemies’ camps which besieged the principal gate, the moats being filled and the mound and rampart cast down, throws the English into confusion; and possessing the fortifications, burns the towers and bulwarks the enemies had prepared; and the townsmen’s spirits being confirmed, issuing by other gates, effects the same in the other camps. Since the English were divided in several places, nor could camp succour camp, in this wise the siege of Orléans was dissolved and utterly destroyed, the enemies being slain whosoever had come to it, so that scarce a messenger of the disaster survived. Nor was the glory of this thing given to another than the Maid, albeit most strenuous and expert warriors, and such as had often led the ranks, were present.

So great a disaster and ignominy of his people Talbot bore with an unequal mind, among the English captains most illustrious in fame. Who, taking four thousand horsemen chosen out of all the forces, led to Orléans to encounter the Maid, if she dared come to meet him, not doubting that he would either take or slay her issuing from the gates; but far otherwise it befell. The maid leading out her cohorts, as soon as she espied the enemy, raising a huge cry and making a horrible onset, invades the English standards; among whom none was found who dared to stand or shew his face. A sudden fear and horror came upon them all; who, albeit they were superior in number, yet thought themselves the fewer, and deemed that innumerable hosts warred for the Maid. Nor were they wanting who thought angels fought on the adverse part, and promised themselves no victory against those who warred for God. Swords fell from their hands; every one cast away shield and helm, to commit himself the lighter to flight. Talbot’s exhortations were not heard, nor his threats heeded; the foulest flight was made; to the maid alone were backs shewn: who, following the fugitives, either took or slew them all, save the captain with a few, who, after he saw his men irrecoverable in flight, escaped the enemy’s onset on swift horses.

The fame of these things, borne to the neighbouring peoples and then to the more remote, and ever made greater in its journeying, filled all minds with stupor. The Dauphin, now believing the Maid’s monitions, whose words deeds had confirmed, decreed supplications to God through all the temples and girded himself to receive the crown. The nobility of the whole kingdom, hearing the Maid’s miraculous works, after they learned that the coronation solemnities were being prepared, with incredible eagerness to see the maid, all Gaul taking arms, ran up. And within a month above thirty thousand horsemen, to serve at their own stipends, came to the Dauphin; who, rejoicing more and more that such forces of armed men were at hand, from the Bituriges, among whom he mostly sojourned, setting out on the journey, the Maid going before in arms and bearing the royal banner, led to Reims. All the mid towns were in the enemies’ power; and all the peoples had decreed by new oaths of allegiance to keep faith with the English and receive the Dauphin as an enemy. But when they knew that he and the Maid were nigh at hand (incredible to tell), no armed man came to meet them, none closed the gates, none cursed the comers. Wheresoever they came, the common folk ran to meet the Dauphin and greeted him as their lord; vying among themselves by what pact they might affect their prince with greater honours.

When the army had come near Reims to about forty stades, there was great trepidation in the city. Nothing seemed safe for the English, the nobles wavered, novelties attracted the commons’ minds. There were among the English who counselled that the sacred oil wherewith the king is anointed should be transferred elsewhere, lest, the city being lost, the enemy might be duly crowned. The Gauls opine that a white dove was of old sent from heaven to blessed Remigius, bishop of that city, bearing a liquor of oil wherewith the kings should be anointed; and this they guard with supreme religion, nor do they think it is diminished, albeit a great many kings from Clovis to these times have used it; and they deny him to be a true king who is not anointed with this oil. For which cause, since the English had often consulted on transporting the liquor, they think their purpose was hindered by divine will. The Dauphin, nigh to the city, sent heralds to bid them render the city and announce his coronation to the Reims folk. They ask the principal citizens, who beg time for consulting. The Maid bids the envoys answer nothing, nothing be delayed in the time which God had appointed; all things were to be done. The Dauphin obeys the maid, and the envoys being kept back and orders of horsemen sent before, he seeks the city at swift pace. A marvellous thing, and such as will lack credit with posterity! no armed man is found either at the gate or in the city; the citizens in gowns come to meet them outside the walls. The Dauphin, without conditions, without pacts, without any contradiction, enters the open gates: none cries out, none shews a sign of indignation; all confess the work is divine. While the French enter by one gate, the English flee by another. The pacific and quiet city embraces its lord benignly, and him whom a little before it spurned as an enemy, it now worships as a father with wondrous affection and highest honours. There is a great concourse of those who greet the Dauphin, a greater around the Maid, whom they gazed on as some divine power. These things were done on the Saturday, on the eve of the feast of blessed Mary Magdalene; and on the very feast, at the monastery of Saint-Remi, in a great concourse of people, many nobles and prelates standing around, the Dauphin, after the manner of his forefathers anointed with the sacred oil, received the diadem of the kingdom of France, the multitude acclaiming to King Charles (for that was the Dauphin’s name) life and victory.

