CatholicaHaddan & Stubbs, Councils vol. I (1869), pp. 122–137 — the editors’ English commentary kept, the Latin, Welsh and Irish sources translated. The canons in Appendix A are Haddan & Stubbs’s edition (Codex Sangermanensis with the Codex Bigotianus variants) of the collection also printed by Wasserschleben as the “Excarpsus de libris Romanorum et Francorum” / Judicium Culparum.
*Annales Cambriae — year CLVII: “The Synod of Urbs Legionum… David bishop of Menevia” [at M.H.B. 831.] *Annals of Menevia — “A synod of Urbs Legionum ordered by St David, Menevian archbishop” (Wharton, A.S. II, 643).
Editorial notes (abbreviated and partly damaged in the source scan): “David, possibly the same both — ‘Anno Domini 601 died [honorifice]… Menevensis’” — the Conference with St Augustine, A.D. 601, took place two years before his death. “Moni Judeorum” is in Kent — the Irish name for Meniuus, Vetus quinque… — “I, Maelduib bishop, gave this doom: if… the abbot of the same…” The following, from William of Malmesbury (Antiq. Glaston.): “The Britons were not driven from Glastonbury by a Saxon monk of the neighbourhood until much after the dates A.D. 652–653 (Anglo-Saxon Chronicle).”
The British Church in relation to the Saxons #
A.D. 602 or 603. Conferences between the British bishops and St Augustine at St Augustine’s Oak, at which the British Church rejects submission to the papal appointment of St Augustine as her metropolitan. [See below under the Saxon Church; and for the grounds of the refusal which began formally with these Conferences, below at Augustine’s Oak.]
The answer attributed to Dinoth (Spelman I, 108–109; Wilkins I, 16–17) is now given on account of its notoriety. It was copied in the beginning of the 17th century by Spelman from a MS. in the possession of Mr Peter Mostyn, which he thought to be an ancient MS. Two copies of it exist — in Cott. MSS. Cleop. E.I. 76, and Claud. A.VIII. — and it is given here from the former, with the wording of the latter. See Smith’s Bede, App. X. The Latin is Spelman’s.
The answer of Dinoth, abbot of Bangor, to Augustine:
[Welsh with Spelman’s Latin:]
It is known to us and to all men that God only and alone is to be loved by every Christian; and that to God and to the Church of God and to the true shepherd is due obedience in all things. But we are also ready to render to you the obedience that is fitting — that is, which we owe to every Christian, according to the duty of charity. Moreover, we are under the government of the Bishop of Caerleon-upon-Usk, who is overseer under God over us, to cause us to keep our way spiritual.
A.D. 604×610. Letter of Laurence, archbishop of Canterbury, to the British bishops.
Bede, H.E. II.4 — “The same Laurentius, with his fellow-bishops, sent letters to the priests of the Britons also, worthy of his degree, whereby he strove to confirm them in Catholic unity. But how much he profited by so doing, the present times still declare.” (M.H.B. 153.)
[Editorial:] It is as well to note those of Ireland. — At this period also, A.D. 605–613, “Fintan the Briton” (i.e. the Briton) was abbot of Hy. See Annals of Ulster and Tigernach ad annos.
A.D. 613. Slaughter of the British monks of Bangor Iscoed at Caerleon (Chester) by Ethelfrid of Northumbria.
Bede, H.E. II.2 — “For after this the aforementioned most valiant king of the English, Æthelfrid, having gathered a great army at the city of the Legions — which by the English people is called Legaceaster, but by the Britons more rightly Carlegion — gave the greatest slaughter of that perfidious nation. And being about to give battle, he perceived their priests, who had assembled to pray to God for the army fighting the war, standing apart in a safer place, and asked who these might be and what they were come there to do. Now most of them were of the monastery of Bangor, in which so great a number of monks is said to have been that, when the monastery was divided into seven portions each with its own appointed rector, none of these portions contained fewer than three hundred men, who all used to live by the labour of their own hands. Most of these therefore had come to the aforementioned army to pray, a three days’ fast having been performed, with others for the sake of prayer, having a defender named Brocmail who should protect them, intent upon their prayers, from the swords of the barbarians. And when King Æthelfrid understood the cause of their coming, he said: “If they are crying to their God against us, then surely they also, though they bear no arms, fight against us, who assail us with hostile imprecations.” Therefore he bade arms first be turned against them, and so destroyed the rest of the impious military force — not without great loss to his own army. They say that of those who had come to pray, about twelve hundred men were slain in that fight, and only fifty escaped by flight. Brocmail, at the first onset of the enemy, turned his back with his men and left those whom he should have defended unarmed and naked to the smiting swords. And so was fulfilled the presage of the holy pontiff Augustine — although himself long since taken up into the heavenly kingdom — that the perfidious should feel even temporal destruction in vengeance, because they had despised the counsels of eternal salvation offered them.” (M.H.B. 150–151.)