The King remained in that city four days, beyond the custom. For it is the wont of the kings of France, on the day which follows the coronation, to go on pilgrimage to a certain temple over which Saint Marcoul presides, and there to cure the sick. The Gauls have published it a miracle that a certain disease grows in the human throat, which is cured only by the king’s touch and certain secret words; and that this is done after the coronation in this temple. It is not for nothing that the new King went not on pilgrimage on the appointed day; the ambassadors of the Burgundians were the hindrance, who had come to greet him and brought something towards concord. These being heard, the pilgrimage was made on the fourth day, in which of the curing of diseases I have nothing sufficiently ascertained, albeit the French believe all those things are done miraculously.

After this the Maid sought Laon with the new King, and no resistance was found. All obeyed the King. The same did whatsoever towns lie between Paris and Laon, all the peoples and common folk running to meet him with the utmost exultation. Hope was also given the King of taking the city of Paris; but when he had led into their fields and no man came to meet him, understanding himself deceived, he went back; but the Maid, with a keener spirit, taking certain cohorts, ran up to the very gate which leads to the Swine-market, and burned it with great onset, not without hope of possessing the city; where, while she fought more bravely than warily and was resisted within with the utmost force, she was wounded by an arrow shot at hazard. As soon as she perceived herself hurt, she withdrew from the fight; her companions ceased from the assault. And here the Maid’s favour began to wane, she who had been deemed inviolable being able to be wounded; nor was her name thereafter so formidable to the English nor so venerable to the French; yet her wound being shortly cured, she came again into the camp, where, handling arms after her former wont, she did nothing memorable.

The King had gone not far from the city, waiting whether haply, the citizens’ minds being changed, he should be called back; nothing befell as was expected. The Duke of Gloucester (1), who then governed at Paris and ministered the kingdom to the English, with the utmost diligence took heed lest any citizen should go out to Charles. He himself, leading out his forces, set camp against camp at a distance of about five hundred paces from the enemy. The hostile armies watched each other two days, and, albeit they committed certain skirmishes and thefts of war, yet they never dared to join in pitched battle. Thereupon they departed well-nigh untouched, and it is uncertain to whose greater dishonour. The English returned to Paris, the French to Bourges, having received again into allegiance whatsoever peoples were between, when they had returned by another road.

(1) Confusion of the Duke of Gloucester, who was regent in England, with Bedford, his brother, regent of France. The narrative which follows is also out of its place.

The Maid, when she knew the King crowned and placed sufficiently safe in his seat, impatient of rest, returned against the enemies and stormed many towns by arms; many she received in surrender; some which the enemies pressed by siege she freed by swift succour. Last of all, when the English besieged Compiègne, a most fortified town and hostile to Paris, desiring to bring aid to the besieged, she betook herself thither with her forces. The enemies perceive her coming and prepare ambushes for her as she comes. She had to make her way through vineyards and narrow paths, which she entering they attack also from the rear. There is fighting in the strait place with great contention, where the maid being hemmed in, since she could not deploy her line, nor was the contest equal, nor was means of flight given, made surrender. John of Luxembourg, born in a noble place, Count of Ligny, who then served the English, led the Maid captive, and kept her a while in one of his castles. Certain others tell she was taken otherwise.

They say that Philip the Duke of Burgundy, setting out against the enemy who were laying waste Picardy, gave attention to hunting at the river Axona. Which thing being known, the Maid, who was not far off, hoped to catch him off his guard, and turned her cavalry like hunters on his troops. Philip, forewarned of the onset, suddenly drew up his men in order and received the approaching maid in battle, in which John took her (1); Philip forbade her to be led captive to him, to whom it seemed unseemly, even in conquering, to have fought against a woman (2).

Howsoever it be, it is agreed the maid was taken in war and sold to the English for ten thousand golden pieces, and led to Rouen: in which place she was diligently examined whether she used sorceries, or a demon, or held aught amiss of religion. Nothing was found worthy of correction save the man’s garment she used; nor did they deem even this worthy of the last punishment. She was thrust back into prison, the penalty of death added if she should again put on man’s garments. She, who had learned to handle arms and delighted in military exercise, being tempted by her guards, who now brought before her a military cloak, now a cuirass, now a breastplate and other armours, unwary, once arrayed herself in man’s garments and armours, not knowing she was putting on death (3).

(1) Confusion of the two sallies which Joan made from Compiègne several weeks apart. Cf. Berri, above, p. 44.

(2) Lie of some great personage of the court of Burgundy whom the author had had occasion to interrogate.