Annales Cambriae — year CLXIX: “Gueith (i.e. the battle) of Cair Legion, and there fell Selim son of Cinan.” (M.H.B. 833.)
Annals of Tigernach, A.D. 613 — “The battle of Caerleon where the saints were slain, and there fell Solem son of Conan, king of the Britons, and Cetula the king fell. Æthelfrid was the victor, who died immediately afterwards.” (O’Connor II, 182; and to the same effect, Annals of Ulster, A.D. 612.)
[Editorial notes:] In one MS. of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the date is given as A.D. 605, in another A.D. 607; and the Annals of Innisfallen have A.D. 606 (O’Connor II) — but these are merely inferences from Bede, on the supposition that the battle “considerably after Augustine’s death” could not have been earlier. — Æthelfrid was not a Christian.
A.D. 616×627. Asserted baptism of Edwin of Northumbria by a British priest.
Nennius, appendix [9th century] — “Eguin son of Ælle occupied Elmet and expelled Certic king of that region. Eanfled his daughter received baptism on the twelfth day after Pentecost with all her people, both men and women, with her. And Eadguin himself received baptism the following Easter, and twelve thousand men were baptized with him. If anyone would know who baptized them: Rum son of Urbgen baptized them, and for forty days he ceased not to baptize the whole people of the Ambri, and by his preaching many believed in Christ.” (M.H.B. 76.)
Annales Cambriae — year CLXXXII: “Etguin is baptized, and Run son of Urbgen baptized him.” (M.H.B. 832.)
[Editorial notes:] This looks like an early copy of Bede’s Rochester narrative (H.E. II.9, 14), only substituting Run son of Urbgen for Paulinus. — And Paulinus was the Roman, and Romanus a Scot, and Rum a Briton of the Italian party. Edwin, the first Christian of his family, took the Roman side in the Paschal controversy, expelled from his kingdom when only controversy decided it at Whitby A.D. 663–664. Possibly the difficulty of these facts brought in the Christian court of the Briton Run son of Urien, the Cumbrian chief celebrated by Taliesin — who may possibly have become a priest subsequently. See also the note in one MS. of Nennius that “he baptized Rhun son of Urien,” i.e. Paulinus. But that Rhun actually was Paulinus (Hodgson Hinde, Hist. of Northumberland) is most improbable.
A.D. 631 (632). Annals of Ulster — “The burning of Bennchor Mór in Britain.” (O’Connor IV, 45.) — [i.e. Bangor Mawr on the Menai, distinguished from the Irish Bangor and from Bangor Iscoed by the epithet “Mawr”. St Finnian, c. A.D. 630–640, left Ireland “for the Britons in the province of the Angles,” i.e. for the Welsh of the then British kingdom.]
A.D. 664. British bishops (probably Cornish) join Wini, the Saxon bishop of Wessex, in consecrating Ceadda for York.
Bede, H.E. III.28 — “The aforementioned man (Ceadda) was consecrated bishop by him (Wini), two bishops of the British nation being taken into fellowship of the ordination — who keep the Lord’s Paschal day contrary to the canonical custom from the fourteenth to the twentieth moon.” (M.H.B. 206.) — [The terms on which the Church of Wessex stood relatively to those of Cornwall and of Wales in the time of Aldhelm (Epist. ad Gerunt., A.D. 705) suggest these bishops to have been Cornish.]
A.D. 670. British church endowments claimed by the Saxon Church.
Eddius, Life of Wilfrid XVII — “Standing therefore the holy bishop Wilfrid before the altar, turned to the people, enumerating the regions which former kings had given him, he plainly declared: and also those holy places in various regions which the clergy of the Britons deserted, fleeing from the hostile sword with the hand of our nation.” (Gafr., 60.) — [At Ripon church, A.D. 655–670 (H.E. III.14). And possibly referring to still earlier Saxon conquests: the British were driven out of Elmet in A.D. 616, and out of Loidis in A.D. 617 (Bede); and the British had lost Elmet and Loidis in the earlier part of the century (Ann. Camb., s.a. 616). If therefore Wilfrid referred to British church-holds round Ripon, his words reach back to before A.D. 616.]