(3) This version of the infamous trap devised to bring about the case of relapse must be that which the Norman doctors had spread abroad at the council of Basle.

It is credible that, the maid living, albeit captive, the English never deemed themselves safe enough, who had been overcome by her in so many battles; that they feared flight and sleights; and for that cause sought a cause of death. The judges, when they knew the Maid had taken again the man’s habit, condemned her to fire as a relapsed. Her ashes, lest they should some time be an honour, they cast into the river Seine. So Joan died, a marvellous and stupendous maid; who restored the fallen and well-nigh dispersed kingdom of the Franks, who inflicted so many and so great disasters on the English. Who, made captain of men, among the troops of soldiers kept her chastity unhurt; of whom nothing unseemly was ever heard. Whether it was a divine work or a human device, I should find it hard to affirm. Some think that, when the nobles of France, the English affairs succeeding prosperously, were at strife among themselves, nor would one deign to bear another’s leadership, this cunning device was excogitated by some one who was wiser, that they should assert the maid was divinely sent and admit her seeking the leadership: for there is no man who refuses God as leader; and in this wise the warlike business was entrusted to the Maid and the command of arms given. This is most certain, that there was a Maid by whose leading the siege of Orléans was dissolved, by whose arms all the land between the Bituriges and Paris was subdued, by whose counsel Reims was received into power and the coronation celebrated there, by whose onset Talbot was put to flight and his army cut in pieces, by whose daring the Paris gate was burned, by whose skill and industry the affairs of the French were replaced in safety. A thing worthy to be committed to memory, albeit with posterity it will have more of admiration than of credit. Charles, albeit he bore the maid’s death most bitterly, yet failed not himself, and waged many battles worthy of mention, many by himself, many by his captains, not only against the English but also against the Burgundians, which perchance we shall insert in this work.

GUERNERI BERNI. #

Guerneri Berni, born at Gubbio, a company captain in the service of Frederick III of Montferrat, is the author of a chronicle in Italian which runs from the year 1350 to 1472. Muratori published this work under the title of Chronicon Eugubinum in the twenty-first volume of his collection of the Historians of Italy. This chronicle’s testimony on Joan of Arc is the only one in the Italian tongue which I have been able to discover.

In these times there was a great war in France between the King of France and the King of England, and the French had the worst of it. The English were in the field at Orléans, which they had so besieged that it could not be held. As it pleased our Lord God, there came to the King of France a Maiden who used to watch the sheep; and she said to the King that she went on God’s behalf, and if he did what she would say, he would be victor against the English. And after many signs, the King began to believe her. This Maiden had given her a sword which was in a church, one of those which are hung upon nobles and knights above their tombs when they die; which sword the said Maiden ever bore at her side. The first thing she did, she went to the succour of Orléans, which was besieged; and the English held at the head of a bridge which passes to a river that goes to the town walls a bastion. This Maiden, with that sword naked in one hand, and in the other the banner of France, was the first who entered into the bastion, where she was wounded, and by force took the bastion, giving succour and victual to the town. She won two pitched battles against the English, so that France remained in good state; and at last she came into the hands of the English, by whom she was burned, as she had foretold (1).

(1) Baptiste Fulgoso, usually named among the writers who are an authority on Joan of Arc, would come by his date after Guerneri Berni; but I have not thought I ought to report his testimony, because he quite simply copied Gaguin, which Gaguin has himself been excluded from the present collection as offering absolutely nothing original. The attention given to Fulgoso doubtless comes of the eminent post he occupied during some years of his life. This author was in effect doge of the republic of Genoa. Deposed in 1483, he took refuge in Provence and there wrote, for the instruction of his son, a collection imitated from Valerius Maximus. After his death this work, which was in Italian, was put into Latin by a certain Ghilini and printed at Milan in 1509 under the title of De dictis factisque mirabilibus collectanea. The use Fulgoso made of Gaguin places the composition of his collection beyond 1491. It is in the third book, under the title De fortitudine, that he speaks of the Maid, rendering her family name very well without mangling it: Joanna Jacobo Arco patre orta (patre Jacobo Darco, matre Ysabella, genita, in Gaguin).

PHILIP OF BERGAMO. #

Fra Giacomo Filippo of Bergamo, an Augustinian, born in 1433, devoted an article to the Maid in his book De claris electisque mulieribus, which he had printed at Ferrara in 1497. A man of an inexact mind and most ignorant of the things of France, he has travestied history into legend; yet he still alleges an eye-witness whom he calls Guillelmus Guaschus, a personage attached, says he, to the court of Charles VII. Doubtless he was one of those Lombard knights who passed into France in the year of the battle of Crevant, under the leading of the Bornio of Caqueran and Théode de Valpergue; but whoever he was, it is hard to believe he told Philip of Bergamo that the three bastilles of Orléans had been taken in three hours of the clock, that Joan of Arc’s mission had lasted eight years, that she had met the English thirty times in battle: all things which Fra Philip advances as so many proved facts.