A.D. 671. Annals of Tigernach — “Maelruba sails to Britain”; truly A.D. 673 — “Maelcoba founded the church of Abercrossan” (O’Connor II, 307–308, adding his death also, as Maelruba, A.D. 722). — [Similarly Annals of Ulster, A.D. 670–671; and the same Maelrubha (Ap. 17, Mag.) was a companion of St Columba’s.]
A.D. 672. Annals of Tigernach — “The burning of Bennchor of the Britons” (O’Connor II, 308); A.D. 671, Annals of Ulster — “The burning of Bennchar of the Britons” (O’Connor IV, 59). — [The Annals of the Four Masters give A.D. 670.]
A.D. 677. Annals of Tigernach — “Beccan of Rum rested in the island of Britain” (O’Connor II, 310). — [Probably in Scotland: the inscription at Kirkmadrine, Wigtonshire (Petrie, Christian Inscriptions, 431, ed. Brington), runs — “Hic iacent s(an)c(t)i et praecipui sacerdotes id est Viventius et Mavorius” — and the Annals of the Four Masters place Beccan’s (of Rumendarren) death in 675, 17 March.]
Earlier part of the 7th century. Acts of church discipline towards Welsh princes, attributed to early bishops of Llandaff.
[Editorial:] The Liber Landavensis records the excommunication — 1. of Meurig king of Glamorgan, by Bishop Oudoceus (L.L. 139–140); 2. of Morgan king of Glamorgan, both of them for murder and ravaging many lands in the bishop’s presence (L.L. 143–145); 3. of Gwrgan king of Gwent for fratricide (L.L. 171–173), by Oudoceus bishop of Llandaff (probably beginning of the 7th century); 4. of Tewdwr king of Dyfed, by Bishop Gwrwan (about the same date, L.L. 158–160); 5. of Clytri; and 6. of Gwrfoddw kings of Ergyng (or Archenfield), by Bishop Berthgwyn successor of Oudoceus (L.L. 168–169, 180–181), the former two for a like crime to that of Meurig, the last for incest with his daughter-in-law. Gwrgan also was sentenced to a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. And in each case lands were given to the see of Llandaff by the culprit when reconciled, of which gifts the record of the facts was drawn up as a title-deed. The book however in which these records occur is a compilation of the 12th century; nor can any of the documents from which it was apparently compiled claim earlier date than the 10th at present. In some cases the style suggests the same hand. They are assigned this date here as not being contemporary or genuine records (and they are printed at length in the Lib. Landav., and in Wilkins I, 17–18, 196–197). But the bare facts alleged by them may possibly be admitted on their evidence, and are likely in themselves.
Latter part of the 7th century. Irish canons condemn the Britons for their separation from the rest of the Western Church.
From the Collectio Canonum Hibernensium, book XX, ch. 6 — “The Roman institution says: Beware lest causes be referred to other provinces or Churches which use another custom and another religion: either to Jews, who serve the shadow rather than the truth; or to Britons, who are contrary to all and cut themselves off from the Roman custom and from the unity of the Church; or to heretics, however learned and studious they may be in ecclesiastical causes.”
[Editorial:] From St Gall MS. 243, p. 54. The words of the canon are partly borrowed from words attributed, but with questionable accuracy, to Gildas (see above, pp. 113–114); but a “Roman institution” must date after Augustine, A.D. 600; and as adopted by the Irish Church or by any part of it, after A.D. 632. On the other hand, the collection of canons in which it occurs was known and in use among the foreign Irish monks in the earlier half of the 8th century, i.e. before A.D. 763 at latest. Also in A.D. 768 the British Church submitted, or began to conform, to the Roman Easter — below in its place under the Irish Church. On the Anglo-Saxon side, see a like condemnation of the British Church in Theodore’s Penitential, A.D. 668×690, below in its place in this work. The canon attributed to St Patrick which provides that “a cleric who comes to us (Scots in Ireland) from Britain without a letter, though he dwell in the people, shall not minister” (Wilk. I, 2), belongs to a set of canons plainly subsequent to the adoption by the Irish of the Roman custom, i.e. not earlier than the middle of the 7th century, and probably contemporary with that given above in the text. It will be found below in its place under the Irish Church.
Appendix a — Welsh Canons (?), Seventh Century (?) #
Incipit Judicium Culparum — Excerpts from the Books of the Romans and the Franks.
From the same hand (or so it would seem) as the documents of a like date with their own — (i) from the manuscript, (ii) from the resemblance, though remote, of several canons of the collection in the Latin abridgment of the Laws of Howel Dda, 10th century, which appear to imply them to have been among the older laws worked up into Howel’s code. On the other hand, two of the three MSS. used by Wasserschleben name them “of the Romans and Franks”. Wasserschleben unhesitatingly pronounced them Welsh from the internal evidence and from their nearness to the later Welsh code; but it should be observed that the Latin MS. (Bigot.) agrees more closely with Howel’s code than the first (8th century) MS. does. On the whole, they may be pronounced probably Welsh; and if so, belong to that period (c. A.D. 550–650) in which the Welsh Church and Welsh principalities appear to have become organised.
C. 1. If anyone shall have committed homicide intentionally, let him pay three female and three male slaves, and receive security. (Bigotianus adds another chapter here: If anyone in anger shall have committed homicide, he shall pay four female slaves and as many male slaves, and himself shall have security.)
C. 2. If anyone shall have been summoned to judgement and shall have wished to be hard in making satisfaction, and shall himself have been slain for that cause — we enjoin that two female and two male slaves be paid. But if he shall have lost a hand or a foot or any limb, let him know he shall likewise receive two-thirds of the price.
C. 3. If anyone shall have been suspected on a charge of homicide and has not full proof against him, let him, with forty-eight named men — of whom twenty-four shall swear in church that he is truthful — depart thus without charge. But if they shall not have sworn, let him pay three female and three male slaves and receive security.
C. 4. If a slave shall have slain a freeman and it was through the freeman’s fault — whether by cudgel or double-edged weapon or doubtfully or by knife he was slain — let the homicide himself be delivered to the kindred, and let them have power to do with him whatever they will.
C. 5. If any master shall have permitted his slave to bear arms and he shall have slain a free man, let him know that he shall pay both for him and for another like him.
C. 6. If any freeman shall have slain another’s slave without fault [in the slave], two slaves to the master. But if the fault was the slave’s, let another slave be restored to the master.
C. 7. If anyone in a quarrel shall have wounded a man — whether he shall have struck out a hand or a foot or an eye — let him know that he shall pay a female or a male slave. But if he shall have struck off the thumb of the hand, let him pay the half of a female slave, that is half the price of a male slave.
C. 8. If anyone shall have struck a man with lance or sword so that he sees the entrails, let him know he shall pay three pounds of silver.
C. 9. If anyone shall have struck another’s head so that he sees the skin of the brain, let him be compelled to pay six pounds of silver.
C. 10. If anyone shall have struck another with a lance and pierced the arm or the foot so that the limb is not destroyed, let him know that he shall give three pounds of silver.
C. 11. If anyone shall find his horse or ox or whatever beast stolen tied up or slain, we enjoin that he provide fitting jurors, and let him suffer no loss; but if they shall not have sworn, let him pay.
C. 12. If anyone shall have committed homicide and taken flight, let his kindred have the space of fifteen days — either to pay a part and sit secure, or themselves to depart from the country; and if afterwards the slayer himself shall wish to return, let him pay the half that remains, and live secure. But if meanwhile he shall have been slain, let the payment and what they received be restored.
C. 13. If anyone shall have hurled a lance at another, the man being unhurt, let him be compelled to pay one pound of silver.
C. 14. If anyone shall have reaped another’s grain, whatever damage he shall have caused — according to the oath of the owner of the harvest with another fit person — let it beyond doubt be restored.
C. 15. If another’s pigs shall have remained on the crop by night for the greater part, let him pay a quadrisextarius.
C. 16. If anyone shall have been suspected on a charge of fornication and has not full proof, let him swear with his kindred in three basilicas, from the lesser even to the greater, all of them — and let him have no charge. But if they shall not have sworn, let him pay a female slave.
C. 17. If anyone shall have lost a horse or a cow or any beast, and shall be able to find it with someone, and it shall have been proved against him for three months — we enjoin that the triple be received.