Such inexactitudes suffice to take away all credit from what the author says of the prosecutions which Louis XI would have directed, with the authorisation of Pope Pius II, against a judge and an assessor, the sole surviving members of the tribunal which had condemned Joan of Arc. M. de L’Averdy, in his celebrated memoir, made a formal dissertation to demonstrate the impossibility of this new trial. The same result could have been reached in fewer words and with far stronger arguments. First, Pierre Cauchon’s assessors were so little prosecuted and punished under the pontificate of Pius II that Thomas de Courcelles died long after that pope (in 1469) at Paris, where he was canon and dean of the chapter of Notre-Dame, enjoying his dignities in their fulness. As for the severities which Philip of Bergamo says were exercised on the mortal remains of the deceased judges (for he pretends Louis XI had them dug up and cast on the dung-hill), one has only to object the state of perfect conservation in which Pierre Cauchon’s tomb, raised in Saint-Pierre of Lisieux, maintained itself until the French Revolution. There would be twenty other grounds of inadmissibility of that force to oppose to the Italian monk’s inconsiderate narrative; but to conclude in a word, as he speaks of what passed under Charles VII without saying a word of the trial of rehabilitation, it is manifest he has transported that trial under the reign of Louis XI, accompanying it with circumstances due to his imagination or to that of the folk amid whom he lived. Strange thing, this error gained credit in France by the success which Philip of Bergamo’s book obtained there. An illustrious Dominican, provincial of France and later Bishop of Marseilles, composing for Queen Anne of Brittany an eulogy of women, could write that the rehabilitation of Joan of Arc’s memory was due to Louis XI. I shall return elsewhere to this author and to his work, of which M. le marquis de Coislin now possesses the manuscript. The editio princeps of the De claris mulieribus is of such rarity that I could not procure it. I have made use of the reprint given by Ravisius Textor in his collection entitled De memorabilibus et claris mulieribus aliquot diversorum scriptorum opera (folio, Paris, 1521).

Chap. CLVII. — Of Janna the French Maid, the best of maidens.

Janna, a French maid, of the Lorraine nation, about the year of our salvation one thousand four hundred and forty-eight, in her girlish and adolescent age, divinely (as is believed) forechosen to perform many deeds, died in the metropolis of the city of Rouen (1), when she was only in her twenty-fourth year, in the highest chastity, consumed by fire. This Janna therefore, albeit she was begotten of obscure and humble parents, none the less throughout her whole life shewed herself a victorious princess of unconquered spirit.

(1) The text has Remensis, but in the erratum of the work Ravisius Textor warns that Rothomagensis must be substituted for Remensis. Perhaps it is a correction of his own; for Philip of Bergamo is a bad enough geographer to have confused Rouen and Reims.

Since from the beginning she had passed a great part of her age among the flocks, there with her companions, with whom she was observed keeping the sheep, she oftentimes practised running; and now hither now thither went that frequent running; and sometimes in running she caught a lance in her hand, like a strong knight, and struck the trunks of trees with most mighty wounds. Often also she mounted manfully one of the mares which fed in the flock, and, the lance set under her arm, running she dealt mighty blows; and they who beheld her were affected with great pleasure and admiration of mind. By exercises of this sort the woman became most strong. She was indeed short of stature, with a rustic face and black hair, but mighty through her whole body; who through all her life kept her virginity unhurt, and shewed herself a chief guardian of religion. Her speech was gentle enough, after the manner of the women of that country, which her sane manners much honoured. So right was her understanding and so sound, that she might have been believed brought up and nourished there where the highest prudence and every reason of counsel seemed to flourish.

In that season, Henry, King of the English, had brought a cruel war upon Charles, the seventh of that name, King of the French. He had likewise taken from him the greater part of his realm, and was now assaulting Orléans, the chief city of his kingdom, with the utmost force; and every day was the heaviest assault upon that city, and it was hemmed in on every side, nor was any way shewn whereby so great a siege could be dissolved.

For in it turned all the hope of the kingdom; which indeed being lost, it seemed all was over with the whole realm of Gaul. The King, set in this difficulty, was racked uncertain by anguish of mind, nor could he by any reason resolve what counsel to follow. Then it befell this maid, while these things were toward, while keeping her flocks, to fall asleep in a certain most vile little chapel to escape the rain: at which time she seemed to be admonished in dreams by God, who had shewn Himself to her; and she was then only in her sixteenth year.