C. 18. If a little child up to fifteen years shall have committed any misdeed, nothing is reckoned under judgement, save that he receive discipline; but after that age, let him restore whatever he shall have stolen.
C. 19. If another’s pigs shall have entered the acorn-woods and been caught, let him know he shall give a young pig; but if he shall have driven them in of his own will, let him not doubt to give a full-grown pig.
C. 20. If a slave shall have committed theft or misdeed, let him be beaten with rods and restore what he stole.
C. 21. If any freeman shall have committed theft and shall have died in the very act, let none of his kin have the claim [to answer for him].
C. 22. If anyone, free or slave, committing theft by night shall have been struck with a lance in the very act and shall have died — let him who slew him have no cause of payment.
C. 23. If anyone shall have been suspected on a charge of theft and has not full proof, let his goods be sealed up for certain days, until either his falsehood or his truth shall have come to light.
C. 24. If anyone shall have been summoned to judgement and shall have refused to come — this being proved by witnesses — let him be compelled to pay one pound of silver, and whatever shall have been claimed from him let him restore without delay. (Bigotianus here adds a chapter: If anyone shall not have answered a summons but shall have been summoned to judgement by the tribute-officer, if he shall have neglected the first summons let him give a pledge, and if he shall have neglected to come a second time, let him pay double.)
C. 25. If anyone shall have bought a field, if he has committed no offence, let heir leave inheritance to heir.
C. 26. If anyone shall have left of his own will, let him have no force against the reclaimer — let him know he shall pay according to the wound.
C. 27. If anyone on a charge of fornication shall have corrupted another’s wife, let them die the death if caught — and let him who slew them not fear to have any charge.
C. 28. If anyone shall have bought a slave or a female slave or any beast or anything, and it shall have been sealed [delivered] with him — unless he shall have produced the vendor [warranty-author] or had sureties, let him know he is to be dealt with as a thief.
C. 29. If anyone shall have bought a Gallic or Saxon horse or any breed — let this be proved by witnesses, and let it have been sealed with him — let the witnesses equal themselves one with another; if equal, let them divide.
C. 30. But if anyone shall reclaim witnesses and have them not, but shall endeavour to seek out a falsehood — let him know he shall pay the triple.
C. 31. If anyone’s animals shall have remained untouched in his neighbour’s grass, let him pay eight pounds of tin; but if they shall have been taken in the pasture, let him pay four pounds of tin.
C. 32. If anyone shall have lost a female or male slave and shall suspect another — with twenty-four named men, and twelve of them, let him swear that he is truthful; but if they shall not have sworn, let him pay without the oath.
C. 33. If anyone shall have lost a horse — six men being called upon, of whom three shall swear — he shall suffer no loss.
C. 34. But if he shall have lost a cow or an ox — four of all being called upon, of whom two shall swear — he shall suffer no loss.
C. 35. If anyone shall have struck another so that he broke his upper lip, let him pay three cows.
C. 36. If anyone shall have struck another in the face with a slap so that blood or a bruise appears, let him pay one pound of silver.
C. 37. If anyone shall have been struck while interceding in a strife, we enjoin that he receive half composition according to the wound.
C. 38. If a slave shall have slain another’s slave, let the living one remain common to the masters.
C. 39. Whose animal, whether ox or cow, shall have slain another with its horn — the living and the dead shall be common to them. But if a bull shall have slain a cow or an ox, let the owner have no cause of payment.
C. 40. If a layman shall wish to sue a cleric on any charge, let them come to the bishop’s arbitration.
C. 41. If a cleric shall wish to sue a layman, they ought to come to the judge’s penance.
C. 42. If anyone at death shall have devised an inheritance, whatever he shall have charged before witnesses, we enjoin that it all stand and not be removed.
C. 43. If any contention shall have arisen concerning the boundary of a territory, let witnesses be required, and let the boundary which formerly was remain.
C. 44. But if a cleric shall have been sued on a charge and no report has been known against him, let the cause be decided by his own oath.
C. 45. But if he shall have borne an ill report before — jurors being enjoined — let the cause be decided after the lay manner.
C. 46. If anyone, a misdeed being committed, shall have come of his own will to confession to a priest — we enjoin that he be condemned by none.
C. 47. But if he shall have wished to deny and shall have been convicted by another — and it shall be known that he did this in time of rebellion — let him pay his price in the judgement, and know that he shall give the triple.