Moved by which admonition, forthwith leaving the flock which she was keeping, she set out for the camp to the King. When she had come to his tent, she declared she wished to speak with the King of the greatest things, saying she was sent divinely by God. The chief men and the chamberlains spurned the maid, because by her garb and the habit of her body she seemed, as she was, one of the country-folk; whence they chastised her and rebuked her with hard words and roughly, because she was so bold and so petulant and rash as to presume, foolish and boorish, to approach and speak to so great a King. She none the less, comforted and impelled by God, persevering in her purpose, instantly demanded leave to go in to the King, since she said she brought him great and serious matters, not in any wise light or to be mocked. Whereat the courtiers being moved, at last brought her in to the King. But the Maid Janna, brought in to the King, when she had fallen upon her knees before him, greeted the royal majesty with all reverence, after the custom. And the King being greeted, all the chief men openly hearing, she spoke thus: Most glorious King, I, thy least handmaid, leaving the keeping of my flock over which I presided as one of the country-folk, by the bidding of Almighty God, to bear thee aid, whereby thou mayest recover thy lost kingdom, have come hither eagerly, and by divine command I warn thee to declare me captain of all thy host. Nor wonder that I, a poor and rustic maid, and of this most vile lot, have come forth hither and dared to undertake so great a command, since it has seemed good to Almighty God to choose the weak and contemptible things, to confound the strong.

But the King, revolving with himself the gravity of these words, straightway, silent and wondering, lifted his eyes to his chief men. And the same admiration stupefied the other nobles, saying under their breath that this was surely divine counsel, not human. But the King said: Maid, thou freely professest thou art sent to me by God for aid; but by what reason? Thou art a woman and a very young girl, unexperienced in all things, and how dost thou presume to take on thee the administration of so great an office and so great a host? This surely is not the task of thine office and tender age, but by military right of the most expert and practised men. Wherefore I warn thee once and again to consider again and again what thou bringest and what thou offerest.

With a constant and undaunted face she answered forthwith: Greatest King, I beseech thee, go not on to question more. God, by whom I am sent, will provide for this thy need. Nor, I pray, waste more time, if the safety of thy kingdom is dear to thee. And that thou mayest understand the truth, hear what I shall say to thee with witnesses withdrawn.

But after she had spoken with the King, the King, well-nigh stupefied and uncertain what to answer, on the spot pronounced her captain of all his host, all the chief men acclaiming. A thing well-nigh incredible and unheard of, and worthy of the greatest spectacle, if thou considerest so many princes, and the King himself, most practised in wars, subjecting themselves to the command of a young girl, sixteen years old, who had been taken from the care of a flock of sheep and swine or pigs, to see her, clad in man’s garments and arms, lead the armies of Gaul. Therefore, after this Janna the warrior maid was declared empress of all the royal host, the King commanded flashing and needful arms to be given her at once, and a most strong horse to be brought, covered marvellously with trappings and other ornaments. Which when she had mounted, her helm also set upon her head, the hair of her head hung spread over her shoulders. And when all the host beheld her so arrayed and armed, and sitting undaunted on the horse, she seemed to all a knight sent down from heaven.

Who, borne on horseback by the land road with part of the forces, strove towards the city of Orléans to dissolve the siege. But the King with all his forces and his chief and most strenuous princes set camp against camp at the river Rhône. But she, when she had come to the enemy, straightway joined battle with the utmost force. In which conflict and battle the captain of all the hostile host, with ten thousand English, was on the spot slain, and, in the space of three hours, she took three most fortified bulwarks of the enemy. Which seen, the King brought up all his most mighty host to free the city. And so, within four days, the city itself, the enemy driven off, was freed from the siege with the greatest glory of this young girl; which all reputed and believed a divine rather than a human deed. This exploit indeed a certain most excellent and rich witness, a most illustrious man, Guilielmus Guaschus by name, then a royal courtier, related to me seriously, as he had heard and seen it. And after this, through eight continuous years, she fought with the enemy thirty times in pitched battle. From which she ever came off superior and glorious, the most strenuous emperor of the English being taken, to her greatest glory and triumph, whom she delivered bound to her King. By which deeds, bringing in the said King Charles in triumph into Orléans, he was anointed and consecrated King after the custom by his nobles; which before he could not so easily do. The King therefore being anointed and gifted with the crown after the custom, with the greatest joy of all, was presented in the temple, she accompanying him, to his own glory and triumph. For by ancient law the King of the Franks may not be consecrated elsewhere than in that city, since all the insignia of the kings of the Gauls are kept placed there, which are applied to the King at his crowning, and chiefly the sacred unction sent down from heaven.