C. 48. If anyone shall have invoked God as surety and shall have despised Him, let him be condemned by the judge’s sentence.
C. 49. If anyone shall have bought a field or a village and the principal himself shall have committed theft — let him die the death, and let the land he bought revert to the fisc.
C. 50. But if a son or daughter or brother shall have committed theft and taken flight, let him pay a female or male slave and possess the field. But if they shall have remained innocent, let heir leave to heirs.
C. 51. If anyone shall have slain another with a slap — so that neither blood nor bruise appears — let him pay five shillings.
C. 52. If anyone shall have made a strife before the church, he is compelled to pay one pound of silver, and let it be lent as alms for the needy.
C. 53. If anyone shall have struck another with a scourge, let him pay one pound of silver; if before the church, let it be reckoned as the church’s alms.
C. 54. If anyone shall have bought a female or male slave and a defect shall have appeared in him before the third year — we command that it be returned to the former owner.
C. 55. But if the year shall have passed, whatever defect there is in the slave, let the seller have no cause.
C. 56. If anyone shall have bought a horse, if no defect shall have appeared within one month, let it in no wise be returned.
C. 57. If anyone shall have driven off a horse before a robber — if in the same country, let him receive six scruples; if in another, a river being crossed, let him receive a third part of its price.
C. 58. If anyone shall have struck another with a cudgel so that blood ran, let him pay a cow; but if he shall have made a greater wound, we enjoin composition accordingly.
C. 59. If anyone shall have driven off a female or male slave in the part where they could escape — for two miles or a third part of their price let him justly receive. Otherwise, if it was a female slave, let him who catches her justly receive two pounds; if a male slave, let him receive one pound of tin.
C. 60. If anyone shall have pointed out a horse and been able to catch it, let him justly receive a third of its price or one ounce.
C. 61. Let none withhold the wood of another’s chief village, neither wet nor dry, nor seaweed of the sea, save for oxen — let him give for the grass.
C. 62. If anyone shall have done otherwise, he is convicted.
C. 63. If anyone shall have pastured another’s horse and shall have pastured his own — if he acknowledges the pasturing, let him not doubt beyond doubt to surrender with the horse; and we enjoin that it be his own property.
C. 64. If anyone as chief shall have evicted a neighbour, even if he shall wish to go willingly — whether house or garden he has power to sell, save the hedges which enclose the crops and grasses.
C. 65. If a layman shall have struck a cleric, let him redeem his hand in stated terms and come to penance.
C. 66. But if a cleric shall have struck a layman, let him pay according to the wound after the lay manner, without doubt.
C. 67. If anyone shall have interceded in a strife and shall have been struck by a liar — let him know that he is to be compensated according to the wound by law. But if he shall have been struck by a truthful man, we command that he receive half composition from the truthful and half from the liar. And this we say likewise of death.
[Here ends the collection in Codex Sangermanensis; in Codex Bigotianus are four additional chapters:]
C. 59 [Bigot.]. If anyone, lawfully by the will of the law, shall have joined a married woman to his son and thereafter shall have presumed to keep a slave-woman as concubine — let him be a stranger to the Church of God and to every Christian table, unless he be recalled to penance.
C. 60 [Bigot.]. If anyone shall have wished to have his slave-woman in marriage and has power over his goods — if afterwards he shall wish to sell her, it is not permitted. But if he shall have wished to sell her, we command him to be condemned, and we place that slave-woman in the priest’s power.
C. 61 [Bigot.]. If any Catholic shall have grown his hair after the manner of the barbarians, let him be held a stranger to the Church of God and to every Christian table until he amend the offence.
C. 62 [Bigot.]. If a dog shall have eaten anything — for the first offence let nothing be paid for it save itself. But if it shall have offended again, let the dog’s owner pay what it ate.
Appendix B — Documents Relating to the British Liturgy #
I. An account of the origin of the Scottish liturgy, and of the British (after A.D. 429), assumed to be the same — tracing it through Germanus and Lupus to St Mark, and distinguishing it from the Gallican: drawn up by some foreign Scoto-Irish monk, probably in the 8th century.
[The text begins:] “If we diligently inspect the courses of the authorities, we find in the beginning it was chanted — not as some unskilled have claimed or have put forward as a various objection —” [the file ends here, mid-sentence]