This Janna the Maid therefore, since she had obtained great glory in arms, and had wrested by fighting from the hands of the English the kingdom of the Franks, in great part lost, being set in her flourishing age, foretold to all not only that she would die, but also the manner of her death. For being at last taken in battle by the English themselves, and violently brought to the city of Rouen, there by them and their King accused of the crime of poisoning and the magic art, she was condemned to the most savage death by fire. And this was the end of so great a maid’s life; by which most atrocious punishment this woman of so unheard-of virtue was undeservedly slain. But after many years, Charles himself, a most excellent King, the city of Rouen being recovered, in that place where Janna the Maid had been atrociously burned, as a monument and title of maidenly honour, commanded a brazen cross, and indeed a most eminent and gilded one, to be set.

But King Louis, afterwards succeeding his father, taking most grievously the so undeserved death of so great a heroine, is said to have obtained from the Roman pontiff Pius, the second of that name, that he should send two men learned in the law into Gaul, who should examine anew and more diligently her cause and life. Who, when they had at last come into Gaul, straightway cited to them two survivors of the false counsellors and judges. Who, after they had accurately and diligently known all this cause, discovered plainly that the most innocent woman had been falsely condemned, and all things had been feigned against her, to wit the crimes of poisoning or magic art which had been alleged against her; nay rather that all her life had answered equally to her so illustrious deeds, nor had aught ever been committed by her whereby she could in any part have violated religion. For which causes they affected both with the same punishment of death wherewith they themselves had long before promulgated and condemned the most innocent maid. And to this condemnation was added that the bones of two other dead judges, dug up from their sepulchres, should likewise be burned with fire, and in that place where this heroine had been burned, a temple should be set; and of the remaining goods of the aforesaid, which had been confiscated, a daily sacrifice was instituted there to the honour of the Most High God and the propitiation of the deceased herself. And so in this wise was all honour recovered to this admirable woman.

For which merits and unheard-of deeds this Janna the Maid deservedly comes to be added by us here to the illustrious women.

LAONIC CHALCONDYLE. #

Laonic Chalcondyle or Chalcocondyle, an Athenian, a refugee in the kingdom of Naples, wrote some ten years after the taking of Constantinople by the Turks a history of that people’s conquests, from the year 1298 to the total extinction of the Greek empire. In the second book of this work he would needs treat of the affairs of the West, at the risk of proving once more the inventive genius of the Greeks in history, quidquid Graecia mendax audet in historia. It is solely for the curiosity of the fact that the short passage devoted by Chalcondyle to the memory of Joan of Arc is reported here. In the historian’s imagination, the long struggle of France and England, from Philip of Valois to Charles VII, is summed up in a single campaign. The town of Calais having fallen by surprise into the enemy’s hands, the French take arms, and, chasing the English, end by hemming them in on a mountain. These ask to capitulate: their offer is rejected; they fight and win the battle. This victory is followed by a second still more decisive, which took place, says the text, ἐν τῷ Πένθους πεδίῳ οὕτω καλουμένῳ, in the field surnamed since the Field of Mourning.

Chalcondyle continues in these terms:

Now the English, having subdued well-nigh the whole land, went against the mistress city of the kingdom, to wit the city of Paris. And the affairs of the French were at the point of coming right soon to every extremity of peril. And those French having recourse to foolish beliefs, because they were in such adventure where especially men are wont to turn themselves to superstition, a woman of great seeming and of whom it was said that God wrought by her, set herself to lead them, they being exhorted by her and deeming that the said woman must be their captain. So she said it was signified to her on God’s part that the English had assembled to come upon them and fight them again. Whereupon the English being in nothing amended, the French passed the night at the place where they were, and on the morrow, having already recovered better courage because of that woman who led them, they sallied to the battle, and by force of arms broke the enemies and drove them back in full career. After which the said woman died in that same war. And the French recomforted themselves and became bolder to fight the English, and having reconquered all their places, they won again their mistress city; so that many other armies were sent from England into France several times and in great power, notwithstanding which the French, as men say, ever had victory of their adversaries, and finally chased them out of all the country until they had driven them back within the town of Calais (1) (2).

(1) Conformed to the Byzantine text, Louvre edition, p. 49.

(2) This translation is mine. I have permitted myself to make it in the style of the fifteenth century, to render more exactly the Byzantine author’s much-degenerate language.

INDIRECT TESTIMONIES #

OF DIVERS AUTHORS. #

BERTRANDON DE LA BROQUIÈRE. #

Bertrandon de La Broquière, an Aquitaine gentleman, lord of Vieil-Castel, counsellor and first carver esquire of the Duke of Burgundy, wrote what follows in the relation of a journey in the East which he accomplished in 1433. The passage concerns his sojourn at Constantinople.

The Catalan merchant at whose house I was lodged said to one of the Emperor’s people (1) that I was of my lord of Burgundy. Who had me asked whether it was true that the Duke of Burgundy had taken the Maid, for it seemed to the Greeks a thing impossible. I told them the truth of it, just as the thing had been: whereat they were much amazed (2).

(1) John Palaeologus II, second to last Emperor of the East.

(2) Drawn from manuscript n° 10025-2 of the Royal Library, fol. 210.

JEAN DE VAULX. #

Jean de Vaulx, native of the diocese of Arras, master of arts and doctor of theology, was rector of the University of Paris in 1460. Being a pupil at the College of Navarre, he wrote with his own hand a Terence which is today among the manuscripts of the Royal

Library (n° 7909 Latin). He has consigned on the flyleaves of this volume divers memories, of which this one:

I, Johannes de Vallibus, was studying at Paris in the faculty of arts, when the lord of L’Isle-Adam, with three hundred men or less, in favour of the lord Duke of Burgundy, took the city of Paris, certain folk within the city walls favouring him, etc.

To narrate the wars, the takings of cities, which flourished while wars reigned in France, would be long, since they have lasted from the death of the Duke of Orléans until now, and still last. Now the death of the Duke of Orléans was in the year seven, and the year thirty-seven now runs. Yet of a certain Maid, called Joan, since it was a marvel, I have deemed this writing should be added for those who look. She moreover bore a man’s habit and in arms against the English fought most strenuously many times. She was present when the siege made upon the Orléans folk by the English was violently carried away. But taken by the Burgundians and delivered to the English, she was burned at Rouen.

PIERRE DES GROS. #

Pierre des Gros, doctor of theology, of the order of Saint Francis, who figured in the quarrel of the mendicant orders with the University of Paris in 1456, gives his opinion on Joan of Arc in these terms in his Jardin des Nobles, a work which he wrote in 1463 for Yvon du Fou, a Breton gentleman, counsellor of Louis XI:

To the kings of France, marvellous signs and miracles shown by God, as in the holy Ampoule and the Oriflamme, the Fleurs-de-lis and in the Maid (1).

(1) M. Paulin Paris made this passage known in his analysis of the Jardin des Nobles. See his work on the French Manuscripts of the King’s Library, vol. II, p. 149.

GUI PAPE. #

Gui Pape, celebrated Dauphiné jurisconsult, president of the parliament of Grenoble, deprived at the accession of Louis XI, died in 1476, says in his Decisiones Gratianopolitanae, question 84:

I saw also in my times the Maid, named Joan, who began to reign in the year in which I was made doctor. Who, by divine inspiration, taking warlike arms, from the year of the Lord 1430, restored the kingdom of France, expelling the English from the kingdom by armed force, and restoring the aforesaid King Charles to his kingdom of France. Which Maid reigned three or four years.

ROZMITAL DE BLATNA. #

Leo of Rozmital and of Blatna, grand judge of Bohemia and brother-in-law of King George Podiebrad, made in 1465 and 1466 a journey in western Europe, of which his secretaries wrote two relations, one in German, whose text has been lately found again, the other in Bohemian, which Stanislas Pawlowicz, canon of Olmütz, translated into Latin in 1577. In the latter the Maid is in question on the occasion of the Bohemian travellers’ passing at Blaye. This mention is only a tissue of errors and absurdities proceeding doubtless from the little intelligence the author had of the French tongue. Here it is:

From Mirambeau to Blaye is a journey of seven miles. That city is set on the Compostela road, so that those setting out from Paris and from all the lower regions for Compostela must needs pass the strait of seven miles at it. The Garonne river, which unloads itself into the sea, flows by it. This city the kings of England once held a hundred and fifty years; but it was recovered through a certain prophetic woman, who had also recovered the whole realm of Gaul from the English (1).

That woman, once born of a shepherd, was adorned by God with such virtues that whatsoever she undertook, she brought to a good issue. But in the last battle, taken by the King of England and brought into England, after she had there by his command been set on a brazen horse and led through the city of London, she was done to death by the violence of flames and at last reduced to ashes, which were afterwards scattered on the sea (2).

(1) The town of Blaye was not reconquered until 1451 by the Count of Dunois. It is probable the Bohemian author confused Blaye with Blois, and perhaps also the story of Joan with that of the Duchess of Gloucester, who was paraded as a penitent in London for the crime of sorcery. However, it is to be noted that the false Joan of Arc made war in the west of France in 1436, and that the passage reported here might at a pinch have to do with some attempt made on Blaye at that date. The history of Guienne, Saintonge and Poitou is absolutely lacking in the chronicles.

(2) Extract from volume VII of the collection entitled Bibliothek des Literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart (8vo, 1844). The German relation contains none of these errors. Here is what is said of Blaye in it, which the author calls Plaa: There lies the holy virgin Saint Apollonia and Saint Reverin. Item, there lies also Olivernus and the great Bulant and his sister.

SIMON DE PHARES. #

Simon de Phares, of the family of the celebrated Jean de Meun, brought up at Châteaudun with the children of the Count of Dunois, botanist, mineralogist and astrologer, pensioned first by John II, Duke of Bourbon, then by Charles VIII, author of a biographical collection on the illustrious astrologers, which he wrote for the King his master, in 1495. He names the Maid there on the occasion of a Genevan skilled in the science of the stars, whose son he knew, who had become a printer at Geneva.

About this time [1430] was at Geneva master Guillaume Barbin, doctor in medicine and a great astrologer. He foretold in his young age the exile of the English and the relief of the King of France: which was a thing marvellous enough, seeing that it was by means of a simple maid. It is well that a certain master Rollandus Scriptoris (1) gave the election for this purpose, the 16th day of (2), at the 23rd hour…

12 minutes, the 16th degree of Libra ascending, and a fixed star named Spica in the ascendant Venus, Mercury and the sun at mid-heaven (3).

(1) A beadle of the University of Paris, who made the almanacks for the use of that body, according to the same Simon de Phares.

(2) Lacuna in the manuscript.

(3) From the author’s manuscript, preserved in the Royal Library, n° 7487 French.

JEAN BOUCHET. #

Jean Bouchet makes a digression on Joan of Arc in his Annales d’Aquitaine (part IV). He confines himself to copying the Miroir des femmes vertueuses, joining to that testimony a memory which he had kept since the age of nineteen, for he says the fact came to his knowledge in 1495, and he was born in 1476. Here are his own words:

I heard tell in my youth, and in the year one thousand four hundred ninety-five, from the late Christofle du Peirat, then dwelling at Poitiers and near my house, who was near a hundred years old, that in my said house there had been an inn where hung the sign of the Rose, where the said Joan was lodged; and that he saw her mount on horseback all armed in white to go to the said place of Orléans (1). And he shewed me a little stone which is at the corner of the Rue Saint-Étienne, where she took her step up to mount upon her horse (2).

(1) André Thevet, in his Chorographie universelle (vol. II, fol. 581), repeats the same fact as holding it from the very mouth of Jean Bouchet.

(2) This stone, or another which passes for it, is deposited today in the Museum of Poitiers.

END OF THE FOURTH VOLUME. #

TABLE, by authors’ names, OF THE TESTIMONIES REPORTED IN THIS VOLUME. #

FRENCH.

Perceval de Cagny 1

Another Alençon chronicler 38

The Herald Berri 40

Jean Chartier 51

Journal of the Siege of Orléans and of the Reims journey 95

Chronicle of the Maid 203

The Abbreviator of the trial 254

The Mirror of Virtuous Women 267

Pierre Sala 277

Guillaume Girault 282

Jean Rogier 284

The clerk of the town hall of Albi 300

Mathieu Thomassin 303

French continuator of Guillaume de Nangis 313

Guillaume Gruel 315

The Dean of Saint-Thibaud of Metz 321

The chronicle of Lorraine 329

Three anonymous Norman chroniclers 339

— Symphorien Champier (note) 344

Robert Blondel 347

Thomas Basin 350

— Life of Guillaume de Gamaches 358

BURGUNDIANS.

Enguerran de Monstrelet 360

Jean de Wavrin du Forestel 405

The clerk of the Chamber of Accounts of Brabant 425

Le Fèvre de Saint-Remi 429

Georges Chastellain 440

Pontus Heuterus 448

Clément de Fauquemberque, clerk of the Parliament of Paris 450

The alleged Bourgeois of Paris 461

FOREIGNERS.

William Wyrcester 475

William Caxton 476

— Polydore Vergil (note) 477

Walter Bower 478

The religious of Dunfermline 482

Eberhard de Windecken 485

Jean Nider 503

Lorenzo Buonincontro 506

— Saint Antoninus (note) 507

Pope Pius II 508

Guerneri Berni 519

— Baptiste Fulgoso (note) 520

Philip of Bergamo 521

Laonic Chalcondyle 529

INDIRECT TESTIMONIES.

Bertrandon de La Broquière 532

Jean de Vaulx 532

Pierre des Gros 533

Gui Pape 534

Rozmital de Blatna 534

Simon de Phares 536

Jean Bouchet 536

END OF THE TABLE OF THE FOURTH VOLUME. #